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POLITICS  AND    PEN    PICTURES 


AT   HOME  AND   ABROAD 


'  ,   '  I     .  -It 

BY 


HENRY   W.  HILLIARD,  LL.D. 


The  whole  earth  is  a  sepulchre  of  illustrious  men." 

Pericles. 


G.    P.    PUTNAM'S    SONS 

NEW    YORK  LONDON 

*7   WEST  TWENTY-THIRD    STREET  24    BEDFORD    STREET,  STRAND 

&he  ^nickcrbother  |hess 
1S92 


Copyright,  1892 

BY 

HENRY  W.  HILLIARD 


Electrotyped,  Printed,  and  Bound  by 

Ube  fwicfcerbocfeer  lpress,  Iftew  IBotft 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE. 

After  an  extended  observation  of  public  affairs  in  the 
United  States,  and  in  other  countries,  I  purpose  to  write 
a  history  of  some  of  the  most  important  events  that  I 
have  witnessed,  and  to  sketch  some  of  the  most  conspicu- 
ous actors  in  the  great  drama  of  this  nineteenth  century 
now  drawing  towards  its  close. 

Having  been  engaged  in  the  service  of  my  country  at 
home  and  abroad,  it  has  been  my  fortune  to  meet  many 
eminent  men,  and  to  observe  the  actual  working  of  the 
political  systems  that  have  so  rapidly  developed  the  re- 
sources and  advanced  the  power  of  the  United  States 
where  free  government  is  established,  and  those  of  other 
countries  where  monarchical  forms  exist  with  all  the 
accessories  of  pomp  and  splendor  and  state. 

I  have  seen  the  rise  and  fall  of  parties,  the  overthrow 
of  reigning  dynasties,  and  the  setting  up  on  the  ruins  of 
fallen  thrones  other  establishments.  Of  these  events  and 
the  men  who  took  part  in  them  I  shall  write  freely ;  in 
the  hope  that  the  following  pages  recording  the  struggles, 
the  disasters,  and  the  triumphs  which  have  occurred  in 
our  time  may  contribute  something  towards  the  advance- 
ment of  the  liberty  of  mankind  all  over  the  world. 

Henry  W.  Hilliard. 


Atlanta,  Ga., 
January,  1891. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

National  Whig  Convention  at  Harrisburg — General  Harrison — Hon- 
orable Henry  Clay — General  Scott — John  Tyler — James  Barbour — 
Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh — Judge  Burnet — Horace  Greeley    .         .       I 

CHAPTER    II. 

The  Canvass  of  1840 — Mr.  Van  Buren's  Administration — Financial 
Policy — Personal  Qualities — General  William  Henry  Harrison — 
John  Tyler — The  Whig  Plan  of  the  Canvass — Great  Popular 
Meetings — Leading  Statesmen  on  the  Hustings — Unparalleled 
Enthusiasm  ...........     12 

CHAPTER  III. 

Inauguration  of  President  Harrison — Death — Accession  of  Mr.  Tyler — 
Mission  to  Belgium — Washington — New  York — The  Ocean — The 
Voyage — Arrival  at  Liverpool — High-Sheriff's  Coach — Judge 
Maule 23 

CHAPTER  IV. 

London — Edward  Everett — Sir  Robert  Peel — An  Evening  in  the  House 
of  Lords  —  The  Duke  of  Wellington  —  Lord  Lyndhurst —  Lord 
Brougham — Mr.  Bates,  of  Baring  Bros. — Mr.  Van  der  Weyer, 
Belgian  Ambassador — Rothschild — Departure         .         .         .         -33 

CHAPTER  V. 

Antwerp — Brussels — Honorable  Virgil  Maxcy — Hotel  de  France — 
Great  Military  Review  on  the  Banks  of  the  Rhine — Cologne — Aix- 
la-Chapelle  Splendid  Reception  by  the  King  of  Prussia — Baron 
Humboldt — Return  to  Brussels 40 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

PAGE 

King  Leopold  and  the  Queen — Diplomatic  Representatives  at  the  Court 
— Dinner  at  the  Palace  at  Laeken — My  Residence  near  the  Park — 
Arrangements  for  Living        ........     47 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Government  of  Belgium — The  Royal  Palace — The  Chamber  of 
Representatives,  or  Palais  de  la  Nation — The  Burgundian  Library 
— The  Hotel  de  Ville — The  Forest  of  Soignies — Excursion  to 
Waterloo— The  Battle— Napoleon 53 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

A  Visit  of  the  French  Ambassador,  Marquis  de  Rumigny — Sir  Hamilton 
Seymour,  English  Minister — Visit  to  Paris — Louis  Philippe — Mr. 
Ledyard,  United  States  Charge  d' Affaires — Chamber  of  Deputies — 
M.  Guizot — Reception  by  M.  Guizot — Lord  Cowley,  English  Am- 
bassador— Dinner  at  the  Palace — Baron  Humboldt         .         .         .64 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Return  to  Brussels — Leave  of  Absence  to  Visit  the  United  States — 
Interview  with  the  King — Leave  for  Home  via  England — Steam- 
ship Columbia — Arrival  at  Boston — Visit  to  Alabama — Montgomery 
— Return  to  Brussels  from  the  United  States — Reception — Visits   .     73 

CHAPTER  X. 

Visit  of  the  Queen  of  England  and  Prince  Albert  to  Brussels — Popular 
Reception — Dinner  at  the  Palace — Prince  Albert — Lord  Aberdeen 
— Lord  Liverpool — Interview  with  Count  de  Briey,  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs 80 

CHAPTER  XL 

Excursion  to  the  Rhine — Liege — Cologne — On  the  Rhine — Worms — 
Luther  before  the  Great  Diet — Luther's  Elm — Heidelberg — The 
University — Return  to  Brussels 85 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Change  in  the  Belgian  Ministry — General  Goblet  d'Alviella — Arrival  of 
Mr.  Dangerfield,  Minister  of  the  Republic  of  Texas — Excursion  to 
Holland — Mr.  William  Norris,  of  Philadelphia — Honorable  Chris- 
topher Hughes,  of  Maryland,  Minister  to  Holland  .         .         .90 


CONTENTS.  VI 1 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Brussels — Mr.  Norris — Military  Display — Relations  of  Belgium  to  the 
Great  Powers  of  Europe — Visit  to  Paris — The  Tuileries — The 
King's  Fete  Day — Splendid  Reception — Royal  Family — Cabinet 
Ministers — Guizot — Marshal  Soult— Diplomatic  Corps — Hotel  des 
Invalides — Notre  Dame — Versailles 100 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Brussels — Official  Duties — Announcement  from  Washington  of  the 
Appointment  of  Mr.  Calhoun  as  Secretary  of  State — Dinner  at  the 
Palace  of  Laeken — Dinner  at  Mr.  Waller's,  English  Secretary  of 
Legation — Evening  Reception  at  the  Palace — Letters  from  Home 
— Resignation — Departure  from  Brussels        .         .         .         .         .109 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Arrival  at'  Washington  City — Interview  with  the  President — State  of 
the  Country — Canvass  for  the  Presidency — Mr.  Clay — Mr.  Polk — 
Arrival  at  Montgomery — Mass-Meeting  of  the  Whigs — Honorable 
Alexander  H.  Stephens — Honorable  Arthur  F.  Hopkins — Defeat  of 
Mr.  Clay — Nomination  for  a  Seat  in  Congress — Canvass — Election  .   115 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Opening  of  Congress,  December,  1845 — The  Senate — The  House  of 
Representatives — Sketches  of  Members — President's  Message — 
Texas — Oregon — Debate  on  the  Oregon  Question — Negotiation  and 
Settlement     ...........   126 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Relations  with  Mexico — Measures  Adopted  by  the  President — War — 
Battles  of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma — Supplies  Voted — 
Views  of  the  Two  Houses  of  Congress — Archibald  Yell — Jefferson 
Davis — Smithsonian  Institution — Honorable  Charles  J.  Ingersoll's 
Attack  on  Mr.  Webster — Honorable  William  L.  Yancey         .         .   145 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Second  Session  of  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress — President's  Message — 
Vigorous  Prosecution  of  the  War  Recommended — General  Taylor's 
Victories  —  Monterey — General  Scott,  Commander-in-Chief — The 
Battle  of  Buena  Vista — General  Scott's  Expedition  against  Vera  Cruz 
and  the  Capture  of  that  City — The  President  Recommends  to 
Congress  the  Appointment  of  a  Lieutenant-General — Action  of  the 
House  and  of  the  Senate  in  Regard  to  this  Recommendation — 
General  Proceedings  of  Congress   .......   162 


yiii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

PAGE 

Re-election  to  Congress — Opening  of  the  Session — Organization  of  the 
House  of  Representatives — Mr.  Winthrop  Elected  Speaker — 
Abraham  Lincoln  Takes  his  Seat  in  the  House — New  Members  of 
the  Senate — President's  Message — Death  of  Mr.  Adams — Circum- 
stances Attending  it — Marks  of  Respect  to  his  Memory — Treaty  of 
Peace  with  Mexico — General  Taylor's  Return  Home — Nomination 
to  the  Presidency 181 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Closing  Scenes  of  Mr.  Polk's  Administration — Meeting  of  the  Southern 
Members — Visit  to  Boston — Adjournment  of  Congress — Inaugura- 
tion of  President  Taylor — Members  of  his  Cabinet — Renomination 
for  Congress — Canvass — Election — Triumph  of  the  Whig  Party     .   198 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Opening  Session  of  the  New  Congress — President's  Message — Angry 
Aspect  of  the  Slavery  Question  in  Congress — Mr.  Clay — Mr. 
Webster — Mr.  Calhoun's  Last  Speech — His  Last  Appearance  in 
the  Senate — Mr.  Calhoun's  Death — President  Taylor's  Plan  of 
Settlement  of  the  Slavery  Question  under  Discussion — President's 
Death — Mr.  Fillmore's  Accession  to  the  Presidency — Interview 
with  Mr.  Webster — Success  of  the  Compromise  Measures — Scenes 
in  Washington 212 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

Interval  between  the  Two  Sessions  of  Congress — Visit  to  New  York — 
Speech  at  Castle  Garden,  October  14,  1850 — Jenny  Lind — Great 
Concert  in  Philadelphia — Opening  of  the  December  Session  of 
Congress — State  of  the  Country — Social  Life  in  Washington — Sir 
Henry  L.  Bulwer — Mr.  Corcoran — Mr.  Benjamin  Ogle  Tayloe — 
Adjournment  of  Congress       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .235 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

Return  to  Montgomery — Decline  a  Re-election  to  Congress — Discus- 
sions with  Hon.  William  L.  Yancey — Democratic  Convention  at 
Baltimore,  June  1,  1852 — Whig  Convention  at  Baltimore,  June  16th 
— Death  of  Henry  Clay,  June  29th — Death  of  Daniel  Webster, 
October  24th — Presidential  Election,  November  2d — Administra- 
tion of  President  Pierce — New  Acquisition  of  Territory  from  Mexico 
— Organization  of  Two  New  Territories,  Kansas  and  Nebraska — 
Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act 249 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 


Political  Movements  in  1856 — American  National  Convention,  February 
2  2d — Democratic  National  Convention,  June  2d — Republican 
National  Convention,  June  17th — Canvass  for  Mr.  Fillmore — 
Reception  at  Huntsville — Debates  with  Hon.  L.  P.  Walker — 
Speech  at  Huntsville — Mass-Meeting  at  Atlanta — Hon.  B.  H.  Hill 
— Presidential  Election — President  Buchanan's  Administration — 
Oration  at  the  University  of  Virginia  Commencement,  1859 — Hon. 
William  C.  Preston 268 

CHAPTER    XXV. 

Political  Events  of  i860 — Democratic  National  Convention  at  Charles- 
ton ;  at  Baltimore — Democratic  National  Convention  at  Richmond  ; 
at  Baltimore — Constitutional  Union  Convention  at  Baltimore — 
Republican  National  Convention  at  Chicago — Canvass — Great 
Meeting  in  Cooper  Institute,  New  York — Speech  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
Boston — Edward  Everett — Speech  at  Utica — Governor  Seymour 
— Speech  at  Buffalo — Mr.  Fillmore — Presidential  Election,  Novem- 
ber 6th — Abraham  Lincoln    .         .         .         .          .         .          .         .285 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Effect  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Election  upon  the  Country — Secession  of  South 
Carolina — Mississippi — Florida — Alabama — Speech  against  Seces- 
sion— Georgia  —  Speech  of  Mr.  Stephens — Louisiana — Texas — 
Efforts  Made  to  Arrest  the  Revolution — Opening  of  Congress — 
Mr.  Buchanan's  Message — Confederate  Congress  at  Montgomery, 
Alabama,  February  4,  1861 — Provisional  Government  Organized 
— Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi  Elected  President — Alexander  H. 
Stephens  of  Georgia,  Vice-President — Mr.  Davis  Inaugurated  Feb- 
ruary 1 8th — His  Cabinet — Mr.  Lincoln  Inaugurated  March  4th — 
Mr.  Stephens'  Speech,  March  21st — Fort  Sumter — Virginia — 
Tennessee 306 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

State  of  the  Country — Session  of  Congress  at  Montgomery,  April  29, 
1 861 — President  Davis'  Message — Patriotic  Ardor  in  Support  of 
the  Government — North  Carolina — Arkansas — Robert  E.  Lee — 
Albert  Sidney  Johnston — Removal  of  the  Seat  of  Government  to 
Richmond — Visit  to  Richmond — Battle  of  Manassas — War — Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  Emancipation  Proclamation — General  Lee's  Sur- 
render— General  Grant — General  Joseph  E.  Johnston's  Surrender 
— General  Sherman — Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government — 
Principles  Involved  in  the  Struggle 331 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


Assassination  of  President  Lincoln — A  National  Calamity — The  North 
and  the  South  both  Mourned  his  Death,  and  Paid  Tributes  to  his 
Memory — His  Character — His  Place  in  History — Accession  of 
Andrew  Johnson  to  the  Presidency — Reconstruction  Measures — 
Mr.  Seward — Chief- Justice  Chase 343 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

President  Hayes — Honorable  Richard  W.  Thompson — Honorable  Wil- 
liam M.  Evarts — Mission  to  Brazil — Steamer  Russia — London — 
Paris — Stuttgart — Voyage  from  Bordeaux  to  Rio  de  Janeiro — Arrival 
v^      — First  Impressions        .         . 356 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Palace  of  San  Cristovao— Emperor  and  Empress — Col.   Richard  Cutts 
Shannon — Imperial   Family — Count   Koskul,    Russian    Minister — 
Season  in  Rio — Tijuca — Mr.  Gillett,  Navy  Agent — Mr.  Midwood — 
^^^Apartments  in  Rio — Mr.  "Wilson    .......   364 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

[Trade-Mark  Treaty — Botanical  Garden  Railroad — Mr.  Greenough — 
Evening  at  Mr.  Wilson's — Madame  Durand — Tamagno — Leave  of 
Absence — Visit  to  Stuttgart — Return  to  Rio 373 

CHAPTER   XXXII. 

Petropolis — The  Emperor — Mr.  Ford,  English  Minister — Mr.  Goschen, 
Secretary  of  Legation — Baron  Schreiner,  Austrian  Minister — Mr. 
v_Nabuco — Return  to  Rio — Statesmen  of  Brazil — The  Press     .         .   379 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Leave  of  Absence  to  Visit  the  United  States— Meet  Mrs.  Hilliard  and 
Daughters  in  Paris — London — Sunday — Mr.  Spurgeon — Evening 
Service  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New  York — 
Washington — President  Hayes — Georgia 383 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Return  to  Brazil  via  England  and  France — London — House  of  Lords — 
—Lord  Granville — Paris — Chamber  of  Deputies — Gambetta — Gen- 
eral Grant — Voyage  from  Bordeaux  to  Rio — Count  Koskul — Arrival 
at  Rio 388 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  XXXV.  * 

PAGE 

Aspect  of  Political  Affairs — Slavery  Agitation — Mr.  Nabuco,  President 
of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society — His  Appeal  to  me  to  State  the  Result 
of  Emancipation  in  the  United  States — Correspondence  on  the 
Subject — Excitement  Produced  by  it — Interview  with  the  Emperor,   393 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Banquet  Given  to  me  by  the  Anti-Slavery  Society — Discussion  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies — Interpellation  to  the  Premier,  Mr.  Sariava — 
Public  Interest  as  to  the  Result — Reply  of  Mr.  Saraiva  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies — The  Scene — Public  Sentiment  in  the  Empire 
— Mr.  Ford,  English  Minister — Lord  Granville  of  the  Gladstone 
Cabinet — "  Blue  Book"  of  the  British  Parliament — Petropolis         .   398 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Close  of  President  Hayes'  Administration — Accession  of  General  Gar- 
field to  the  Presidency — Resignation  Forwarded — Mr.  Blaine, 
Secretary  of  State — Interview  with  the  Emperor  and  Empress — y 
Departure  from  Rio  —  Voyage  —  Beautiful  Views  —  Teneriffe — 
Madeira — Arrival  at  Bordeaux — Paris — Anniversary  of  the  Repub- 
lic— London — Dean  Stanley — Westminster  Abbey — Canon  Farrar 
— Voyage  to  New  York — Washington — Mr.  Blaine         .         .         .  403 

Conclusion 409 

APPENDIX. 

Mr.  Hilliard's  Participation  in  the  Emancipation  Measure  in  Brazil  as  Y 

Published  in  the  British  Parliamentary  "  Blue  Book  "     .         .         .  411 

Index 437 


POLITICS    AND    PEN    PICTURES 

AT   HOME   AND   ABROAD 


CHAPTER    I.  ,  -     ;      ;    --,-.;-.   . 

National  Whig  Convention  at  Harrisburg — General  Harrison — Honorable 
Henry  Clay — General  Scott — John  Tyler — James  Barbour — Benjamin 
Watkins  Leigh — Judge  Burnet — Horace  Greely. 

WHEN  the  National  Whig  Convention  assembled  at 
Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania,  December^  1839,  **  nad  before 
it  three  eminent  aspirants  to  the  presidency — General  Wil- 
liam Henry  Harrison,  Henry  Clay,  and  General  Winfield 
Scott.  Twenty-two  States  were  represented,  and  many 
of  the  delegates  were  men  of  distinction.  Virginia  was 
represented  by  several  of  her  most  eminent  men — John 
Tyler,  Governor  James  Barbour,  and  Benjamin  Watkins 
Leigh,  who  would  have  been  recognized  as  illustrious  in 
any  assembly. 

The  venerable  Judge  Burnet  led  the  delegation  from 
Ohio.  Among  the  conspicuous  men  from  New  York  was 
Horace  Greeley.  I  was  one  of  the  youngest  men  in  the 
Convention,  taking  my  seat  as  a  delegate  from  Alabama. 

Leaving  Montgomery  in  mid-winter,  I  travelled  to 
Harrisburg  with  the  ardor  of  youth  to  take  part,  for 
the  first  time,  in  national  politics.  Taking  Washington 
in  my  way,  I  made  a  brief  stay  there,  and  saw  for  the 


2  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

first  time  Congress  in  session.  Honorable  William  C. 
Preston,  a  senator  from  South  Carolina,  received  me 
with  marked  kindness  and  consideration.  I  had  read  law 
in  his  office  in  Columbia,  after  graduating  at  the  renowned 
College  of  South  Carolina,  and  I  enjoyed  a  life-long,  per- 
sonal friendship  with  him.  Mrs.  Preston,  the  lovely  and 
accomplished  Miss  Penelope  Davis,  was  with  the  dis- 
tinguished senator,  giving  an  indescribable  charm  to  their 
home  in  Washington.  I  met  for  the  first  time  many  of 
the  public  men  of  the  country.  Mr.  Preston  asked  if 
I  had  ever  seen  Mr.  Webster,  and  learning  that  I  had 
,  not,  said  ;  "  Yx>xi  must  see  Webster ;  he  looks  the  great 
•  rnan  more  than  any  of  us."  Entering  the  gallery  of  the 
;  •:Senate-c b amber,  next  day,  I  looked  down  upon  that 
assemblage  of  illustrious  men.  Mr.  Webster  was  in  his 
seat,  and  his  appearance  justified  Mr.  Preston's  remark. 
He  recalled  to  me  the  idea  of  classic  grandeur ;  there  was 
in  him  a  blended  dignity  and  power,  most  impressive; 
his  head  was  magnificent,  the  arch  of  imagination  rising 
above  the  brows,  surmounted  by  a  development  of  ven- 
eration resembling  that  of  the  bust  of  Plato  ;  and  as  he 
sat  in  his  place,  surrounded  by  his  peers,  it  seemed  as  if 
the  whole  weight  of  the  government  might  rest  securely 
on  his  broad  shoulders.  His  large,  dark  eyes  were  full 
of  expression,  even  in  repose ;  the  cheeks  were  square 
and  strong ;  his  dark  hair  and  swarthy  complexion 
heightened  the  impression  of  strength  which  his  whole 
person  made  upon  me  as  I  saw  him  for  the  first  time, 
an  impression  that  was  deepened  when  he  rose  to  his  feet, 
and  walked  the  floor  of  the  Senate-chamber.  There  was 
in  his  appearance  something  leonine.  He  was  in  full 
dress ;  he  never  neglected  this.  When  he  delivered  his 
great  speech  in  reply  to  Hayne,  it  is  known  that  he  wore 
a  dress-coat  of  dark  blue  cloth  with  gilt  buttons,  buff 
vest,  and  white  cravat,  so  that,  some  one  has  said,  he 
displayed  the  colors  of  the  Revolution. 


CLAY  AND    CALHOUN.  3 

I  saw  Mr.  Clay  for  the  first  time,  and  his  commanding 
and  striking  person  attracted  and  impressed  me.  He  was 
unlike  Mr.  Webster;  his  light  complexion,  blue  eyes,  and 
animated  manner  displayed  an  ardent  nature — I  at  once 
recognized  a  leader  among  men.  His  appearance  was 
not  less  intellectual  than  that  of  the  other  great  states- 
man ;  his  forehead  was  high  and  finely  proportioned,  and 
his  features  expressed  intellect,  ardor,  and  courage ;  his 
nose  and  mouth  were  large,  and  of  the  Roman  cast. 
If  Mr.  Webster  reminded  one  of  the  majestic  aspect  of 
the  lion,  Mr.  Clay's  face  suggested  that  of  the  eagle — his 
eyes  were  brilliant  and  attractive.  When  he  rose  to 
speak,  standing  over  six  feet  in  height,  spare  and  vigor- 
ous, his  appearance  was  most  commanding ;  and  certainly 
with  his  singularly  clear,  sonorous,  and  musical  voice,  that 
rose  and  fell  with  perfect  cadence,  one  felt  that  never 
in  ancient  or  modern  assemblies  had  a  greater  master  of 
popular  thought  and  passion  stood  in  the  midst  of  men. 
He  was  a  man  of  heroic  mould,  grand  in  every  way, 
of  vast  energy,  bold  plans,  comprehensive  views,  full  of 
decision,  and  swaying  men  by  the  qualities  of  a  great, 
generous,  fearless  nature.  He  was  attentive  to  dress,  and 
when  I  saw  him  for  the  first  time  he  wore  a  dress-coat  of 
brown  broadcloth,  a  heavy  black  cravat,  and  the  collar  of 
his  shirt  was  of  the  largest  style,  touching  his  ears. 

There,  too,  seated  in  the  midst  of  his  peers,  was  Mr. 
Calhoun.  I  had  seen  him  some  years  previously ;  when 
he  was  Vice-President  he  made  a  visit  to  the  South 
Carolina  College  at  Columbia,  while  I  was  a  student  in 
that  renowned  institution.  I  had  observed  him  with 
youthful  ardor,  regarding  him  as  the  impersonation  of 
statesmanship  of  the  highest  order.  His  appearance  was 
not  less  impressive  than  that  of  the  two  eminent  men  just 
described :  all  were  recognized  as  giants  in  that  body 
where  they  contended  for  the  mastery.  He  stood  quite  six 
feet  in  height,  spare,  but  vigorous  and  erect,  the  imper- 


4  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

sonation  of  intellectual  grandeur;  his  face  was  Grecian, 
the  brow  square,  and  the  forehead  finely  developed,  from 
which  the  thick  hair  was  brushed  upward  ;  the  mouth 
resolute  ;  and  the  chin,  in  its  shape  and  firmness  giving  an 
expression  of  purpose  and  determination,  recalled  the 
bust  of  Caesar ;  his  eyes,  dark  gray,  were  full  of  fire,  and 
when  he  was  animated  blazed  with  the  ardor  of  his  great 
soul.  The  whole  aspect  of  the  man  was  that  of  regnant 
power.  A  sculptor,  seeking  a  model  for  a  statue  rep- 
resenting dignity,  intellectual  power,  and  high  purpose, 
would,  without  doubt,  have  chosen  Mr.  Calhoun.  Mr. 
Calhoun  was  habitually  dressed  in  black,  and  in  the  Sen- 
ate-chamber, at  all  times,  wore  a  morning  costume. 

His  colleague,  Mr.  Preston,  had  barely  touched  the  line 
of  mature  manhood  ;  his  ruddy  complexion,  blue  eyes, 
and  auburn  hair  gave  him  the  appearance  of  an  English 
gentleman.  His  face  beamed  with  animation,  and  there 
was  an  unusual  grace  in  his  attitudes  ;  his  voice  and  dic- 
tion were  surpassingly  fine ;  and,  surrounded  as  he  was  in 
that  body  with  so  many  men  of  culture  and  power,  he 
was  without  a  peer  as  an  orator.  His  orations,  like  those 
of  Pericles,  were  so  brilliant  that  they  deserved  to  be 
called  Olympian.  A  fine  portrait  of  Mr.  Preston,  by 
Healey,  is  in  the  Corcoran  Gallery,  in  Washington. 

There  were  other  senators  whose  appearance  attracted 
my  attention,  as  I  was  seated  in  the  chamber.  I  give 
here  only  the  sketch  of  some  of  the  great  leaders,  but  I 
wish  in  these  pages  to  describe  many  of  them  as  I  became 
personally  acquainted  with  them  in  later  years.  In  con- 
versation with  Mr.  Preston,  I  found  that  he  was  quite  as 
ardent  in  support  of  Mr.  Clay's  claims  for  the  presidency 
as  myself. 

It  so  happened  that  I  travelled  to  Harrisburg  in  com- 
pany with  Mr.  Tyler,  and  I  was  honored  by  his  attentions 
to  me.  There  was  an  indescribable  charm  in  his  manners, 
and  his  conversation  was  fascinating.    He  seemed  to  think 


THE  NATIONAL   WHIG   CONVENTION.  5 

that  the  call  of  the  Convention  was  premature  ;  that  it 
should  have  awaited  the  action  of  the  session  of  Congress 
that  had  just  opened,  before  selecting  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  Mr.  Tyler  was  confident  that  Mr.  Calhoun 
might  be  induced  to  act  with  the  Whigs,  his  hostility  to 
Mr.  Van  Buren  being  well  known.  The  task  of  unseating 
Mr.  Van  Buren  and  expelling  his  partisans  from  their 
intrenched  position  was  a  formidable  one — but,  said  Mr. 
Tyler,  "We  must  give  no  audience  to  our  fears."  The 
journey  from  York,  where  we  took  the  railroad  train  to 
Harrisburg,  was  interesting  ;  the  scenery  along  the  banks 
of  the  Susquehanna  was  beautiful,  and  a  bright  winter 
day  imparted  a  charm  to  the  varied  landscape.  I  found 
a  large  number  of  delegates  assembled  upon  my  arrival  at 
Harrisburg.  The  morning  of  the  next  day,  Wednesday, 
opened  auspiciously,  and  the  Convention  assembled  at 
noon  in  a  large  Presbyterian  church,  which  had  been  ten- 
dered for  the  use  of  the  body.  The  Convention  organized 
by  electing  as  its  permanent  president,  Governor  James 
Barbour,  of  Virginia,  with  several  gentlemen  from  other 
States  as  vice-presidents.  The  choice  of  Governor  Bar- 
bour as  president  was  felicitous  in  every  way,  personally, 
geographically,  and  politically.  As  a  presiding  officer  he 
was  transcendently  fine.  In  the  whole  course  of  a  long 
public  service  I  have  never  seen  a  man  who  could  rival 
him  as  a  presiding  officer  of  a  public  assembly.  His  per- 
son was  commanding,  his  presence  distinguished,  his 
bearing  dignified  and  stately  ;  and  his  sonorous  voice 
controlled  the  large  body,  representing  such  a  vast  and 
varied  constituency,  with  resistless  effect.  He  had  filled 
great  places,  having  been  Governor  of  his  State,  Secretary 
of  War  in  the  Cabinet  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  a  senator 
from  Virginia,  and  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  England.  The  plan  adopted  by  the 
Convention  for  the  choice  of  a  candidate  for  President 
and  for  Vice-President  was  original,  and  has  been  the  sub- 


6  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

ject  of  criticism  by  so  eminent  a  statesman  as  Honorable 
Thomas  H.  Benton.  But  it  seemed  to  me  to  possess 
great  advantages,  and  in  my  judgment  it  might  well  be 
adopted  for  the  guidance  of  national  conventions  in  our 
day.  Instead  of  proceeding  to  ballot  in  open  convention, 
it  was  decided  to  refer  the  selection  of  candidates  to  a 
committee  composed  of  delegates  from  the  States  repre- 
sented, not  to  exceed  three  from  each  State.  It  was  the 
duty  of  the  committee  to  withdraw  to  another  hall,  and 
sit  as  an  independent  body,  to  consider  the  claims  of  the 
several  candidates,  and  when  a  satisfactory  result  was 
reached,  to  rise  and  report  their  action  to  the  Convention 
for  approval.  A  majority  of  all  the  delegations  from  the 
several  States  was  required  to  secure  a  nomination.  The 
following  order  was  adopted  by  the  Convention  : 

"  Ordered,  that  the  delegates  from  each  State  be  required  to 
assemble  as  a  delegation  and  appoint  a  committee,  not  ex- 
ceeding three  in  number,  to  receive  the  views  and  opinions  of 
such  delegation,  and  communicate  the  same  to  the  assembled 
committees  of  all  the  delegations,  to  be  by  them  respectively 
reported  to  their  principals  ;  and  thereupon  the  delegates  from 
each  State  be  required  to  assemble  as  a  delegation  and  ballot 
for  candidates  for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President, 
and  having  done  so,  to  commit  the  ballot,  designating  the 
votes  of  each  candidate,  and  by  whom  given,  to  its  committee, 
and  thereupon  all  the  committees  shall  assemble  and  compare 
the  several  ballots,  and  report  the  result  of  the  same  to  their 
several  delegations,  together  with  such  facts  as  may  bear  upon 
the  nomination  ;  and  said  delegation  shall  forthwith  reassem- 
ble and  ballot  again  for  candidates  for  the  above  offices,  and 
again  commit  the  result  to  the  above  committees  ;  and  if  it 
shall  appear  that  a  majority  of  the  ballots  are  for  any  one  man, 
for  candidate  for  President,  said  committee  shall  report  the 
result  to  the  Convention  for  its  consideration  ;  but  if  there 
shall  be  no  such  majority,  then  the  delegates  shall  repeat  the 
balloting  until  such  a  majority  shall  be  obtained,  and  then 


NOMINEES  FOR    THE   PRESIDENCY.  7 

report  the  same  to  the  Convention  for  its  consideration.  The 
vote  of  a  majority  of  each  delegation  shall  be  reported  as  the 
vote  of  that  State  ;  and  each  State  represented  here  shall  vote 
its  full  electoral  vote  by  said  delegation  in  the  Convention." 

The  Committee  of  States  raised  by  the  above  order  was 
chosen,  and  immediately  repaired  to  a  large  apartment  pre- 
pared for  their  accommodation.  They  met  in  the  after- 
noon of  Wednesday  and  organized,  adopting  such  rules 
as  would  enable  the  body  to  conform  to  the  plan  adopted 
by  the  Convention.  I  was  chosen  as  one  of  the  three  to 
represent  the  State  of  Alabama.  Soon  after  organizing, 
the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  at  an  early  hour  the 
next  morning.  I  was  an  ardent  supporter  of  Mr.  Clay, 
and  with  his  other  friends  anticipated  his  early  nomina- 
tion. But  the  friends  of  General  Harrison,  led  by  Judge 
Burnet,  of  Ohio,  urged  his  claims  with  great  earnestness. 
The  delegates  from  the  great  State  of  New  York  advo- 
cated a  nomination  of  General  Scott.  After  a  free  inter- 
change of  views,  we  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency,  and  found  ourselves  unable  to  reach  a 
result.  When  the  hour  of  adjournment  arrived  in  the 
evening  neither  candidate  had  received  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  votes  cast. 

Upon  reassembling  the  next  morning,  it  was  seen  that 
the  several  delegations  adhered  to  their  first  choice. 
Neither  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  of  General  Harrison,  nor 
of  General  Scott  would  yield  anything.  Each  successive 
ballot  disclosed  the  unswerving  loyalty  of  the  delegates 
to  their  favorite  candidate.  Toward  the  evening  of  the 
second  day,  it  was  plain  that  we  should  not  be  able 
to  agree  upon  any  candidate  without  some  concession  on 
the  part  of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay.  General  Harrison 
developed  great  strength.  Then  the  delegates  from  the 
State  of  New  York  came  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  and 
said  to   us  that  the  nomination  of  that  gentleman  was 


8  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

hopeless,  that  he  was  supported  mainly  by  the  Southern 
representatives,  who  were  not  strong  enough  to  achieve  a 
triumph  over  the  combined  North  and  West ;  and  they 
invited  us  to  join  them  in  the  support  of  General  Scott. 
We  declined  to  abandon  Mr.  Clay,  whose  qualities,  we 
insisted,  entitled  him  to  the  nomination.  Finally,  they 
said  to  us :  "  Well,  we  now  give  you  Southern  gentlemen 
notice  that  after  the  next  ballot,  if  you  still  adhere  to  Mr. 
Clay,  we  shall  give  our  entire  vote  to  General  Harrison, 
and  end  this  contest."  The  next  ballot  disclosed  the 
purpose  of  the  Southern  delegates  to  stand  firmly  by  Mr. 
Clay.  Another  ballot  was  ordered,  and  it  resulted  in  the 
choice  of  General  Harrison,  the  New  York  delegation 
having  gone  over  to  him  in  a  body.  The  result  was  :  for 
General  Scott,  16  votes;  for  Mr.  Clay,  90  votes;  for 
General  Harrison,  148  votes.  We  immediately  proceeded 
to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  Some  votes 
had  been  cast  for  a  candidate  while  the  previous  bal- 
lotings  were  going  on  ;  but  the  interest  in  the  choice  of  a 
candidate  for  President  had  been  so  intense,  as  to  leave 
the  delegates  largely  uncommitted  to  any  one  for  the 
second  office.  I  had,  from  the  first,  cast  a  vote  for  candi- 
dates for  both  offices,  and  had  voted  uniformly  for  Mr. 
Clay,  and  for  Mr.  Tyler,  respectively.  From  time  to 
time  others  had  joined  me  in  indicating  our  preference 
for  Mr.  Tyler,  so  that  when  the  committee  came  to  ballot 
for  a  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency,  after  the  choice 
of  General  Harrison  for  the  presidency  had  been  made, 
that  gentleman  had  developed  considerable  strength.  On 
the  second  ballot  for  Vice-President,  Mr.  Tyler  was 
chosen  by  a  large  majority,  to  my  great  gratification,  for 
I  had  given  him  his  first  vote. 

Some  of  the  delegations  had  expressed  a  wish  to  give 
the  nomination  for  Vice-President  to  Benjamin  Watkins 
Leigh,  who  was  one  of  the  three  gentlemen  representing 
Virginia   in    our  Committee,  but  he  promptly  declined 


GENERAL   HARRISON  NOMINATED.  9 

to  be  considered  an  aspirant,  in  a  speech  of  so  much 
beauty  and  earnestness  that  it  charmed  us  all.  He  was 
a  splendid  representative  of  that  class  of  Virginia  gentle- 
men, who  illustrated  the  grand  commonwealth  at  that 
period  ;  a  statesman  of  rich  culture,  of  large  attainments, 
of  exalted  character,  of  winning  eloquence,  and  fasci- 
nating manners. 

The  committee  rose,  and  proceeding  to  the  hall,  where 
the  Convention  was  in  session,  reported  the  result ;  nam- 
ing as  candidate  for  President,  William  Henry  Harrison, 
of  Ohio  ;  for  Vice-President,  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia. 
There  was  an  outburst  of  applause  ;  the  sonorous  voice 
of  Governor  Barbour,  as  he  uttered  the  word  "  Order," 
instantly  stilled  the  assemblage.  A  motion  was  imme- 
diately made  to  adjourn  until  9  o'clock  the  next  morning, 
which  was  carried  unanimously,  and  the  Convention  rose 
with  enthusiastic  cheers. 

The  adjournment  was  timely  ;  it  enabled  us  to  consider, 
outside  of  the  body,  the  report  of  the  Committee  of 
States,  before  a  single  remark  in  regard  to  it  had  been 
made  in  the  Convention.  The  greatest  excitement  pre- 
vailed ;  the  delegates  from  the  Southern  States  were  not 
only  disappointed  at  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay,  but  they 
believed  that  the  nomination  of  General  Harrison  would 
result  in  the  rout  of  the  Whig  party ;  that  not  a  single 
Southern  State  would  give  its  support  to  the  ticket. 
General  Harrison's  sentiments  were  understood  to  be  hos- 
tile to  slavery ;  he  had  not  taken  an  active  part  in  public 
affairs  for  some  years  ;  but  while  his  eminent  services  as  a 
soldier  were  well  known,  and  the  greatest  respect  was  felt 
for  his  character  throughout  the  country,  it  was  supposed 
that  he  had  sympathized  with  those  who  favored  emanci- 
pation in  Virginia,  his  native  State,  some  years  previously. 
Of  illustrious  revolutionary  lineage,  he  belonged  to  a 
school  of  statesmen  who,  while  loyal  to  the  South,  enter- 
tained views  of  the  government  that  were  called  National, 


IO  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

in  contradistinction  to  those  of  others  who  advocated 
the  doctrine  of  State-rights.  He  had  been  for  years  a 
resident  of  Ohio,  a  State  that  already  exhibited  a  ten- 
dency to  encourage  the  growth  of  free-soil  ideas.  In  the 
course  of  the  night  the  policy  of  adopting  the  report 
of  the  Committee  of  States  was  warmly  discussed  ;  some 
of  the  Southern  delegates  were  ready  to  reject  the  nomi- 
nation of  General  Harrison,  and  to  give  the  vote  of  the 
Convention  to  General  Scott.  It  was  understood  that 
the  New  York  delegation  would  co-operate  in  that  plan, 
and  it  found  supporters  elsewhere.  The  discussion 
awakened  the  deepest  interest,  and  I  heard  the  views  of 
the  friends  of  the  several  candidates  expressed  with  the 
strongest  desire  to  discover  some  course  that  would 
relieve  the  party  from  the  disaster  that  seemed  to 
threaten  it. 

Before  breakfast  the  next  morning  I  called  on  Governor 
Barbour,  and  conversed  with  him  on  the  subject.  He  ad- 
vised that  we  should  adopt  the  report  of  the  committee, 
and  give  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  Convention  to  Gen- 
eral Harrison  and  Mr.  Tyler.  He  believed  that  we  should 
be  defeated  in  the  coming  contest,  and  our  only  hope  of 
success  was  to  adhere  with  courage  to  the  candidates  pre- 
sented to  the  Convention  by  the  Committee  of  States. 

"  No,"  said  Governor  Barbour,  "  it  will  not  do,  Mr. 
Hilliard,  to  reject  General  Harrison  now ;  the  people 
would  not  understand  how  he  failed  to  be  nominated  after 
he  had  been  chosen  upon  full  deliberation  by  the  States 
in  the  Convention  ;  just  as  they  did  not  understand  why 
General  Jackson  failed  to  be  elected  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  after  having  obtained  the  highest  vote  in 
the  electoral  college.  We  shall  be  defeated,  in  all  proba- 
bility, but  we  must  stand  it.  It  reminds  me  of  what 
occurred  in  the  course  of  my  practice :  one  day  a  fellow 
came  to  me  when  I  was  standing  with  a  group  of  lawyers, 
in  the  court-house,  and  said  he  wished  to  speak  with  me. 
I  walked  off  with  him,  and  he  asked  me  if  I  remembered 


ENTHUSIASM  FOR   GENERAL   HARRISON.  II 

that  some  years  before  he  had  employed  me  to  defend  him 
when  he  was  charged  with  stealing  a  pair  of  shoes,  and 
upon  my  replying  that  I  did,  he  went  on  to  say,  that  the 
taking  of  that  pair  of  shoes  was  the  worst  job  of  his  life  ; 
that  he  did  not  keep  them  a  week  ;  they  put  him  in  jail ; 
he  had  given  me  the  only  horse  he  had  to  defend  him  ; 
lost  his  crop  ;  and,  '  By  George,  squire,'  he  said,  '  they 
gave  me  nine  and  thirty  lashes  at  last  ;  I  tell  you,  squire, 
it  was  a  bad  speculation.'  There  is  not  much  hope  for  us ; 
we  shall  have  to  take  the  thrashing  after  all  our  trouble." 
Greatly  amused  and  instructed,  I  was  convinced  by  Gov- 
ernor Barbour's  counsel. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  the  Convention,  a  motion  to 
adopt  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  States  was  imme- 
diately made.  It  was  supported  by  delegates  from  State 
after  State  ;  eloquent  speeches  were  delivered  in  behalf  of 
the  candidates,  a  flame  of  enthusiasm  spread  through  the 
vast  assemblage,  and  I  was  in  full  sympathy  with  it,  and 
speaking  for  Alabama  I  pledged  the  Whigs  of  the  State  to 
an  unqualified  support  of  the  ticket.  In  the  evening 
Harrisburg  was  illuminated  ;  crowds  of  enthusiastic  people 
filled  the  streets  cheering,  while  a  band  of  music  played 
the  national  airs  in  front  of  a  public  building,  where  a 
flag  was  displayed  bearing  a  portrait  of  General  Harrison, 
in  full  uniform,  surrounded  by  the  insignia  of  war.  As  I 
stood  and  saw  the  flag  floating  in  the  evening  breeze,  I 
caught  the  inspiration  of  coming  victory  ;  I  recognized  in 
the  heroic  face  of  General  Harrison  a  leader  who  would 
be  followed  by  a  great  and  generous  people,  who  would 
bear  his  standard  with  resistless  ardor  to  a  splendid 
triumph.  From  that  hour,  throughout  the  wonderful 
canvass  that  followed,  I  never  swerved  from  his  support, 
and  never  lost  heart.  Young,  ardent,  and  fearless,  with 
full  faith  in  the  Whig  cause,  I  did  not  believe  defeat  pos- 
sible. It  seemed  to  me  that  the  opening  campaign  would 
be  like  that  of  Napoleon's,  when  he  led  his  resistless 
troops  from  the  summit  of  the  Alps  into  the  plains  of  Italy. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  canvass  of  1840 — Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration — Financial  policy — 
Personal  qualities — General  William  Henry  Harrison — John  Tyler— 
The  Whig  plan  of  the  canvass — Great  popular  meetings — Leading  states- 
men on  the  hustings — Unparalleled  enthusiasm. 

Leaving  Harrisburg,  I  returned  to  Washington.  I 
found  the  leading  Whigs,  not  only  expressing  in  strong 
terms  their  regret  at  Mr.  Clay's  defeat,  but,  like  Governor 
Barbour,  looking  for  defeat  under  the  lead  of  General 
Harrison.  Mr.  Clay  was  indignant  ;  I  explained  to  him 
the  efforts  that  had  been  made  by  his  friends  to  give  him 
the  nomination  at  Harrisburg,  but  he  did  not  attempt  to 
repress  his  deep  chagrin  ;  this  was  but  a  natural  outburst 
of  his  ardent  temperament,  at  what  seemed  to  him  the 
disloyalty  of  his  friends.  Later,  however,  his  nobler  quali- 
ties triumphed,  and  he  expressed  his  purpose  to  give  his 
energetic  support  to  the  Whig  cause.  Mr.  Preston  gener- 
ously decided  promptly  to  accept  the  nomination  ;  he 
thought  well  of  General  Harrison,  and  he  entertained  a 
warm  regard  for  Mr.  Tyler.  Mr.  Preston  took  me  to  call 
on  General  Scott ;  he  had  known  him  for  years,  and  felt 
for  him  a  sincere  friendship,  and  he  wished  me  to  know 
him  too,  as  a  coming  man.  General  Scott  spoke  of  affairs 
without  reserve,  and  felt  that  we  had  committed  a  great 
blunder,  but  his  temper  was  admirable.  We  were  much 
amused  when,  on  taking  leave,  General  Scott  conducted 
us  to  the  hall  of  his  house,  and  said,  rising  to  the  full 
height  of  his  majestic  person,  "  I  could  have  been  elected 


VAN  B UREN' S  A DMINIS TRA  TION.  I  3 

as  easily  as  I  could  walk  down  these  stairs."    Mr.  Preston 
laughed  heartily,  and  we  descended  the  stairs. 

Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration  had  not  given  satisfac- 
tion to  the  country  ;  it  was  beset  with  troubles.  The 
successor  of  General  Jackson,  he  found  himself  sur- 
rounded by  difficult  and  perilous  problems,  which  the 
late  President,  with  all  his  heroic  qualities,  with  the  aid 
of  friends  as  loyal  as  ever  followed  a  leader,  had  not  been 
able  to  solve.  The  great  battle  with  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  had  shaken  the  foundations  of  the  busi- 
ness of  the  country,  and  recalled  the  truth  of  the  remark 
of  the  Duke  of  Wellington — "  Next  to  a  great  defeat,  the 
greatest  disaster  is  a  great  victory."  Arrayed  against  Mr. 
Van  Buren  were  the  most  formidable  enemies  :  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  making  a  powerful  struggle  for  a 
new  national  charter  in  the  effort  to  elect  a  president 
friendly  to  it  ;  aided  by  the  suspended  banks  in  all  the 
States  ;  and  the  large  and  influential  merchants  who  be- 
lieved that  the  sub-treasury  scheme  and  the  hard-money 
policy  of  the  administration  would  destroy  the  commer- 
cial prosperity  of  the  country.  A  battle-cry  in  contests 
under  constitutional  governments  where  an  appeal  is  made 
to  the  people  is  of  the  utmost  importance,  and,  unhappily 
for  Mr.  Van  Buren,  he  had  given  one  to  the  Whigs,  which 
was  easily  comprehended  and  uttered  by  leading  Whig 
statesmen,  and  reproduced  by  the  press  of  the  party 
throughout  the  country.  He  had  said  in  one  of  his 
messages  to  Congress  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  govern- 
ment to  provide  a  special  currency  for  its  own  use,  and 
the  people  of  the  country  must  supply  a  financial  system 
for  carrying  on  their  business.  He  insisted  that  there 
should  be  a  clear  separation  between  the  money  of  the 
government  and  the  money  of  the  people.  That  was 
enough  ;  it  ranged  the  friends  of  a  liberal  commercial 
system,  which  required  an  ample  currency,  against  an  ad- 
ministration  that  proposed   to   lock  the   revenue  of  the 


14  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

government  in  its  own  vaults,  giving  it  no  circulation  for 
the  benefit  of  the  people.  The  plan  was  denounced  as 
unsound  as  a  financial  policy,  and  as  an  attempt  to  inaugu- 
rate a  system  which  conducted  the  government  for  its 
own  advantage  in  the  spirit  of  a  monarchy,  without  sym- 
pathy for  the  people  or  regard  for  their  interests.  From 
the  Senate-chamber  to  every  platform  in  the  land  the 
policy  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  denounced  with  the  utmost 
vehemence.  The  idea  of  providing  a  currency  for  the  use 
of  the  government,  and  leaving  the  people  to  supply  one 
for  themselves,  was  declared  to  be  an  abandonment  of 
one  of  the  most  important  functions  of  an  administra- 
tion ;  it  was  insisted  that  the  ruin  of  the  business  of  the 
country  was  inevitable.  For  once  capital  and  labor  co- 
operated in  their  energetic  and  powerful  effort  to  avert 
an  impending  disaster.  Mr.  Webster,  in  Wall  Street,  on 
the  28th  of  September,  1840,  spoke  at  the  merchants' 
meeting  in  behalf  of  the  Whig  policy,  in  contrast  to  that 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration,  and  said  : 

"  I  hold  the  opinion  that  a  mixed  currency,  composed  partly 
of  gold  and  silver  and  partly  of  good  paper  redeemable,  and 
steadily  redeemed  in  specie  on  demand,  is  the  most  useful  and 
convenient  for  such  a  country  as  we  inhabit,  and  is  sure  to 
continue  to  be  used  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  these  United 
States  ;  the  idea  of  an  exclusive,  metallic  currency,  being 
either  the  mere  fancy  of  theorists,  or,  what  is  nearer  the  truth, 
being  employed  as  a  means  of  popular  delusion." 

This  authentic  utterance  from  the  great  statesman,  who 
was  the  grandest  representative  of  the  Whig  party,  was 
received  throughout  the  country  as  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive proposition  in  regard  to  the  financial  system  of 
the  United  States,  entitled  to  as  much  consideration  as 
if  it  had  been  pronounced  by  Alexander  Hamilton.  It 
sometimes  happens  in  great  political  contests  that  a 
single  phrase,  indiscreetly  uttered,  decides  the  fortunes  of 
a  party.     Unhappily  for  Mr.  Van  Buren,  the  editor  of  a 


GENERAL   HARRISON  AND  HJS  LOG-CABIN.  I  5 

Democratic  paper,  soon  after  the  nomination  of  General 
Harrison,  ventured  to  ridicule  the  leader  chosen  by  the 
Whig  party  to  conduct  it  to  victory.  He  said  that  Gen- 
eral Harrison  was  harmless,  and  that,  "  if  supplied  with  a 
barrel  of  hard  cider  and  a  good  sea-coal  fire,  he  would  be 
content  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  days  in  his  log-cabin, 
without  aspiring  to  the  presidency."  Never  in  the  history 
of  political  parties  was  a  more  momentous  paragraph  writ- 
ten ;  it  was  caught  up  instantly  by  the  leaders  of  the  Whig 
party  all  over  the  country.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  repre- 
sented as  rolling  in  splendor  and  luxury,  enjoying  the 
emoluments  of  his  great  office,  while  his  partisans  dared 
to  ridicule  the  grand  old  soldier,  who  lived  in  retirement 
upon  his  humble  means.  All  over  the  country  log-cabins 
were  constructed,  and  they  were  to  be  seen  in  villages, 
towns,  and  cities,  adorned  with  the  emblems  of  pioneer 
life — coon-skins,  strings  of  red  pepper,  the  simple  gourd, 
and  the  rude  door  with  the  latch-string  on  the  outside. 
Some  of  these  structures  were  ample  enough  to  accom- 
modate large  numbers  of  people,  and  were  the  head- 
quarters for  party  gatherings  ;  others  were  small,  and, 
placed  on  wheels,  were  driven  from  place  to  place,  some- 
times to  distant  points  to  suit  the  exigencies  of  party 
tactics.  The  conspicuous  object  of  all  was  a  raccoon, 
living,  active,  a  recognized  member  of  the  party,  often 
placed  on  the  platform  where  the  speaker  stood  to  address 
the  people.  I  remember  on  one  occasion,  at  a  Whig 
meeting  in  Montgomery,  Alabama,  a  most  felicitous  ap- 
peal was  made  by  a  gentleman  addressing  a  listening 
crowd,  when  a  large  raccoon  was  thrown  on  the  table  in 
front  of  the  speaker.  He  said  :  "  That  was  an  object  to 
strike  terror  into  the  Democratic  ranks  ;  a  leader  of  that 
party,  if  present,  would  have  exclaimed  with  Macbeth : 

"  '  What  man  dare,  I  dare  : 

Approach  thou  like  the  rugged  Russian  bear, 
The  arm'd  rhinoceros,  or  the  Hyrcan  tiger  ; 

Take  any  shape  but  that,  and  my  firm  nerves 
Shall  never  tremble. '  " 


l6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  personal  qualities  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  were  not  such 
as  to  endear  him  to  the  people ;  his  great  abilities  and 
large  attainments  fitted  him  for  the  successful  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs,  his  fine  presence  and  engaging  man- 
ners gave  him  a  controlling  influence  ;  but  the  people 
never  warmed  towards  him,  they  distrusted  his  earnest- 
ness, and  there  was  a  general  belief  that  he  was  given  to 
intrigue.  He  owed  his  elevation  to  the  presidency  to  the 
commanding  influence  of  General  Jackson.  It  was  under- 
stood that  he  had  broken  the  friendly  relations,  previously 
existing,  between  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Calhoun.  Mr. 
Van  Buren  was  a  friend  of  Mr.  William  Henry  Crawford, 
of  Georgia,  who  had  been  a  member  of  Mr.  Monroe's 
Cabinet,  while  Mr.  Calhoun  was  Secretary  of  War.  An 
estrangement  had  long  existed  between  General  Jackson 
and  Mr.  Crawford,  but  through  the  intervention  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren  a  reconciliation  was  brought  about,  and  the 
hostility  of  General  Jackson  was  transferred  to  Mr.  Cal- 
houn. General  Jackson's  friendships  were  warm,  and  his 
resentments  unrelenting  ;  this  extraordinary  man  exerted 
a  more  powerful  influence  over  the  political  affairs  of  the 
country  than  any  one  had  acquired  since  the  organization 
of  the  government.  He  had  ended  his  official  career  and 
retired  to  the  "  Hermitage  "  before  my  visit  to  Washing- 
ton, but  I  had  seen  him  at  an  earlier  period.  While  a 
student  of  law,  in  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  not  yet  of 
age,  I  had  been  engaged  to  take  charge  of  important  law 
papers,  and  travelled  to  Nashville,  Tenn.,  to  place  them 
in  the  hands  of  trustworthy  counsel  for  adjustment.  I 
made  the  journey  alone,  over  mountains  and  through 
wildernesses,  with  my  good  horse  and  sulky,  and  reached 
Nashville  safely.  I  took  letters  of  introduction  to  General 
Jackson,  and  other  eminent  men.  The  day  after  my 
arrival  I  was  standing  in  front  of  the  Nashville  Inn,  where 
I  lodged,  and  I  observed  in  the  door  of  a  wing  of  the 
hotel  a  gentleman  whose  person  arrested  my  attention ; 


A    VISIT   TO   GENERAL  JACKSON.  1 7 

he  was  stately  and  erect,  handsomely  dressed  in  black, 
without  his  hat,  a  pair  of  gold-framed  glasses  thrown  up 
on  his  stiff,  grayish  hair,  and  a  similar  pair  resting  upon 
his  nose.  I  felt  at  once  that  I  stood  in  the  presence  of 
General  Jackson.  Advancing,  I  made  myself  known  to 
him  ;  he  received  me  with  a  frank  cordiality  that  charmed 
me  ;  I  had  expected  to  meet  a  blunt  soldier,  but  I  found  in 
General  Jackson  a  gentleman  of  courtly  manners,  whose 
bearing  I  had  never  seen  excelled  in  my  whole  intercourse 
with  public  men  at  home  or  abroad.  During  my  stay  in 
Nashville,  General  Jackson  treated  me  with  consideration 
and  kindness,  and  I  passed  a  night  at  the  "  Hermitage." 
This  occurred  but  a  few  months  before  his  elevation  to 
the  presidency.  To  this  man  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  indebted 
for  his  elevation  to  the  envied  office  to  which  he  had  so 
long  aspired,  and  which  many  believed  he  had  won  by 
arts  better  suited  to  the  talents  of  Richelieu  than  to  the 
frank  and  manly  qualities  of  an  American  statesman. 
Against  this  able,  adroit,  and  accomplished  statesman, 
intrenched  in  power,  the  Whigs  brought  into  the  field 
General  William  Henry  Harrison,  a  gentleman  of  spotless 
integrity,  unaccustomed  to  the  stratagems  of  politicians, 
who  had  won  his  laurels  in  the  open  field  many  years 
previously,  and  was  now  living  in  honorable  retirement  in 
his  humble  home  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio.  The  con- 
trast between  the  men  was  very  striking  ;  it  was  almost 
dramatic.  As  the  canvass  advanced,  a  sentiment  lying 
deep  in  the  heart  of  the  American  people  was  roused, 
which  flamed  up  into  enthusiasm,  in  behalf  of  the  self- 
exiled  hero  who,  like  Cincinnatus,  cultivated  the  soil,  away 
from  the  pomp  and  emoluments  of  imperial  power. 

The  name  of  John  Tyler  had  a  charm  for  the  Southern 
people.  He  had  sat  as  a  senator,  representing  Virginia, 
when  General  Jackson  ruled  at  Washington.  Confronting 
the  imposing  authority  of  that  imperious  man,  stood  Mr. 
Calhoun,  speaking  for  South  Carolina.     That  illustrious 


1 8  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

statesman  rose  into  proportions  of  the  highest  grandeur 
in  resisting  a  national  policy  which  he  regarded  as  uncon- 
stitutional, and  meeting  the  threatening  display  of  the 
power  of  the  government  wielded  by  General  Jackson. 
When  the  "  Force  Bill "  was  before  the  Senate,  the  meas- 
ure was  opposed  by  Southern  senators,  who  denounced  it 
in  vehement  terms.  Mr.  Tyler  displayed  the  highest 
patriotic  ardor  and  statesman-like  courage  in  his  efforts 
to  defeat  it.  His  single  vote  stands  recorded  against  the 
measure,  other  Southern  senators  having  withdrawn  from 
the  Senate-chamber.  I  have  already  described  Mr.  Tyler, 
and  have  recorded  the  impression  which  he  made  on  me 
at  our  first  meeting ;  but  it  is  proper  to  say  something 
more  at  length  of  him  as  he  stood  before  the  country,  a 
chosen  candidate  of  the  Whig  party  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency. Mr.  Tyler's  high  rank  among  statesmen  of  Vir- 
ginia gave  him  consideration  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Harrisburg  Convention,  and  after  his  nomination  he- 
advanced  rapidly  in  public  favor.  His  personal  appear- 
ance was  very  attractive :  six  feet  in  height,  spare  and 
active,  his  movements  displayed  a  natural  grace,  and  his 
manner  was  cordial  but  dignified.  His  head  was  fine,  the 
forehead  high  and  well  developed,  the  aquiline  nose  and 
brilliant  eyes  giving  to  his  expression  the  eagle  aspect, 
which  distinguished  him  at  all  times,  and  especially  in 
conversation.  His  frankness  imparted  an  indescribable 
charm  to  his  manners,  and  the  rich  treasure  of  his  culti- 
vated mind  displayed  itself  without  effort  or  ostentation 
in  the  Senate-chamber,  and  in  conversation  he  surpassed 
even  Mr.  Calhoun.  His  loyalty  to  his  friends  was  as  true 
as  that  of  General  Jackson's  ;  his  integrity  and  his  courage 
were  conspicuous  qualities,  often  exhibited  in  the  course 
of  his  public  career.  In  his  freedom  from  stratagem,  and 
the  unreserve  of  his  expressions  in  regard  to  political 
questions,  he  was  as  open  as  the  day.  It  was  understood 
that  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  said  to  a  friend  he  would  any 


THE   CONVENTION  AT   TUSCALOOSA.  1 9 

day  ride  one  hundred  miles  to  meet  a  person  with  whom 
he  desired  to  confer  on  politics,  rather  than  communicate 
with  him  by  a  letter.  Mr.  Tyler  was  as  bold  as  Mr.  Clay 
in  making  his  opinions  known  in  regard  to  measures 
affecting  the  administration  of  the  government. 

The  Whigs  opened  the  campaign  by  a  vigorous  assault 
upon  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration  ;  public  meetings 
were  held  throughout  the  country  to  ratify  the  nomina- 
tions made  at  Harrisburg.  Upon  my  return  to  Alabama 
the  Whig  leaders  decided  to  call  a  convention  to  assemble 
at  Tuscaloosa,  at  that  time  the  capital  of  the  State.  It 
was  largely  attended,  and  the  ardor  of  the  people  was  dis- 
played as  it  never  had  been  before  in  Alabama.  Delegations 
came  from  the  remote  counties,  some  of  them  bringing 
with  them  log-cabins  on  wheels  drawn  by  fine  horses,  and 
displaying  the  symbols  of  pioneer  structures  :  the  gourd, 
the  string  of  red  pepper,  a  barrel  of  cider,  the  latch-string 
of  the  door  conspicuously  hung  on  the  outside,  and  the 
raccoon.  A  committee  was  chosen  to  receive  the  delega- 
tion from  Dallas  County ;  and  the  chairman,  drawing  up 
his  escort  in  front  of  the  log-cabin,  welcomed  the  new 
arrivals,  saying  :  "  We  rejoice  to  see  you  ;  we  stand  in  the 
Pass  of  Thermopylae."  The  eloquent  Murphy,  a  man  of 
the  highest  order  of  intellect  and  character,  a  leading  law- 
yer in  the  State,  replying  for  the  delegation,  said  :  "  We 
know  that  we  hold  the  Pass  of  Thermopylae,  and  we  have 
brought  you  Spartans  to  defend  it."  An  address  was 
prepared  and  issued  to  the  people  of  the  State.  An  elec- 
toral ticket  was  appointed,  upon  which  my  name  was 
placed  for  the  Montgomery  Congressional  district.  Judge 
Hopkins,  of  Mobile,  ex-Governor  Gayle,  General  George 
W.  Crabb,  and  other  leading  men  were  named  as  electors 
for  other  parts  of  the  State.  The  convention,  after  a 
session  of  several  days,  adjourned,  the  delegates  bearing 
with  them  the  ardor  awakened  at  the  meeting  to  all  parts 
of  the  State. 


20  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

One  of  the  greatest  popular  assemblages  ever  known  in 
the  South  was  held  at  Macon,  Georgia ;  it  was  attended 
by  many  thousands,  a  large  number  coming  from  other 
States  to  take  part  in  the  grand  Whig  demonstration. 
Senator  Berrien  of  Georgia  presided,  and  Senator  Pres- 
ton of  South  Carolina  with  others  addressed  the  vast 
multitude.  Mr.  Preston  at  that  time  was  absolutely 
unrivalled  as  an  orator ;  as  he  stood  on  the  hustings, 
in  the  presence  of  the  people,  in  his  majestic  proportions, 
denouncing  an  administration  intrenched  in  power,  his 
voice  rising,  at  times,  into  tones  of  vehement  passion,  he 
recalled  the  description  of  Demosthenes  : 

"Who 
Shook  the  arsenal, 
And  fulmin'd  o'er  Greece." 

The  political  excitement  pervaded  the  Union,  and  im- 
mense meetings  were  held  throughout  the  country.  They 
were  animated  beyond  description,  and  were  addressed  by 
the  ablest  men. 

Mr.  Webster,  in  August,  addressed  a  vast  assemblage  at 
Saratoga ;  crowded  vehicles  from  the  neighboring  towns 
and  surrounding  country  arrived  at  an  early  hour,  and  the 
railway  trains  brought  vast  multitudes.  In  a  grove  of 
pines,  without  undergrowth,  some  ten  thousand  persons 
were  collected,  and  near  the  platform  where  Mr.  Webster 
stood  seats  were  provided  for  as  many  more ;  ladies  were 
out  in  great  numbers. 

A  great  meeting  was  held  on  Bunker  Hill,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1840;  the  enthusiasm  was  unparalleled  ;  a  procession 
four  miles  in  length,  with  banners  and  music,  marched 
to  the  appointed  place.  Fifty  barouches  and  carriages 
moved  in  the  line  containing  Revolutionary  soldiers, 
gentlemen  of  distinction  from  other  States,  and  invited 
guests.  Mr.  Webster  delivered  a  great  speech,  setting 
forth  at  length  Whig  principles  and  purposes. 


WEBSTER  S  GREAT  SPEECH  AT  RICHMOND.         21 

Mr.  Webster  addressed  a  Whig  convention  at  Rich- 
mond, on  the  5th  of  October,  standing  in  the  Capitol 
Square,  and  delivered  one  of  the  greatest  speeches  of  his 
life.  There  on  that  spot,  standing  under  an  "  October 
sun,"  he  vindicated  the  principles  of  free  government. 
"  It  is  an  era  in  my  life,"  he  said,  "  to  find  myself  on  the 
soil  of  Virginia,  addressing  such  an  assemblage  as  is  now 
before  me  ;  I  feel  it  to  be  such,  I  deeply  feel  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  part  which  has  this  day  been  thrown  upon 
me.  Although  it  is  the  first  time  I  have  addressed 
an  assembly  of  my  fellow-citizens  upon  the  soil  of  Vir- 
ginia, I  hope  I  am  not  altogether  unacquainted  with  the 
history,  character,  and  sentiments  of  this  venerable  State. 
The  topics  which  are  now  agitating  the  country,  and 
which  have  brought  us  all  here  to-day,  have  no  relation 
whatever  with  those  on  which  I  differ  from  the  opinions 
she  has  ever  entertained.  The  grievances  and  misgovern- 
ments  which  have  roused  the  country  pertain  to  that  class 
of  subjects  which  especially  and  peculiarly  belong  to  Vir- 
ginia, and  have  from  the  beginning  of  our  history." 

A  pleasing  incident  of  Mr.  Webster's  visit  to  Richmond, 
and  which  illustrates  the  spirit  of  the  canvass  of  1840, 
was  an  assemblage  of  the  ladies  of  the  city  in  the  "  Log- 
Cabin  "  where  he  addressed  them  collectively,  in  a  brief 
and  appropriate  speech.  Mr.  Legar£  of  South  Carolina, 
Mr.  Wise  of  Virginia,  and  other  eminent  men  addressed 
vast  multitudes  assembled  at  different  points  in  the  sev- 
eral States.  In  reply  to  the  invitation  to  address  a 
meeting  in  Montgomery,  Alabama,  in  the  fall  of  1840, 
Honorable  Henry  A.  Wise,  excusing  himself  from  per- 
sonal attendance,  wrote  a  characteristic  letter,  giving  as  a 
toast  for  the  occasion  "  The  Light  of  the  Log-Cabin." 

As  the  canvass  advanced,  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people 
rose  still  higher,  and  the  light  of  a  coming  victory  for 
the  Whig  party  began  to  illumine  their  banners.  At 
one  of   the  great  assemblages,  addressing  the  people,  I 


22  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ventured  to  assure  them  of  our  complete  triumph,  and 
said  : 

"  We  are  on  the  eve  of  victory  ;  throughout  the  whole  field 
we  hear  the  sound  of  preparation  for  to-morrow's  battle  ; 
armorers  are  busy  closing  rivets  up  ;  if  we  could  look  in 
upon  the  tent  of  the  leader  of  the  opposing  host,  we  should 
see  him  tossed  upon  a  restless  couch,  disturbed  with  dreams 
of  impending  defeat ;  he  sees  the  lights  burn  blue,  and  on  the 
stricken  field  we  shall  hear  him  exclaim  like  Richard,  at 
Bosworth, 

'"A  horse  !  a  horse  !  my  kingdom  for  a  horse  !  ' ' 

The  result  was  a  splendid  fulfilment  of  our  ardent  an- 
ticipations. Out  of  two  hundred  and  ninety-four  electoral 
votes,  Mr.  Van  Buren  received  but  sixty ;  out  of  twenty- 
six  States  he  received  the  votes  of  only  seven. 

General  Harrison  and  Mr.  Tyler,  nominated  at  Harris- 
burg  for  President  and  Vice-President,  were  triumphantly 
elected. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Inauguration  of  President  Harrison — Death — Accession  of  Mr.  Tyler — Mis- 
sion to  Belgium — Washington — New  York — The  Ocean — The  Voyage 
— Arrival  at  Liverpool — High-Sheriff's  Coach — Judge  Maule. 

General  Harrison's  inauguration  was  most  impres- 
sive. Standing  on  the  grand  eastern  portico  of  the  Capitol, 
in  front  of  which  an  immense  concourse  of  the  people,  from 
all  parts  of  the  country,  awaited  the  appearance  of  the 
new  President,  he  delivered  his  inaugural  address  with 
animation,  the  tones  of  his  voice  reaching  the  farthest 
limits  of  the  audience.  In  the  language  of  an  eminent 
senator :  "  It  breathed  a  spirit  of  patriotism,  which  ad- 
versaries, as  well  as  friends,  admitted  to  be  sincere  and  to 
come  from  the  heart."  Then  the  Chief-Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Taney,  admin- 
istered the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  and  the 
new  administration  was  opened.  The  President  promptly 
sent  to  the  Senate  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  chosen 
for  his  Cabinet,  and  the  nominations  were  all  unanimously 
confirmed.  They  were :  Daniel  Webster,  Secretary  of 
State  ;  Thomas  Ewing,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ;  John 
Bell,  Secretary  at  War ;  George  E.  Badger,  Secretary 
of  the  Navy ;  Francis  Granger,  Postmaster-General ; 
John  J.  Crittenden,  Attorney-General.  This  organi- 
zation of  the  Cabinet,  composed  of  illustrious  statesmen, 
was  received  by  the  country  with  the  greatest  satisfac- 
tion ;  it  seemed  that  the  light  of  a  new  day  had  risen 
upon   the  nation.     On  the    17th  of  March  the  President 

23 


24  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

issued  a  proclamation  convoking  the  Congress  in  extra- 
ordinary session  for  the  31st  of  May.  Towards  the  close 
of  March  the  President  was  suddenly  taken  ill.  There 
had  been  no  decline  in  his  health  or  strength,  but  on 
the  4th  of  April,  one  month  from  the  day  of  his  accession 
to  power,  General  Harrison  expired.  He  had  not  yet 
attained  the  age  of  seventy  years  ;  but  within  a  month 
from  the  day  when  he  stood  in  strength  on  the  eastern 
portico  of  the  Capitol  before  assembled  thousands,  the 
President  lay  dead  in  the  White  House.  The  old  eagle 
had  soared  to  the  sun  to  die.  The  assembled  Cabinet 
announced  the  death  of  the  President  to  Mr.  Tyler,  the 
Vice-President,  who  was  at  his  residence  in  Virginia,  and 
invited  him  to  come  to  Washington  and  enter  upon  his 
new  duties.  Mr.  Tyler  immediately  proceeded  to  Wash- 
ington, and  upon  his  arrival  was  invested  with  the  author- 
ity of  President  of  the  United  States,  in  accordance 
with  the  forms  of  the  Constitution.  He  assumed  the  high 
office  with  manly  dignity,  and  the  government  proceeded 
on  its  course  without  the  slightest  disturbance  in  any  of 
its  departments.  The  event  was  impressive ;  it  was  the 
first  time  of  its  occurrence  since  the  organization  of  that 
great  and  complex  system — the  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

Visiting  Washington  in  June,  I  found  Congress  in 
session ;  the  signs  of  anarchy  in  the  Whig  party  were 
clearly  visible.  Mr.  Clay,  the  real  leader  of  the  party, 
disclosed  his  purpose  to  compel  the  President  to  accept 
the  measures  which,  as  a  senator,  he  dictated,  without 
the  slightest  regard  to  Mr.  Tyler's  antecedents  as  a 
statesman.  Imperious,  unsparing  in  his  denunciation  of 
any  one  who  faltered  in  support  of  his  plans  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country,  he  presented  a  grand  spectacle. 
But  Mr.  Tyler,  with  equal  firmness,  declined  to  submit 
to  the  dictation  of  the  illustrious  senator.  My  friend, 
Mr.    Preston,    knew    that    I  desired  to    fill  a  diplomatic 


TENDERED    THE    MISSION    TO   PORTUGAL.  2$ 

position  in  Europe  ;  before  Mr.  Tyler's  accession  to  the 
presidency  he  had  expressed  his  wish  to  see  me  appointed 
to  the  mission  to  Belgium.  The  Honorable  Virgil  Maxcy 
of  Maryland  had  held  the  place  under  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  was  regarded  with  favor  by  Mr. 
Webster.  It  was  understood  that  he  was  to  come  home, 
but  the  precise  date  of  his  resignation  had  not  been 
fixed.  So,  during  my  stay  in  Washington,  observing 
public  affairs,  Mr.  Preston  said  to  me  that  the  Whig 
party,  as  represented  in  Congress,  was  about  to  go  to 
pieces,  and  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  tender  to  me  the  mission  to  Portugal ;  Mr. 
Preston  said  that  Mr.  Webster  had  assured  him  that  if  I 
would  consent  to  accept  the  mission  to  Portugal,  my 
nomination  should  be  made  the  next  day,  and  he  added 
that  if  I  desired  to  go  to  Europe  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty 
as  my  friend  to  advise  me  to  accept  that  mission.  I 
replied,  that  while  I  desired  to  go  abroad,  I  was  not 
willing  to  go  to  any  place  not  perfectly  agreeable  to  me, 
and  if  I  accepted  office  under  the  administration  it  must 
be  upon  terms  that  would  not,  to  any  extent,  lessen  my 
sense  of  self-respect.  Mr.  Preston  commended  my  senti- 
ments, but  still  advised  me  to  have  an  interview  with  Mr. 
Webster.  The  next  day  I  made  a  call  on  Mr.  Webster 
at  the  Department  of  State,  and  was  received  by  the 
Secretary  with  marked  kindness.  He  stated  his  reasons 
for  speaking  to  my  friend,  Mr.  Preston,  in  regard  to  me, 
and  said  that  General  Barrow  of  Tennessee  wished  to  be 
appointed  to  the  mission  to  Portugal,  but  that  he  would 
inform  him  of  the  purpose  of  the  administration  to  send 
me  to  Lisbon,  if  I  would  consent  to  take  the  place.  I 
replied  to  Mr.  Webster  as  I  had  to  Mr.  Preston,  and  said 
that,  while  I  was  sensible  of  the  honor  conferred  on  me 
by  this  mark  of  confidence,  I  was  not  willing  to  accept 
the  mission  to  Portugal.  Mr.  Webster  advised  me  to 
see  the  President,  and  leaving  the  Department  of  State,  I 


26  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

walked  to  the  Executive  Mansion,  and  was  promptly 
received  by  Mr.  Tyler.  I  stated  what  had  been  said  to 
me  by  Mr.  Preston,  and  later  by  Mr.  Webster.  The 
President  assured  me  with  perfect  frankness  that  if  I 
would  consent  to  go  to  Portugal,  my  name  should  be  sent 
to  the  Senate  immediately  ;  but,  he  added  :  "  If  you  are 
willing  to  wait,  Mr.  Hilliard,  for  a  short  time,  you  shall 
be  appointed  to  the  mission  to  Belgium."  I  replied, 
thanking  the  President  in  warm  terms  for  his  confidence 
and  kindness,  and  added  :  "  I  will  wait,  Mr.  President, 
for  the  mission  to  Belgium." 

Returning  to  Montgomery,  I  gave  attention  to  my  law 
practice,  which  was  remunerative.  Some  time  after  the 
opening  of  the  session  of  the  Congress  in  December  the 
President,  in  a  friendly  letter,  proposed,  if  it  should 
be  agreeable  to  me,  to  nominate  me  to  the  mission  to 
Holland.  I  replied  promptly,  and  stated  to  the  President 
that  I  adhered  to  the  purpose,  previously  made  known  to 
him,  to  wait  for  the  appointment  to  Belgium,  and  that  the 
mission  to  Holland  would  not  be  agreeable  to  me. 

Mr.  Maxcy  continued  to  reside  in  Brussels,  awaiting  the 
appointment  of  his  successor.  Early  in  May  the  Presi- 
dent sent  to  the  Senate  a  message,  communicating  my 
appointment  to  the  mission  to  Belgium.  I  have  before 
me  a  letter  from  my  friend,  Mr.  Preston,  informing  me  of 
the  result  of  my  nomination,  received  by  due  course  of 
mail.     I  transcribe  it  verbatim  : 

"  Senate  Chamber, 
"  Monday  9,  May  42. 

"  1-2  3  o'clock. 

"  Dear  Hilliard  : — 

"  You  are  this  moment  confirmed. 

"  Yours, 

"  Wm.  C.  Preston. 

"  Mr.  Hilliard." 


ACCEPTANCE   OF  MISSION   TO  BELGIUM.  2J 

My  appointment  was  officially  announced  in  The  Na- 
tional Intelligencer,  but  I  did  not  receive  a  formal  notifica- 
tion of  it  from  the  Department  of  State.  I  was  engaged 
in  a  large  law  practice,  and  did  not  suspend  it  while  I  set 
about  making  ready  for  my  departure  for  Europe  ;  some 
weeks  elapsed  before  I  completed  my  preparations  for 
leaving  home.  I  decided  to  go  to  Brussels  unaccompanied 
by  my  family  and  make  arrangements  for  their  reception. 
It  was  not  before  the  last  days  of  June  that  I  found  myself 
ready  to  leave  Montgomery  and  proceed  to  Washington. 
Meanwhile  I  received  letters  from  gentlemen  in  Washing- 
ton informing  me  that  it  was  rumored  I  did  not  intend  to 
accept  my  appointment  to  Belgium,  and  asking  to  be 
satisfied  as  to  that  question  by  some  direct  assurance 
from  myself.  I  replied,  stating  that  I  had  never  hesitated 
as  to  my  acceptance  of  the  mission,  but  that  some  delay 
had  occurred  in  completing  my  home  arrangements. 

I  received  a  letter  from  the  President,  of  the  kindest 
tone,  referring  to  the  rumor  of  my  purpose  to  decline  the 
appointment,  urging  its  acceptance,  and  assuring  me  that 
the  mission  to  Belgium  had  been  from  the  first  at  my 
"  unqualified  disposal."  I  replied  promptly,  assuring  the 
President  of  my  appreciation  of  his  confidence,  and  in- 
forming him  of  my  purpose  to  proceed  immediately  to 
Washington.  I  was  received  at  Washington  by  the  Presi- 
dent with  great  cordiality ;  I  arrived  on  Saturday,  and  in 
the  afternoon  walked  in  the  gardens  surrounding  the 
White  House.  I  found  a  great  number  of  visitors  enjoy- 
ing the  fine  day  and  attracted  by  the  music  rendered  by 
the  marine  band.  As  I  passed  near  the  portico  in  the 
rear  of  the  mansion  I  observed  the  President  seated  there 
with  a  group  of  gentlemen  ;  he  recognized  me  and,  rising, 
invited  me  to  join  him,  saying,  as  he  extended  his  hand 
to  me  :  "  I  began  to  fear  that  I  should  never  see  you 
again."  I  explained  that  some  delay  had  occurred  in  my 
leaving  home,  and  assured  the  President  of  the  happiness 


28  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

it  afforded  me  to  meet  him  once  more.  The  President 
presented  me  to  the  gentlemen  about  him,  and  I  passed  a 
half  hour  in  delightful  conversation. 

Mr.  Preston  was  unremitting  in  his  attentions,  and  taking 
me  in  his  carriage,  we  drove  to  several  places  where  he 
thought  it  proper  that  I  should  call.  Lord  Ashburton 
had  recently  come  from  England  on  a  special  mission  to 
the  United  States  and  had  taken  the  splendid  mansion  of 
Mr.  Matthew  St.  Clair  Clarke,  one  of  the  finest  residences 
in  Washington,  opposite  the  White  House,  where  he 
lived  in  a  style  suited  to  his  rank.  We  drove  to  his  resi- 
dence, and  Mr.  Preston  presented  me  to  Lord  Ashburton, 
saying  that  I  was  about  to  proceed  to  Brussels,  having 
been  appointed  to  the  mission  to  Belgium  by  the  Presi- 
dent. Lord  Ashburton  treated  me  with  consideration, 
and  spoke  of  the  King  of  the  Belgians  in  a  way  that  in- 
terested me,  saying  that,  after  having  been  invited  to  ac- 
cept the  crown,  he  had  vindicated  the  choice  of  the  Belgian 
people  by  maintaining  his  claim  to  power  on  the  battle- 
field. Lord  Ashburton's  manners  were  engaging,  and  he 
made  himself  very  agreeable  to  me,  evidently  disposed  to 
show  marked  kindness  to  one  so  much  younger  than  him- 
self just  about  to  enter  the  diplomatic  service.  We  then 
called  on  Mr.  Webster  ;  he  had  taken  the  house  near 
that  of  Lord  Ashburton's,  the  splendid  residence  of  that 
noble  philanthropist,  Mr.  Corcoran,  and  which  had  been 
fitted  up  for  the  Secretary  of  State  in  a  style  of  elegance 
suited  to  the  position  and  tastes  of  that  eminent  states- 
man. We  were  shown  into  Mr.  Webster's  library,  where 
we  found  him  surrounded  with  books  and  papers,  which 
attested  that  he  was  engaged  in  some  great  task.  He 
looked  careworn  ;  not  only  did  his  face  bear  traces  of 
deep  and  anxious  thought,  but  his  frame  seemed  bowed 
down  under  a  weight  of  responsibility  that  would  have 
crushed  the  shoulders  of  Saturn.  He  received  Mr.  Pres- 
ton and  myself  in  the  most  gracious  way,  and  heightened 


PRESENTED    TO   MRS.    MADISON.  29 

my  interest  in  him  by  the  display  of  his  great  powers, 
with  rare  frankness  in  speaking  of  the  negotiations  in 
which  he  was  then  engaged  with  Lord  Ashburton.  We 
took  leave  of  Mr.  Webster,  and,  as  we  descended  the  stair- 
way, Mr.  Preston  said  to  me:  "  He  will  not  live  to  see  the 
1st  of  January." 

"  Now,"  said  Mr.  Preston,  "  I  wish  to  present  you  to 
Mrs.  Madison  ;  she  is  a  glory."  Mrs.  Madison  resided  in 
a  house  fronting  Lafayette  Square,  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood  of  the  White  House,  and,  as  the  widow  of 
President  Madison,  attracted  the  regards  of  every  one, 
while  in  her  person  and  style  of  living  she  brought  to  us 
the  memories  of  that  period  when,  as  Mistress  of  the 
White  House,  she  reigned  supreme  in  the  realm  of  the 
society  of  the  capital.  She  honored  me  with  her  kindest 
regards,  and  I  felt  in  taking  leave  of  her  that  I  should 
bear  with  me  to  Europe  the  vivid  memory  of  the  best 
days  of  the  republic. 

Mr.  Preston  had  given  me  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  Mr.  Curtis,  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York,  and 
when  I  presented  it  he  politely  suggested  that  it  might 
be  interesting  to  me  to  visit  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard. 
I  was  accompanied  by  a  young  relative,  Mr.  Marcellus 
Stanley  of  Georgia,  who  had  just  graduated  at  the 
Randolph  Macon  College,  Virginia,  and  at  his  request  I 
arranged  that  he  should  accompany  me  to  Europe.  Mr. 
Curtis  put  his  boat  at  my  service,  and  sent  a  young 
gentleman  with  us  with  a  note  of  introduction  to  Com- 
modore Perry,  who  was  at  that  time  in  command  of  the 
station.  After  a  brief  visit  the  Commodore  suggested 
that  I  should  visit  the  North  Carolina  and  the  Mississippi, 
then  at  anchor  in  the  bay,  and  said  that  it  might  interest 
me  to  visit  the  Warspite,  of  the  British  navy,  which  had 
brought  over  Lord  Ashburton.  I  found  that  the  Com- 
modore had  dismissed  Mr.  Curtis'  boat,  and  he  put  his 
own  gig  at  my  service,  in  command  of  a  young  officer  of 


30  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  navy.  I  was  received  on  board  of  the  North  Carolina 
with  consideration,  and  after  a  short  visit  the  officer  in 
command  dismissed  the  boat  which  had  brought  me  to 
the  ship  and  put  his  own  gig  at  my  service,  instructing 
the  young  lieutenant  in  command  to  escort  me  to  the 
Warspite  and  to  the  Mississippi.  Sir  John  Hay,  a  distin- 
guished officer  of  the  British  navy,  and  who  had  lost  an 
arm  in  the  service,  received  me  on  board  the  Warspite  ; 
he  had  brought  Lord  Ashburton  to  our  country,  and  was 
awaiting  his  commands.  Sir  John,  with  marked  courtesy, 
showed  me  through  the  ship,  and  when  I  had  taken  leave 
paid  me  the  compliment  of  a  salute  from  his  guns.  My 
visit  to  the  Mississippi  interested  me ;  it  was  the  first 
steamship  built  for  our  navy  that  I  had  seen,  and  upon 
leaving  it  also  I  was  honored  with  a  salute.  Returning  to 
the  North  Carolina  I  found  a  number  of  visitors  on  board, 
among  them  Honorable  Walter  T.  Colquitt,  a  senator 
from  Georgia,  and  a  party  of  ladies,  attracted  to  the  ship 
to  see  one  of  our  largest  armed  vessels ;  the  evening  was 
beautiful,  and  the  view  was  charming.  Thanking  the 
Commodore  for  his  courtesy,  I  took  leave,  and,  to  my 
surprise,  was  saluted  by  his  guns  as  my  boat  drew  away 
from  the  grand  ship. 

When  I  set  out  to  visit  the  several  ships,  I  did  not 
anticipate  anything  more  than  an  interesting  inspection 
of  them,  but  the  young  officer  sent  with  me  by  Com- 
modore Perry  had  made  known  my  diplomatic  rank,  and 
I  was  honored  accordingly.  I  had  taken  rooms  at  the 
American  Hotel,  presided  over  in  magnificent  style  by 
Cozzens,  who  afterwards  established  a  fine  house  at  West 
Point.  The  next  day  was  Sunday,  and  I  attended  divine 
service  at  the  Episcopal  Church  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hawks, 
so  distinguished  for  his  eloquence  and  for  the  beauty  and 
richness  of  his  discourses.  I  was  accompanied  by  Mr. 
Stanley,  and  we  were  both  impressed  by  hearing  read  a 
request  for  the  prayers  of  the  church  in  behalf  of  two 


THE    VOYAGE    TO  LIVERPOOL.  31 

gentlemen  "  about  to  go  to  sea."  We  were  about  to  sail 
the  next  day,  and  the  coincidence,  while  it  was  a  surprise 
to  us,  was  very  pleasing.  We  sailed  for  Liverpool  the 
next  day,  Monday,  July  25th,  in  the  noble  packet-ship, 
Roscius  of  the  Collins  line. 

Washington  Irving,  in  writing  of  a  voyage  to  Europe 
before  the  day  of  ocean  steamships,  and  when  the  sails 
were  spread  that  the  winds  might  drive  the  good  ship 
through  the  waves,  describes  the  sensations  that  a  pas- 
senger leaving  home  experiences. 

"  To  an  American  visiting  Europe,  the  long  voyage  that  he 
has  to  make  is  an  excellent  preparative.  The  temporary  ab- 
sence of  worldly  scenes  and  employments  produces  a  state  of 
mind  peculiarly  fitted  to  receive  new  and  vivid  impressions. 
The  vast  space  of  waters  that  separates  the  hemispheres  is  like 
a  blank  page  in  existence.  There  is  no  gradual  transition  by 
which,  as  in  Europe,  the  features  and  population  of  one 
country  blend  almost  imperceptibly  with  those  of  another. 
From  the  moment  you  lose  sight  of  the  land  you  have  left,  all 
is  vacancy,  until  you  step  on  the  opposite  shore  and  are 
launched  at  once  into  the  bustle  and  novelties  of  another 
world." 

The  ocean  was  to  me  an  object  of  unfailing  interest ; 
its  vastness,  its  solitude,  its  ever  heaving  bosom  recalled 
Byron's  lines  : 

' '  Thou  glorious  mirror,  where  the  Almighty's  form 
Glasses  itself  in  tempests  ;  in  all  time, 
Calm  or  convulsed — in  breeze,  or  gale,  or  storm, 
Icing  the  pole,  or  in  the  torrid  clime 
Dark-heaving  ; — boundless,  endless,  and  sublime — 
The  image  of  Eternity — the  throne 
Of  the  invisible." 

The  voyage  was  remarkable  ;  we  had  neither  storm  nor 
calm,  but  a  favoring  wind  bore  us  on  our  way  so  prosper- 
ously that  the  topmast  sails  were  never  furled  from  the 
hour  of  our  departure  to  that  of  our  arrival.     We  made 


32  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  passage  in  less  then  seventeen  days.  As  we  caught 
the  first  sight  of  land,  the  coast  of  Ireland,  we  were  all 
delighted  ;  we  could  trace  on  the  hills,  back  of  the  bold 
cliffs  the  outlines  of  buildings,  some  of  them  resembling 
the  ruins  of  old  castles.  When  we  entered  the  Mersey  a 
fine  breeze  bore  us  to  Liverpool,  and  we  landed  with 
grateful  hearts  and  congratulations  to  the  Rosczus,  that  had 
borne  us  so  bravely  over  the  wide  sea  to  old  England,  the 
land  of  our  fathers,  almost  as  dear  to  us  as  our  own  great 
country,  which  inherited  its  blood,  its  language,  its  laws, 
and  its  religion.  The  morning  was  fine  and  we  drove  to 
the  "  Adelphi  "  with  light  hearts. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  I  observed  a  coach  drawn  by  four 
horses  and  with  coachman  and  two  footmen  in  rich  livery 
stop  in  front  of  the  hotel.  Upon  inquiring  at  the  office  I 
was  informed  that  it  was  the  coach  of  the  High  Sheriff, 
who  had  called  to  conduct  the  Judge,  Sir  J.  Maule,  to  the 
court-house.  I  lost  no  time  in  making  my  way  to  the 
court-room,  where  for  the  first  time  I  saw  an  English 
court  of  law  in  session.  His  Honor,  Judge  Maule,  was  in 
full  state,  with  gown  and  wig,  and  the  members  of  the  bar 
wore  the  gown  and  smaller  wigs.  The  High  Sheriff  seemed 
to  be  most  formidable  in  the  full  display  of  official  dignity. 
The  spectacle  was  full  of  interest ;  the  contrast  was  strik- 
ing between  this  impressive  display  of  royal  authority 
and  the  republican  simplicity  which  I  had  so  lately  wit- 
nessed at  home. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

London — Edward  Everett — Sir  Robert  Peel — An  Evening  in  the  House  of 
Lords — The  Duke  of  Wellington — Lord  Lyndhurst — Lord  Brougham — 
Mr.  Bates,  of  Baring  Bros. — Mr.  VanderWeyer,  Belgian  Ambassador 
— Rothschild — Departure. 

LONDON  to  an  American  who. visits  it  for  the  first  time 
is  full  of  interest ;  associations  crowd  upon  him,  the  past 
and  the  present  appeal  to  him  ;  great  historical  personages 
— scholars,  poets,  and  illustrious  men  who  swayed  the  for- 
tunes of  England — throng  about  him,  while  the  great  busy 
city,  with  its  crowded  thoroughfares,  its  splendid  struc- 
tures, its  imposing  spectacles,  could  not  be  shut  out  from 
sight  and  hearing ;  there  is  nothing  like  it  in  all  the 
world. 

My  first  visit  was  paid  to  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  the 
American  Minister.  Presenting  letters  of  introduction, 
which  had  been  given  to  me  by  the  President  and  other 
gentlemen  of  distinction  at  Washington,  he  received  me 
with  the  greatest  cordiality,  and  from  the  first  hour  of  our 
meeting  extended  to  me  not  merely  courtesies  but  ren- 
dered me  important  services.  He  occupied  a  house  in 
Grosvenor  Square,  and  lived  with  the  dignity  and  ele- 
gance becoming  to  him  as  the  Minister  of  the  United 
States  to  the  greatest  power  in  the  world.  In  the  course 
of  a  few  years  I  became  associated  with  Mr.  Everett  inti- 
mately, and  but  a  short  time  previous  to  his  death  I  was 
his  guest  in  Boston,  so  that  I  met  him  from  time  to  time  ; 
but  I  wish  to  present  him  here,  delineating  the  man,  the 

3  33 


34  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

scholar,  and  the  statesman,  as  he  ought  to  be  known  to 
his  countrymen  and  to  the  world.  Mr.  Everett  was  at 
that  time  in  the  very  maturity  of  his  manhood  ;  his  head 
was  fine,  arched,  and  well  developed,  the  forehead  dis- 
playing the  faculty  of  imagination  and  rising  into  rever- 
ence ;  his  features  were  bold,  but  regular  and  classical ; 
his  eyes  were  large,  calm,  and  full  of  intelligence,  and  were 
dark  hazel ;  his  hair  was  thick  and  clustered  about  the 
temples ;  he  wore  no  beard  ;  his  person  was  finely  pro- 
portioned, he  stood  nearly  six  feet  in  height,  and  his 
shoulders  were  broad  and  square ;  his  whole  appearance 
recalled  some  classical  personage  living  in  the  midst  of 
our  modern  civilization.  I  should  assign  to  Mr.  Everett 
a  high  rank  among  our  public  men,  giving  him  as  he 
stood  in  a  group  of  his  contemporaries  in  Boston — so 
prolific  in  men  of  ability  and  renown — a  place  almost  as 
conspicuous  as  that  which  was  occupied  by  the  grand  form 
of  Daniel  Webster.  His  training  had  been  thorough, 
educated  in  the  most  liberal  sense  for  the  pulpit  and  for 
the  professor's  chair,  he  was  equal  to  any  one  in  the 
country  as  a  scholar,  and  rivalled  De  Quincey  in  his 
acquaintance  with  Greek,  who  it  was  said  might  have 
addressed  with  effect  an  audience  in  Athens.  Advancing 
into  the  forum  he  displayed  qualities  and  attainments 
that  gave  him  rank  with  the  first  statesmen  of  the  nation. 
He  was  the  most  faultless  writer  of  the  English  language 
that  the  country  has  produced,  and  excelled  in  oratory  to 
such  a  degree  that  he  devoted  his  ripest  faculties  to  pay- 
ing tributes  to  the  memory  of  the  father  of  his  country, 
so  splendid  as  to  remind  us  of  Isocrates,  who  earned 
immortality  by  his  panegyrics  upon  Athens. 

Parliament  was  in  session,  and  Sir  Robert  Peel  was  at 
the  head  of  the  government.  Mr.  Everett  proposed  that 
I  should  visit  the  House  of  Commons,  as  it  was  under- 
stood that  Sir  Robert  would  speak  on  a  question  of 
interest,  and  he  gave  me  a  card  which  admitted  me  to  the 


IN   THE  HOUSE   OF  LORDS.  35 

gallery  for  privileged  visitors.  I  proceeded  to  the  House 
of  Commons  and  found  that  it  had  already  adjourned  for 
want  of  a  quorum.  Much  disappointed  I  walked  into  a 
corridor  leading  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  standing  for 
a  moment  near  the  entrance  from  the  street,  I  spoke  to 
one  of  the  ushers  as  to  the  surroundings,  when  I  observed 
a  gentleman  approaching  the  door.  The  usher  said  to 
me  :  "  Here  comes  the  Duke."  A  moment  later  the  Duke 
of  Wellington  passed  me  on  his  way  to  the  chamber. 
His  appearance  was  striking:  tall,  slender,  erect,  with 
some  stateliness  in  his  bearing ;  walking  with  activity 
and  ease,  the  great  Duke  with  a  slight  inclination  passed 
me,  giving  me  the  coveted  opportunity  of  observing  the 
most  distinguished  man  in  Europe.  His  dress  was  that 
of  a  gentleman  in  morning  costume,  a  dark  frock-coat, 
pantaloons  of  light-colored  cassimere,  and  a  tall  white  hat. 
I  entered  the  gallery  of  the  House  of  Lords  and  found 
the  body  had  already  assembled.  Lord  Lyndhurst  was 
seated  on  the  wool-sack ;  the  Duke  of  Wellington  was  in 
his  seat,  his  head  drooped  ;  and  some  two  or  three  bish- 
ops wearing  their  robes  were  in  their  places.  In  the  rear 
of  the  wool-sack  was  the  throne,  occupied  only  occasion- 
ally by  the  Queen  on  great  state  days.  Lord  Lyndhurst 's 
noble  form  was  covered  with  the  gown  which  the  Lord 
Chancellor  wears  when  presiding  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  he  wore  the  great  wig  of  his  office,  but  still  his 
appearance  interested  me  deeply.  His  career  has  been 
extraordinary ;  he  was  born  in  Boston,  the  son  of  Mr. 
Copley,  who  was  also  a  native  of  that  city,  but  a  British 
subject.  Mr.  Copley  was  a  portrait  painter,  who  earned 
his  fame  as  an  artist  in  this  country,  and  removed  to 
London  before  the  colonies  were  separated  from  Eng- 
land. Young  Copley  grew  up  with  the  best  training, 
and  won  honors  at  the  university ;  called  to  the  bar  he 
advanced  steadily,  and  while  yet  young  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  leading  men  of  England.     He  began  his 


36  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

career  as  a  Liberal,  but  having  displayed  abilities  so 
remarkable  as  to  entitle  him  to  consideration,  the  leaders 
of  the  Tory  party  being  in  power,  showered  honors  upon 
him  and  secured  him  as  an  ally.  He  shone  among  the 
conspicuous  men  of  England,  and  possessing,  besides  his 
splendid  abilities,  noble  presence  and  fascinating  manners, 
he  rose  to  great  distinction.  When  I  saw  him  in  the 
House  of  Lords  he  was  for  the  first  time  Lord  Chancellor, 
Sir  Robert  Peel  being  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury.  Lord 
Lyndhurst  before  the  close  of  his  career  became  an  ear- 
nest Christian,  working  faithfully  for  the  great  cause  in 
his  intercourse  with  the  public  men  of  the  country  by 
whom  he  was  surrounded.  Just  before  his  death,  which 
occurred  in  the  ninety-second  year  of  his  age,  he  expressed 
his  trust  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  the  strongest  terms, 
and  when  asked  by  a  friend  what  his  feelings  were  as  he' 
drew  near  the  end,  he  replied :  "  I  am  happy ;  yes, 
supremely  happy."  As  I  observed  Lord  Lyndhurst  on 
the  wool-sack,  surrounded  by  noblemen  who  had  inherit- 
ed ancestral  honors,  he  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  chiefest  in 
the  attainment  of  his  great  distinction,  for  he  had  won  his 
high  place  by  his  own  personal  qualities.  I  was  so  fortu- 
nate as  to  see  Lord  Brougham.  He,  too,  had  risen  to 
high  eminence  by  his  great  parts,  and  his  presence  in  the 
House  of  Lords  shed  a  splendor  over  the  body.  Of 
him  Lord  Lyndhurst  is  said  to  have  remarked  :  "  What 
is  the  House  of  Lords  without  Lord  Brougham  ?  "  The 
question  on  which  Lord  Brougham  rose  to  speak  was 
not  one  of  general  importance,  but  some  bill  affecting  the 
privileges  of  the  City  of  London.  I  was  amused  to  hear 
Lord  Brougham  pronounce  the  name  of  the  city  "  Lun- 
non,"  in  the  clearest  cockney  style  ;  his  manner  was  fine, 
his  voice  pleasing,  and  he  treated  the  subject  in  a  way  to 
make  it  interesting.  I  should  have  been  much  gratified 
to  have  heard  him  discuss  some  great  question  that 
brought  out   his  wonderful  powers.     I  had  felt  a  great 


OBSERVATIONS  ON  LORD  BROUGHAM.  37 

interest  in  him,  not  merely  because  of  his  splendid  abili- 
ties, but  for  his  courageous  and  noble  defence  of  Queen 
Caroline.  That  unhappy  princess  drew  to  her  support 
the  true,  brave,  and  gallant  men  of  England.  When  it 
was  proposed  in  Parliament  to  strike  her  name  from  the 
list  of  royal  persons  embraced  in  the  public  service  in  the 
Church  of  England,  one  of  the  noble  Lords  protesting 
against  it  said  : 

"  It  is  proposed  to  add  to  the  persecutions  which  the  un- 
happy Princess  has  been  made  to  endure,  the  most  cruel  of  all, 
by  withholding  from  her  the  prayers  of  the  Church,  wholly 
omitting  her  name  from  mention,  and  depriving  her  of  the 
grace  of  the  supplications  offered  for  all,  unless  she  is  included 
in  the  petition  for  Divine  succor  for  all  those  who  are  desolate 
and  afflicted." 

There  was  infinite  pathos  in  this  speech.  Lord  Brough- 
am led  the  noble  body  of  public  men  who  defended  Queen 
Caroline,  and  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  hear  him  with 
indifference  on  any  subject.  He,  too,  lived  to  an  advanced 
age,  always  full  of  vigor  and  interest ;  his  varied  learning, 
his  animated  manner,  his  splendid  abilities,  the  courage 
with  which  he  bore  himself  in  great  debates,  constituted 
him  a  statesman  of  wonderful  power  under  every  suc- 
cessive administration  of  the  government.  As  I  walked 
out  of  the  chamber  I  felt  that,  while  I  had  lost  much  in 
not  hearing  Sir  Robert  Peel,  I  had  been  compensated  by 
an  evening  in  the  House  of  Lords. 

I  found  a  friend  in  Mr.  Bates,  of  the  great  house  of 
Baring  Bros.,  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  who,  when  yet 
young,  made  his  home  in  London  and  established  a  busi- 
ness so  important  and  successful  as  to  make  him  an  object 
of  public  regard.  He  was  invited  to  enter  the  house  of 
Baring  Bros.,  which  attained  to  such  eminence  in  the 
great  metropolis  at  an  early  day  as  to  constitute  it  one  of 
the  first  commercial  establishments  of  the  world.     Mr. 


38  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Bates  lived  with  elegance,  and  his  hospitality  was  such  as 
to  entitle  him  to  social  distinction  in  London.  His  atten- 
tions to  me  were  so  kind  and  constant  as  to  make  my  stay 
in  the  city  far  more  agreeable  than  it  could  have  been 
under  other  circumstances.  Mr.  Van  der  Weyer,  the 
Belgian  Ambassador  at  London,  had  married  a  daughter 
of  Mr.  Bates,  and  the  Queen  of  England  was  the  god- 
mother of  their  children.  Mr.  Bates  invited  me  to  meet 
Mr.  Van  der  Weyer  at  dinner,  and  I  enjoyed  the  honor 
of  being  received  as  the  guest  of  the  family  of  the  Ambas- 
sador from  Belgium,  the  court  to  which  I  was  accredited, 
before  my  presentation  to  the  King  in  Brussels.  Mr.  Van 
der  Weyer  was  one  of  that  class  of  statesmen  who  rose  to 
distinction  by  his  attainments  as  a  scholar ;  he  contributed 
powerful  support  to  the  popular  cause  by  his  writings 
when  Belgium  asserted  its  independence  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands,  and  raised  its  own  royal  standard 
upon  the  organization  of  the  new  government.  When 
Leopold  became  king  he  rewarded  the  signal  services  of 
Mr.  Van  der  Weyer  to  his  country  by  conferring  on  him 
the  high  distinction  of  Ambassador  of  Belgium  to  Eng- 
land. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  kept  its  accounts 
in  Europe  at  that  time  with  the  house  of  Rothschild,  in 
London.  I  called  to  present  my  letter  of  credit,  and  in  a 
few  moments  I  was  invited  to  a  personal  interview  with 
the  great  banker  ;  he  received  me  cordially  and  entered 
into  a  free  conversation  in  regard  to  public  affairs.  I  was 
impressed  with  the  marked  politeness  of  my  reception,  for 
I  had  heard  that  his  manner  was  at  times  characterized 
by  extreme  hauteur.  I  found  his  conversation  pleasing. 
I  stated  that  it  was  my  wish  to  draw  some  part  of  my 
salary  before  proceeding  to  Brussels,  and  he  had  it  ar- 
ranged for  me  promptly  ;  a  clerk  came  in  bringing  a  roll 
of  notes  of  the  Bank  of  England,  which  looked  really 
formidable.     I  had  never  seen  a  note  of  that  description, 


DEPARTURE    FROM  LONDON.  39 

and  as  the  package  was  too  large  for  my  small  portemon- 
naie  I  placed  it  in  the  side  pocket  of  my  coat.  Mr.  Roth- 
schild advised  me  to  bestow  some  care  on  the  package  if 
I  entered  a  public  conveyance,  as  a  gentleman  sometimes 
loses  his  money  by  the  adroitness  of  a  fellow-passenger. 
I  had  enjoyed  a  conversation  with  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant men  in  Europe,  one  with  whom  princes  dealt,  and 
who  exerted  a  pronounced  influence  upon  the  fortunes  of 
crowned  heads. 

I  passed  a  few  days  in  visiting  places  of  public  interest 
in  London,  and  found  the  time  too  limited  for  the  gratifi- 
cation of  my  desire  to  explore  even  a  few  of  the  lines  of 
research  that  opened  all  around  me. 

I  was  much  indebted  to  the  kind  offices  of  Mr.  John 
Miller,  a  despatch  agent  of  our  government,  who  con- 
tributed, by  the  most  assiduous  and  intelligent  attentions 
to  my  wishes,  to  make  my  stay  in  London  perfectly  satis- 
factory. He  secured  for  me  state-rooms  on  one  of  a  line 
of  steamboats  leaving  for  Antwerp  daily  ;  and  with  my 
young  relative,  Mr.  Stanley,  I  embarked  for  that  port.  I 
could  have  secured  a  shorter  passage  by  sailing  for  Ostend, 
but  I  preferred  the  other  line,  and  I  found  that  my  choice 
was  fortunate.  It  was  at  that  time,  and  is  still,  I  learn, 
the  most  agreeable  route  from  London  to  the  coast  of 
Belgium  ;  it  was  a  run  of  some  twenty-four  hours  from 
the  Thames  to  the  fine  old  town  on  the  Scheldt. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Antwerp — Brussels — Honorable  Virgil  Maxcy — Hotel  de  France — Great 
Military  Review  on  the  Banks  of  the  Rhine — Cologne — Aix-la-Chapelle 
Splendid  Reception  by  the  King  of  Prussia — Baron  Humboldt — Return 
to  Brussels. 

Antwerp  was  as  strange  to  me  as  it  was  interesting. 
The  whole  aspect  of  the  place  was  unlike  anything  I  had 
ever  seen  before  ;  its  old  buildings  of  the  Spanish  style 
of  architecture  ;  its  ancient  streets,  as  quiet  as  if  nothing 
new  or  modern  had  ever  disturbed  them  ;  its  grand  cathe- 
dral ;  its  hotels,  indescribable  and  delightful  ;  its  great 
shipping,  bearing  the  wealth  of  nations  to  its  ample 
port ;  its  huge  horses,  drawing  drays  over  its  roughly 
paved  streets,  strangely  impressed  me.  At  intervals  of 
fifteen  minutes  the  bells  of  the  cathedral  tower  were 
heard  in  exquisite  chimes  ;  and  a  walk  of  a  few  minutes 
took  me  to  a  world  as  far  removed  from  commerce  as  if 
by  some  strange  power  I  had  been  transported  into  some 
earlier  century.  Yet  Antwerp  is  a  place  of  active  and 
important  commercial  transactions  ;  Napoleon  made  it  a 
place  of  rendezvous  for  men-of-war  ;  with  his  practical 
sense,  however,  he  made  there  a  place  of  anchorage, 
wholly  distinct  from  the  commercial  docks,  which  are 
capable  of  holding  two  thousand  vessels  ;  they  are  formed 
into  four  canals,  on  which  storehouses  are  built ;  and  the 
merchant  is  enabled  to  crane  his  goods  from  shipboard 
into  his  warehouse.  Antwerp  is  renowned  for  its  military 
structures,  its  sieges,  and  heroic  defences,  from  the  time 

40 


ANTWERP.  41 

of  the  Duke  of  Alba  to  the  assault  of  the  united  troops 
of  Belgium  and  France,  made  in  1832.  The  history  of 
Antwerp  for  three  hundred  years  has  not  only  been  with- 
out a  blemish,  but  is  highly  honorable.  The  churches  of 
the  city  are  full  of  interest  ;  they  contain  some  splendid 
paintings  ;  in  the  cathedral  there  is  to  be  seen  the  finest 
picture  in  the  world — "  The  Descent  from  the  Cross,"  by 
Rubens  ;  this  unrivalled  picture  was  sent  by  Napoleon  to 
the  Louvre,  but  was  restored  by  the  King  of  France,  after 
the  fall  of  the  great  Emperor,  who  would  have  made 
Paris  the  capital  of  Europe.  Some  persons  of  critical 
taste  prefer  the  altar-piece,  by  the  same  painter  ;  it  rep- 
resents the  "  Assumption,"  and  is  wonderfully  beautiful ; 
groups  of  visitors  gather  about  it  and  gaze  for  hours  upon 
the  picture,  finding  in  it  an  irresistible  charm.  The 
cathedral  is  one  of  the  finest  in  Europe  ;  its  spire,  four 
hundred  and  sixty-six  feet  high,  of  open  stonework,  is 
exquisite  ;  Charles  V.  said  it  should  be  kept  under  a  glass 
case  ;  and  Napoleon  remarked  that  it  was  as  fine  as  Mech- 
lin lace.  At  the  Church  of  St.  Jacques  is  a  splendid 
picture — "  The  Saviour  Crucified,"  by  Vandyke  ;  it  is  a 
very  beautiful  picture.  In  the  Church  of  St.  Andrew 
there  is  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots,  erected  by  two  English  women  ;  the  inscription 
ranks  the  beautiful  woman,  so  cruelly  put  to  death  by  the 
order  of  her  heartless  rival,  Queen  Elizabeth,  as  a  martyr. 
On  the  Place  Verte  is  a  fine  statue  of  Rubens.  I  could 
not  linger  in  the  fine  old  city  that  so  deeply  interested  me. 
Brussels,  twenty-five  miles  distant,  is  reached  by  a  fine 
railway  ;  we  took  the  train,  and  in  the  course  of  an  hour 
entered  the  beautiful  environs  of  the  capital.  Before 
leaving  Washington,  the  Belgian  Minister  had  spoken  to 
me  of  the  Hotel  de  France  in  such  terms  that  I  drove  to 
it  immediately  and  engaged  a  handsome  suite  of  apart- 
ments. The  hotel  is  delightfully  situated  near  the  park, 
which  is  surrounded  by  a  square  of  palaces  and  the  resi- 


42  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

dences  of  Belgian  ministers  and  foreign  ambassadors  ; 
the  outlook  was  charming,  and  my  first  impressions  of 
Belgium  were  of  the  most  pleasing  kind.  Honorable 
Virgil  Maxcy,  my  predecessor,  was  awaiting  my  arrival, 
and  I  found  that  he  had  apartments  in  the  Hotel  de 
France,  Mrs.  Maxcy  being  with  him.  They  received  me 
most  hospitably.  Mr.  Maxcy  was  a  citizen  of  Maryland, 
and  he  had  been  appointed  Minister  to  Belgium  to  suc- 
ceed Honorable  Hugh  S.  Legar6,  of  South  Carolina.  Mr. 
Legare"  was  the  first  diplomatic  representative  appointed 
by  the  United  States  to  Belgium  upon  the  organization 
of  that  kingdom  after  its  separation  from  Holland,  the 
two  countries  having  been  united  under  one  government 
— the  Netherlands — by  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  after  the 
overthrow  of  Napoleon.  Leopold  of  Saxe-Coburg,  who 
had  married  the  Princess  Charlotte,  the  daughter  of 
George  IV.,  and  since  her  death  had  continued  to  reside 
in  England,  was  offered  the  crown  by  the  Ministry  and 
the  National  Congress  of  Belgium,  and  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  great  powers  of  Europe  had  accepted  it ;  his 
coronation  took  place  July  21,  1831. 

Mr.  Legar£  was  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  this 
important  mission  residing  in  Charleston,  S.  C.  ;  he  was 
one  of  the  ablest  and  most  accomplished  statesmen  of  the 
country,  and  would  have  adorned  any  station  at  home  or 
abroad.  He  resided  at  Brussels  for  some  years,  and  upon 
his  retirement  from  the  mission,  Mr.  Maxcy  of  Maryland 
was  chosen  to  succeed  him.  Mr.  Maxcy  was  a  gentleman 
of  fine  culture  and  most  agreeable  manners,  living  with 
elegance,  and  at  all  times  maintaining  the  dignity  of  his 
station  ;  he  extended  hospitalities  to  his  countrymen  who 
visited  Brussels.  Both  Mr.  Legare"  and  Mr.  Maxcy  lived 
in  a  style  which  was  becoming  to  the  representatives  of  a 
great  nation,  at  the  court  where  the  European  govern- 
ments sent  their  ablest  diplomatists,  and  which  was  un- 
surpassed for  the  splendor  of  its  surroundings. 


MI  LI  TAR  Y  D  ISP  LA  Y  ON   THE  RHINE.  43 

The  King  of  Prussia  proposed  to  provide  a  great  mili- 
tary spectacle  on  the  Rhine,  near  Bonn,  and  he  invited 
the  sovereigns  of  Europe  and  other  men  of  importance  to 
be  present.  Mr.  Maxcy  desired  to  observe  this  splendid 
exhibit,  and,  as  King  Leopold  had  accepted  the  invitation 
to  attend  it,  he  proposed  that  we  should  accompany  his 
Majesty,  forming  part  of  his  suite  ;  yielding  to  Mr.  Max- 
cy's  wish,  I  consented  to  defer  my  presentation  at  court 
until  our  return  from  the  excursion.  Arriving  at  Cologne 
we  endeavored  to  provide  ourselves  with  horses,  that  we 
might  observe  the  military  movements  with  advantage, 
but  the  demand  for  them  was  so  great  that  we  could  not 
secure  them.  We  got  no  further  in  our  preparations  than 
to  buy  spurs  for  our  boots,  and  I  was  much  amused  to 
find  upon  my  return  to  Brussels  these  important  articles 
in  my  valise,  to  remind  me  of  the  field  and  its  glories, 
where,  from  an  open  carriage,  we  had  witnessed  feats  of 
horsemanship  performed  by  others.  The  spectacle  was 
splendid  ;  some  fifty  thousand  troops  were  on  the  field, 
and  brilliant  manoeuvres  were  executed  under  the  eyes  of 
the  most  distinguished  commanders  in  Europe  ;  villages 
were  assaulted  and  taken,  the  long  lines  of  infantry  held 
their  ground,  and  great  bodies  of  cavalry  charged  with 
impetuous  gallantry.  Ladies  were  present  in  great  num- 
bers, their  splendid  equipages  appearing  on  different 
points  of  the  field  as  the  shifting  fortunes  of  mimic  war- 
fare attracted  them.  The  Queen  of  Prussia  with  her 
brilliant  escort  made  a  central  object,  and  about  her 
coach  were  grouped  others  filled  with  the  attendants 
who  gave  so  much  splendor  to  the  court  circle.  I  was 
introduced  to  Prince  George  of  Cambridge,  a  cousin  of 
Queen  Victoria,  and  at  this  time  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  British  Army ;  I  was  much  pleased  with  him,  and 
enjoyed  a  friendly  conversation  with  the  young  prince. 

The  royal  party  passed  the  day  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  the 
city  of  Charlemagne,  and  the  visit  to  the  cathedral  was 


44  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

full  of  interest.  The  King  and  Queen  of  Prussia,  the 
King  of  the  Belgians  and  his  suite,  and  many  others 
connected  with  royalty  were  received  in  the  church  with 
great  distinction  ;  as  one  of  the  suite  of  King  Leopold,  I 
enjoyed  the  privilege  of  seeing  the  exhibition  of  objects 
rarely  shown.  The  position  of  the  tomb  in  which  the 
remains  of  Charlemagne  had  been  interred  was  pointed 
out  to  us.  It  was  marked  by  a  slab  of  marble  under  the 
centre  of  the  dome,  inscribed  with  the  words  "  Carlo 
Magno."  A  massive  brazen  chandelier  hangs  above  it, 
the  gift  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  Barbarossa.  We  were 
invited  to  enter  the  sacristy,  rich  in  relics  shown  but  once 
in  seven  years  to  the  people,  but  on  this  occasion  ex- 
hibited to  our  view.  These  relics  were  presented  to 
Charlemagne  by  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and  by 
Haroun,  King  of  Persia ;  and  are  deposited  in  a  rich 
shrine  of  gilt  silver,  the  work  of  artists  of  the  ninth 
century.  Among  them  we  were  shown  what  we  were 
assured  was  the  robe  worn  by  the  virgin  at  the  nativity ; 
the  cloth  on  which  the  head  of  John  the  Baptist  was 
laid  ;  the  scarf  worn  by  our  Saviour  at  the  crucifixion, 
bearing  stains  of  blood.  There  were,  besides  these,  two 
objects  of  priceless  value — a  locket  containing  the  Virgin's 
hair,  and  a  piece  of  the  true  cross  ;  Charlemagne  wore  it 
on  his  breast  while  living,  and  in  his  tomb.  The  piece  of 
the  true  cross  had  actually  been  presented  to  Charle- 
magne by  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem.  I  touched  this  object 
with  vivid  interest ;  it  had  been  accepted  by  Charlemagne 
with  deep  veneration,  and  had  been  worn  upon  his  heart 
more  than  a  thousand  years  since. 

About  half  a  mile  from  Aix-la-Chapelle  is  a  hill,  called 
the  Louisberg,  about  two  hundred  feet  high,  and  on  its 
summit  stands  the  Belvedere,  with  a  saloon  commanding 
an  extensive  prospect.  In  this  place  a  splendid  entertain- 
ment was  given  in  the  evening  by  the  King  and  Queen  of 
Prussia.     I  met  there  the  most  distinguished  people  from 


CONVERSATION    WITH  BARON    VON  HUMBOLDT.      45 

different  parts  of  Europe.  The  queen  was  charming — she 
received  her  guests  with  winning  cordiality.  I  had  the 
honor  of  being  presented  to  her  by  the  venerable  Baron  von 
Humboldt,  her  chamberlain.  I  found  this  eminent  man 
one  of  the  most  agreeable  persons  I  had  ever  met,  and 
enjoyed  for  some  time  a  conversation  with  him,  by  which 
I  felt  honored  as  well  as  entertained.  A  large  number  of 
persons  of  the  highest  rank  enjoyed  the  brilliant  recep- 
tion, among  them,  besides  the  King  and  Queen  of  Prussia, 
were  Leopold,  King  of  the  Belgians,  the  King  of  Wer- 
temberg,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Nassau,  Archduke  John,  a 
brother  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  and  two  sons  of 
the  King  of  Holland.  A  balcony  surrounded  the  build- 
ing, and  a  large  number  of  the  guests  had  passed  out  on 
it  that  they  might  observe  the  pyrotechnical  display  on 
the  plain  below  ;  and  I,  supposing  that  the  royal  per- 
sonages were  outside,  stood  at  a  window  looking  at  the 
exhibition,  when  some  one  in  uniform  said  to  me : 
"  Prenez-garde"  and  I  found  myself  unconsciously  stand- 
ing in  front  of  Archduke  John  of  Austria — one  must  not 
turn  his  back  on  royalty, — and  I  bowed  and  gave  way  to 
the  distinguished-looking  gentleman  whose  presence  alone 
would  have  entitled  him  to  consideration,  if  his  rank  had 
not  secured  it.  Not  only  was  he  of  the  royal  family  of 
Austria,  but  he  was  the  brother  of  the  great  Archduke 
Charles,  who  had  won  distinction  as  a  soldier  while  holding 
his  troops  steadily  against  the  advance  of  that  greatest  of 
captains — Napoleon. 

Returning  to  Brussels  I  felt  myself  indebted  to  Mr. 
Maxcy  for  having  invited  me  to  make  the  excursion 
which  had  afforded  both  of  us  so  much  pleasure. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days,  Mr.  Maxcy,  having  com- 
pleted his  arrangements,  took  leave  and  returned  to  the 
United  States.  Within  a  few  months  I  was  shocked  to 
receive  an  account  of  his  sudden  death  on  board  the 
Princeton,  while  he  was  visiting  the  ship  with  a  distin- 


46  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

guished  party  assembled  to  witness  the  working  of  her 
machinery.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  February, 
1843,  Commodore  Stockton,  surrounded  by  his  guests  on 
board  the  steamer  man-of-war  Princeton,  proposed  to 
exhibit  to  them  the  formidable  guns  which  were  to  throw 
balls  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-five  pounds  each.  The 
President  of  the  United  States,  his  Cabinet,  members  of 
both  houses  of  Congress,  with  distinguished  citizens,  and 
a  number  of  ladies,  led  by  Mrs.  Madison,  were  interested 
observers.  The  vessel  had  proceeded  down  the  Potomac 
below  Mount  Vernon,  and  was  on  her  return,  the  guns 
firing  well,  when,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  it 
was  proposed  to  fire,  once  more,  one  of  the  great  guns 
under  favorable  conditions.  The  gun  was  fired,  bursting 
on  one  side  and  throwing  a  large  fragment  on  the  group 
of  persons  standing  there,  crushing  the  front  rank  with 
its  immense  weight.  In  the  group,  consisting  of  Mr. 
Upshur,  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Gilmer,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  and  others,  stood  my  friend,  Mr.  Maxcy ;  they 
were  instantly  killed  by  the  explosion.  He  was  a  man  of 
generous  nature,  and  though  no  longer  young,  loved 
society,  and  rarely  lost  an  opportunity  for  witnessing  a 
public  spectacle ;  he  left  a  family  devoted  to  him,  and  I 
afterwards  met  in  Washington  one  of  his  daughters,  the 
wife  of  Mr.  Markoe,  of  the  Department  of  State,  a  charm- 
ing woman,  who  would  have  graced  the  society  of  any 
city.  His  death  afforded  a  sad  lesson  upon  the  evanes- 
cence of  life  and  the  instability  of  human  affairs. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

King  Leopold  and  the  Queen — Diplomatic  Representatives  at  the  Court — 
Dinner  at  the  Palace  at  Laeken — My  Residence  near  the  Park — 
Arrangements  for  Living. 

The  King  of  the  Belgians  was  one  of  the  first  states- 
men in  Europe.  Prince  Leopold  of  Saxe-Coburg  visited 
England  while  yet  a  young  man,  and  at  once  attracted 
attention,  not  only  from  his  connection  with  that  noble 
house,  but  from  his  person,  his  qualities,  and  his  train- 
ing ;  no  prince  of  his  time  surpassed  him  in  the  ac- 
complishments that  adorn  high  station.  After  being 
thoroughly  educated  he  entered  the  Austrian  service, 
where  he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  military  affairs,  and 
upon  relinquishing  his  command  he  decided  to  pass  some 
time  in  England,  where  his  sister,  the  Duchess  of  Kent, 
resided.  The  Princess  Charlotte,  daughter  of  George  IV., 
was  then  just  appearing  in  the  court  circle,  which  she 
adorned  by  her  youth,  her  beauty,  her  accomplishments, 
and  those  qualities  of  mind  and  character  which  impart 
the  highest  charm  even  to  one  in  the  most  exalted  station 
of  life.  She  was  the  object  of  universal  regard  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  heart  of  the  nation  rejoiced  in  her  as  one 
destined  to  bring  to  the  throne  the  charms  which,  blended 
in  a  woman  with  the  sovereign,  shed  lustre  upon  a  reign. 
Prince  Leopold  and  the  Princess  Charlotte  attracted  each 
other,  and  their  marriage  was  not  only  approved  by  the 
royal  family,  but  by  the  people  of  England  ;  Parliament 
voted  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  annually  for  the 

47 


48  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Prince  ;  and  the  splendid  residence,  Claremont,  was  settled 
on  him.  Never  did  a  brighter  morning  rise  upon  two 
young  people ;  but  within  a  few  months  the  Princess  died, 
giving  birth  to  a  still-born  child.  The  Prince  continued 
to  reside  at  his  splendid  seat,  respected  by  all,  and 
studied  the  political  institutions  of  England.  In  1830 
he  was  offered  the  crown  of  Greece,  which  he  refused  to 
accept.  The  following  year  he  was  chosen  King  of  the 
Belgians,  and  took  the  throne  with  the  sanction  of  the 
great  powers  of  Europe ;  he  had  just  attained  his  fortieth 
year,  and  entered  upon  the  administration  of  the  new 
government  with  splendid  qualifications  for  the  great 
task.  The  coronation  of  the  King,  Leopold  I.,  took  place 
July  21,  1 83 1.  In  the  course  of  the  next  year  he  married 
the  Princess  Louise,  daughter  of  Louis  Philippe,  King  of 
the  French.  The  young  Queen  brought  to  her  splendid 
station  all  the  qualities  that  could  be  desired  in  a  reign- 
ing princess,  and  all  the  accomplishments  that  could  make 
her  attractive  as  a  woman.  The  King  was  a  man  of  im- 
pressive presence,  standing  the  full  height  of  six  feet,  of 
fine  proportions,  and  military  bearing;  of  bronze  com- 
plexion, black  hair,  and  dark  eyes,  he  would  have  been 
observed  in  any  circle.  The  Queen  was  a  beautiful 
woman,  with  fine  complexion,  fair  hair,  blue  eyes,  a  face 
of  pleasing  contour,  a  form  tall  and  graceful ;  with  a 
warmth  of  manner  that  was  eminently  gracious,  she 
moved  in  the  circle  where  she  reigned  the  object  of  uni- 
versal regard.  It  was  a  court  of  unsurpassed  splendor, 
all  its  appointments,  which  were  those  of  the  English 
style,  displayed  elegance  regulated  by  perfect  taste.  The 
carriage  of  the  King  was  drawn  by  four  splendid  bays, 
with  postilions  in  rich  livery ;  that  of  the  Queen  was  dis- 
tinguished with  equal  taste,  the  four  horses  were  gray, 
and  the  postilions  and  outriders  wore  a  splendid  livery. 
The  Diplomatic  Corps  at  Brussels  was  composed  of  distin- 
guished men :  Mr.  Falk,  of  Holland,  was  conceded  to  be 


DIPLOMATIC  REPRESENTATIVES.  49 

the  most  eminent  member  of  the  body  ;  this  was  accorded 
to  him  for  his  long  and  successful  career,  and  for  his  early- 
appearance  at  court  as  the  representative  of  his  country. 
His  position  required  skill  and  weight  of  character,  and 
he  possessed  both.  The  Marquis  de  Rumigny  was  the 
French  Ambassador,  holding,  next  to  the  Nuncio  of  the 
Pope,  the  highest  rank  in  the  Diplomatic  Corps ;  he  had  a 
charming  family,  his  daughters  contributing  much  to  the 
society  of  the  capital.  Sir  Hamilton  Seymour  was  the 
English  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary, and  Lady  Seymour,  a  beautiful  and  noble  woman, 
aided  him  in  giving  to  his  important  official  position  the 
added  charm  of  profuse  and  elegant  hospitality.  I  en- 
joyed with  these  eminent  men  a  most  agreeable  inter- 
course, which  was  the  more  gratifying  to  me  as  I  was 
much  younger,  and  had  just  entered  upon  my  diplomatic 
career.  I  was  upon  terms  of  the  most  friendly  inter- 
course, too,  with  Count  de  Deitreichstein,  the  Minister  of 
Austria,  who  was  more  nearly  of  my  own  age  ;  his  wife 
was  very  beautiful,  a  Polish  princess,  who  gave  a  great 
charm  to  social  life.  There  were  others  who  contributed 
much  to  the  interest  of  my  residence,  by  attentions  ex- 
tended to  me  both  officially  and  socially. 

Just  outside  of  the  northern  limits  of  Brussels  is  the 
All£e  Verte,  one  of  the  most  delightful  drives  in  the 
world,  bordered  on  one  side  by  a  path  for  pedestrians, 
by  the  canal  on  the  other,  beautifully  shaded  by  a  triple 
row  of  trees.  An  evening  drive  along  this  avenue,  when 
the  lingering  rays  of  the  setting  sun  guild  the  tree-tops 
and  a  fragrance  of  new-mown  hay  is  in  the  air,  is  perfect 
in  its  enjoyment.  A  little  way  from  the  end  of  this  road 
you  cross  the  bridge  and  arrive  at  Laeken,  a  seat  of  a  royal 
residence,  one  of  the  most  charming  in  the  world.  It 
was  built  by  Albert,  Archduke  of  Saxony,  Governor  of 
Flanders,  in  1782,  from  the  plans  drawn  by  himself. 
Napoleon  purchased  it  and  made  it  a  present  to  Joseph- 


50  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ine,  and  here  he  signed  the  declaration  of  war  against 
Russia,  and  drew  the  plan  of  that  disastrous  campaign 
that  led  to  his  overthrow. 

Their  Majesties  were  residing  at  this  palace  when  I 
arrived  at  Brussels,  and  they  did  not  leave  it  to  return  to 
the  royal  residence  in  the  city  until  the  autumn  had 
passed.  The  King  gave  a  dinner  at  Laeken  soon  after 
our  return  from  the  excursion  to  the  Rhine,  and  I  was 
honored  with  an  invitation  ;  the  guests  were  the  members 
of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  other  persons  of  distinction. 
Among  them  was  a  statesman  who,  at  that  time,  attracted 
the  attention  of  Europe,  Mr.  Olazaga,  who  was  for  some 
time  at  the  head  of  the  Spanish  Ministry;  he  retired 
from  the  government,  and  left  Spain  under  the  grave 
accusation  of  lese-majeste,  in  compelling  the  young 
Queen  to  sign  a  paper  which  did  not  meet  her  approval. 
He  was  a  ^person  of  interesting  appearance,  and  was 
understood  to  possess  abilities  of  a  high  order.  The 
guests  were  standing  in  the  usual  way  to  receive  their 
Majesties,  when  the  King  entered,  leading  by  the  hand  a 
child  of  some  four  years  of  age,  of  remarkable  beauty, 
her  black  hair,  rosy  complexion,  and  dark  eyes  constitu- 
ting her  an  object  of  rare  attraction  ;  she  was  the  young- 
est child  of  their  Majesties,  their  daughter  Carlotta ;  the 
Queen,  attended  by  her  ladies  of  honor,  came  in  at  the 
same  time.  The  King  wore  an  evening  dress  of  black  and 
small-clothes  with  the  Order  of  the  Garter ;  his  dress  was 
singularly  becoming  to  him,  and  the  little  girl  who  walked 
by  his  side  heightened  the  interest  of  his  appearance.  If 
we  could  have  looked  through  the  vista  of  coming  years, 
we  should  have  seen  that  child,  grown  to  womanly  beauty, 
acting  a  part  in  the  world's  history  of  splendid  and  tragic 
coloring.  Carlotta,  daughter  of  the  King  and  Queen,  the 
central  figures  of  that  brilliant  circle,  became  the  wife  of 
Maximilian,  brother  of  the  reigning  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and,  not  long  after  her  marriage,  Empress  of  Mexico, 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  LIVING.  5  I 

sharing  the  fortunes  of  her  generous  and  accomplished 
husband  in  his  splendid  career  in  Mexico,  shedding  added 
lustre  upon  his  reign ;  she  was  overcome  by  his  tragic 
death,  and  a  rayless  shadow  settled  upon  the  brightness 
of  her  youth.  But  on  that  evening  in  the  palace  at 
Laeken  everything  was  bright  and  joyous,  and  the  evening 
closed  in  cloudless  splendor. 

My  family  had  not  joined  me,  but  I  decided  to  take  a 
house  at  once  and  occupy  it  with  Mr.  Stanley,  feeling 
that  it  was  proper  to  have  my  own  establishment  where 
I  might  entertain  my  countrymen,  and  reciprocate  in 
some  way  the  hospitality  showered  upon  me ;  its  situa- 
tion was  charming,  being  on  the  side  of  the  park  opposite 
the  Hotel  de  France,  and  near  the  royal  palace.  I  had 
taken  into  my  service,  from  the  time  of  Mr.  Maxcy's  de- 
parture, his  footman,  an  experienced,  accomplished,  and 
trustworthy  man,  who  spoke  several  languages,  and  was 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  way  of  living  in  Brussels  ; 
such  was  Antoine,  a  native  Belgian,  who  had  seen  much 
of  the  world,  having  travelled  as  courier  with  the  English 
and  French  families  visiting  Germany  and  Italy.  He  had 
served  Mr.  Maxcy  well,  and  he  was  so  faithful  to  me 
that  I  retained  him  in  my  service  during  my  entire  resi- 
dence in  Brussels  ;  he  not  only  spoke  Flemish  but  French, 
Spanish,  and  English  fluently,  not  always  correctly  nor 
elegantly,  but  in  a  way  to  make  himself  very  useful ;  his 
English  speech  was  amusing,  omitting  and  adding  conso- 
nants in  the  most  approved  cockney  style,  but  he  was 
faithful  always.  Mr.  Legare,  the  first  Minister  of  the 
United  States  to  Belgium,  and  Mr.  Maxcy,  my  immediate 
predecessor,  had  both  maintained  the  dignity  of  their 
official  relations  to  the  court  in  a  way  to  make  it  proper 
that  I  should  live  in  the  same  style,  and  I  did  so  from 
the  beginning  of  my  service  to  its  conclusion.  There 
were  many  of  my  countrymen  visiting  Brussels,  and  I 
entertained   them   with    sincere   pleasure.      There   were 


52  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

many  English  residents  in  Brussels  who  contributed  to 
the  interest  of  social  life,  some  of  them  living  expen- 
sively, and  entertaining  with  generous  hospitality.  This 
made  a  residence  in  Brussels  much  more  expensive  than  it 
had  been  some  years  previously  ;  and  I  believe  that  it  now 
requires  almost  as  large  an  income  to  live  there  as  it  does 
in  Paris.  A  carriage  is  an  expensive  luxury  where  the 
horses  and  all  the  appointments  of  an  elegant  establish- 
ment are  selected  to  suit  one  accustomed  to  indulge  his 
taste  in  that  way,  and  in  Brussels  there  is  much  display 
in  equipages  used  by  persons  in  official  stations.  The 
drives  are  fine,  the  environs  most  attractive,  and  a  car- 
riage affords  a  most  delightful  recreation.  The  walks, 
too,  in  the  parks  and  on  the  gay  boulevards  which  sur- 
round the  city  are  both  delightful  and  invigorating.  All 
this  I  enjoyed  greatly,  after  I  settled  myself  in  my  own 
house  and  made  satisfactory  arrangements  for  living. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Government  of  Belgium — The  Royal  Palace — The  Chamber  of  Repre- 
sentatives, or  Palais  de  la  Nation  —  The  Burgundian  Library — The 
Hotel  de  Ville — The  Forest  of  Soignies — Excursion  to  Waterloo — The 
Battle — Napoleon. 

THE  government  of  Belgium  is  one  of  the  freest  in 
Europe ;  it  is  constitutional,  it  is  a  limited  monarchy 
with  male  succession,  and  in  default  of  male  issue  the 
king  may  nominate  his  successor  with  the  consent  of  the 
Chambers.  The  Chambers  consist  of  a  Senate  and  a 
House  of  Representatives.  The  House  of  Representa- 
tives is  composed  of  members  representing  forty-six 
thousand  of  the  population,  elected  for  four  years,  ex- 
cept in  case  of  dissolution,  a  half  retiring  every  two 
years.  The  Senate  has  half  the  number  of  the  House, 
elected  for  eight  years,  a  half  retiring  every  four  years. 
The  representatives  are  paid  for  their  services ;  senators 
receive  no  pay.  Laws  may  originate  in  either  house, 
but  money-bills  must  be  framed  originally  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  The  Chambers  assemble  annually. 
The  king  may  dissolve  the  Chambers,  but  the  act  of  dis- 
solution must  provide  for  their  re-assembling  within  two 
months.  The  ministry  consists  of  six  departments ; 
Foreign  Affairs  ;  Finance  ;  Justice  ;  Public  Works  ;  War ; 
and  the  Interior.  The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  is 
Premier.  Among  the  constitutional  prerogatives  of 
the  crown  is  that  of  conferring  titles  on  the  nobility,  but 
the  nobility  do  not  constitute  an  order  in  the  state ;  all 

53 


54  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

they  possess  is  the  title,  without  any  personal  privilege. 
The  elementary  propositions  of  the  constitution  are : 
the  sovereignty  of  the  people  ;  the  representative  system  ; 
individual  liberty  ;  inviolability  of  domicile  and  property ; 
liberty  and  independence  of  religious  worship ;  the  right 
of  assembling  in  public ;  the  right  of  association  ;  liberty 
of  instruction ;  liberty  of  the  press  ;  ministerial  responsi- 
bility ;  and  the  independence  of  the  judiciary.  Trial  by 
jury  on  a  political  charge,  and  the  offences  of  the  press, 
provided  for.  Taxes  and  the  army  contingent  must  be 
paid  annually.  The  law  is  administered  by  local  and 
provincial  tribunals,  with  courts  of  appeal  at  Brussels, 
Ghent,  and  Liege.  Under  the  Romans  the  country 
formed  a  part  of  Gallia  Belgica,  a  name  derived  from  the 
original  inhabitants.  Caesar,  in  his  Commentaries,  describes 
them  as  brave  and  fearless.  The  history  of  Belgium  is 
eventful,  illustrious,  and  glorious ;  and  it  is  to-day  one  of 
the  most  beautiful,  prosperous,  and  charming  countries  in 
Europe.  The  royal  palace,  in  Brussels,  overlooks  the 
park ;  it  is  an  extensive  but  not  impressive  building,  with 
splendid  suites  of  apartments,  richly  furnished.  I  ob- 
served in  one  of  the  rooms  a  full-length  portrait  of  Queen 
Victoria,  representing  her  as  she  stood  in  youthful  grace 
upon  her  accession  to  the  throne  of  England.  The 
Chamber  of  Representatives,  or  the  Palais  de  la  Nation, 
built  by  Maria  Theresa  for  the  meetings  of  the  Councils 
of  Brabant,  stands  at  the  opposite  end  of  the  park,  facing 
the  royal  palace  ;  it  is  beautifully  situated,  and  the  rooms 
are  handsomely  fitted  up,  resembling  the  French  Chamber 
in  Paris.  The  Burgundian  Library  is  an  object  of  great 
interest ;  it  contains  sixteen  thousand  MSS.  of  great 
value.  They  were  collected  at  a  very  early  period  by  the 
Dukes  of  Burgundy ;  many  are  richly  adorned  with  pre- 
cious miniature  paintings  of  the  greatest  value,  by  the 
scholars  of  Van  Eyck.  This  splendid  collection  has  been 
twice  taken  to  Paris  by  the  victorious  French,  when  Na- 


THE  HOTEL   DE    VILLE.  55 

poleon  proposed  to  make  that  city  the  capital  of  Europe. 
The  Hotel  de  Ville,  in  the  Grande  Place,  is  one  of  the 
grandest  municipal  palaces  in  the  Netherlands,  and  unri- 
valled for  splendor  as  well  as  for  historical  associations. 
It  was  completed  in  1442.  The  beautiful  tower  of  Gothic 
open  work,  three  hundred  and  sixty-four  feet  high,  is  one 
of  the  most  striking  objects  in  Brussels  ;  the  copper  figure 
of  Saint  Michael  on  the  summit,  which  turns  with  the 
wind,  is  seventeen  feet  high.  The  view  from  the  spire  is 
extensive,  taking  in  Waterloo,  its  colossal  mound,  and  the 
rich  forest  of  Soignies.  I  found  the  highest  interest  in 
the  building,  in  the  historical  incident  of  the  abdication 
of  Charles  V.,  which  took  place  in  the  grand  hall  in  1555  ; 
an  event  depicted  on  the  rich  tapestry,  still  preserved. 
The  market-place,  in  front  of  this  magnificent  building,  is 
full  of  interest ;  Counts  Egmont  and  Horn  were  beheaded 
on  this  spot,  in  1568,  by  the  order  of  Alva,  who  looked  at 
the  execution  from  a  window  of  an  old  Gothic  house  op- 
posite, which  still  stands — the  Maison  du  Roi.  Here  also, 
just  before  the  battle  of  Waterloo,  the  Duchess  of  Rich- 
mond gave  her  ball,  attended  by  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
and  a  number  of  his  officers.  The  scene  is  described  by 
Byron,  in  "  Childe  Harold's  Pilgrimage  "  : 

' '  There  was  a  sound  of  revelry  by  night, 

And  Belgium's  capital  had  gathered  then 
Her  beauty  and  her  chivalry,  and  bright 

The  lamps  shone  o'er  fair  women  and  brave  men  ; 

A  thousand  hearts  beat  happily  ;  and  when 
Music  arose  with  its  voluptuous  swell, 

Soft  eyes  look'd  love  to  eyes  which  spake  again, 
And  all  went  merry  as  a  marriage  bell  ; 
But  hush  !  hark  !  a  deep  sound  strikes  like  a  rising  knell ! 

"  And  there  was  mounting  in  hot  haste  :  the  steed, 

The  mustering  squadron,  and  the  clattering  car 

Went  pouring  forward  with  impetuous  speed, 

And  swiftly  forming  in  the  ranks  of  war  ; 

And  the  deep  thunder  peal  on  peal  afar." 


$6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

I  decided  to  visit  Waterloo,  and  go  over  the  field  under 
intelligent  guidance,  that  I  might  study  the  parts  of  that 
great  drama  fairly,  and  make  up  a  judgment  that  would 
be  approved  by  the  best  authorities  of  our  own  day,  and 
in  accord  with  authentic  history.  I  was  accompanied  by 
my  young  relative,  Mr.  Stanley,  and  we  made  an  early 
start  that  we  might  not  be  hurried  in  our  explorations  of 
the  battle-ground,  where  the  fate  of  modern  Europe  was 
decided.  The  day  was  singularly  fine,  the  sun  shone  out 
in  his  strength,  and  shed  a  splendor  upon  the  forest 
through  which  the  road  passed.  In  quitting  Brussels 
by  the  Porte  de  Namur  the  road  runs  directly  in  front  of 
the  former  residence  of  Madame  Malibran,  unrivalled  in 
song,  and  just  beyond  it  enters  a  narrow,  deep  gorge  over- 
hung by  high  wooded  banks.  Through  this  pass,  sombre 
even  at  noon-day,  many  of  the  officers  of  Wellington  rode 
at  night,  summoned  suddenly  from  the  ball-room  of  the 
Duchess  of  Richmond  to  join  their  commands  on  the 
field.  The  forest  of  Soignies  extends  to  the  village  of 
Waterloo  ;  it  is  called  by  Lord  Byron,  in  his  lines  describ- 
ing the  scene,  Ardennes,  which  he  represents  as  "  dewy 
with  nature's  tear-drops,  as  they  pass."  Emerging  from 
the  forest,  the  village  of  Waterloo  is  reached,  and  a  view 
caught  of  the  celebrated  field.  Southey's  description  of 
the  wood  and  the  field,  as  immortal  as  that  of  Marathon, 
is  accurate  and  beautiful.  At  this  village  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  fixed  his  headquarters,  and  from  this  place  his 
despatches  were  dated;  therefore  the  battle  bears  its 
name,  though  the  field  is  more  than  two  miles  distant, 
and  about  ten  miles  from  Brussels.  After  reaching  Water- 
loo we  halted  for  a  short  time,  and  then  drove  to  the 
battle-field,  and  made  our  way  directly  to  Hougomont, 
the  most  important  and  hotly  contested  position  during 
the  mighty  struggle.  The  building  was  formerly  a  Flem- 
ish chateau  of  some  pretension,  surrounded  by  about 
four  acres  of  ground,  inclosed  with  a  brick  wail.     Every- 


THE  BATTLEFIELD   OF    WATERLOO.  $? 

thing  about  the  spot  attests  the  fierceness  of  the  struggle 
that  raged  there,  when  contending  armies  fought  for  the 
empire  of  the  world.  The  marks  of  cannon-balls  and 
musket-shots  are  still  visible,  and  the  charred  timbers 
show  that  fire  was  used  as  an  element  of  destruction 
against  the  occupants  of  the  building.  If  Napoleon  had 
taken  this  position  in  the  assault  at  the  opening  of  the 
battle  he  would  have  won  the  day,  and  Europe  would 
have  been  once  more  at  his  feet ;  it  is  the  most  im- 
portant spot  in  the  history  of  modern  warfare.  It  is 
well  known  that  a  night  of  storm  preceded  the  day  of 
battle.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents.  The  morning  dawned 
heavily,  and  it  was  far  in  advance  before  the  artillery 
could  be  moved  ;  the  wheels  of  the  gun-carriages  sank 
to  the  axle.  The  Emperor  was  on  the  field  early ;  he 
was  not  cheered  by  the  sun  of  Austerlitz,  but  the 
great  soul  shone  out  in  full  splendor.  Never  had  his 
genius  been  more  supreme ;  the  light  of  anticipated 
victory  illumined  his  face.  He  sat  at  a  table  with 
the  map  of  the  field  spread  before  him,  and  explained 
to  Soult  and  Ney  his  plan  of  battle  ;  it  has  been  pro- 
nounced perfect  by  the  greatest  soldiers  of  the  world. 
The  allied  army,  under  the  command  of  Wellington, 
had  already  taken  its  position ;  its  right  wing,  drawn 
out  behind  Hougomont,  was  protected  by  a  thick  wood, 
while  its  left  rested  on  a  farm  of  La  Haye  Sainte.  The 
farm  of  Mont  St.  Jean  was  the  exact  centre  of  the  Brit- 
ish line ;  their  advanced  lines  were  formed  on  the  crest 
of  the  hill,  while  a  large  proportion  of  the  troops  were 
protected  by  the  sloping  ground  back  of  it  from  the 
destructive  fire  of  the  French  artillery.  The  configura- 
tion of  the  field  was  such  that  the  allied  army  stood  on 
ground  somewhat  more  elevated  than  that  where  the 
French  lines  were  formed.  Victor  Hugo  describes  the 
Emperor  as  he  appeared  on  the  field  at  the  dawn  of  June 
the  1 8th  : 


58  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  Before  we  show  him,  all  the  world  has  seen  him.  The 
calm  profile  under  the  little  hat  of  the  Brienne  school,  the 
green  uniform,  the  white  facings  concealing  the  decorations, 
the  great-coat  concealing  epaulets,  the  red  ribbon  under  the 
waistcoat,  the  leather  breeches,  the  white  horse  with  its  hous- 
ings of  purple  velvet,  having  in  the  corners  crowned  JV's  and 
eagles ;  the  riding-boots  drawn  over  the  silk  stockings,  the 
silver  spurs,  the  sword  of  Marengo  ;  the  whole  appearance  of 
the  last  of  the  Caesars  rising  before  every  mind,  applauded 
by  some,  and  regarded  sternly  by  others." 

When  the  first  gun  was  fired,  the  cannon-shot  that 
opened  the  battle,  the  English  general,  Colville,  drew  out 
his  watch  and  saw  that  it  was  twenty-five  minutes  to 
twelve  ;  the  precious  hours  of  a  summer  morning  had  been 
lost.  The  Emperor  had  the  previous  day  defeated  the 
Prussians  at  Ligny,  preventing  a  junction  with  Wellington ; 
Marshal  Grouchy  had  been  sent  in  pursuit  of  them  with 
thirty-two  thousand  men  and  one  hundred  and  ten  guns. 
His  orders  were  to  keep  between  Blucher  and  the  British 
army,  which  the  Emperor  was  about  to  attack.  The  battle 
opened  with  a  furious  assault  upon  Hougomont  by  several 
divisions  under  the  command  of  the  Emperor's  brother, 
Jerome,  and  a  terrific  and  long  struggle  followed.  The 
combatants  on  both  sides  fought  with  desperate  courage  ; 
the  English  that  held  the  chateau  could  not  be  driven  out ; 
they  defended  it  with  heroic  resolution  against  the  furious 
valor  of  the  assailants.  But  the  French  took  the  wood 
that  skirted  the  chateau,  and  drove  back  the  wing  of  the 
allied  army  that  rested  there,  and  held  the  position  to  the 
end  of  the  battle.  Meanwhile  the  engagement  became 
general ;  the  fighting  along  the  whole  line  was  furious. 
Wellington  found  it  necessary  to  strengthen  the  centre  of 
his  line  ;  the  advancing  masses  of  the  French  threatened 
to  break  it.  The  Emperor  at  this  time  saw  on  his  right, 
at  a  distance,  a  body  of  troops  approaching  ;  he  supposed 
it  was  Grouchy  coming  up  to  effect  a  junction  with  him, 


THE  BATTLE.  59 

but  an  officer  sent  to  observe  them,  returning,  reported 
them  to  be  Prussians,  under  the  command  of  Bulow. 
The  Emperor  detached  three  thousand  cavalry  and  ten 
thousand  infantry  to  hold  Bulow  in  check.  At  five 
o'clock  the  Emperor  sent  an  order  by  Bernard  to  Ney 
to  take  the  plateau  at  La  Haye  Sainte.  The  Marshal 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  cuirassiers.  That  power- 
ful body  of  men,  splendidly  mounted,  advanced  at  a  swift 
trot ;  not  a  plume  fluttered  on  their  steel  helmets,  not  an 
ornament  visible  on  their  wrought-iron  breast-plates,  and 
as  they  gained  the  summit  of  the  slope  they  dashed  in 
an  impetuous  charge  upon  the  columns  drawn  up  before 
them  ;  the  steady  squares  reeled,  yielded ;  La  Haye 
Sainte  was  taken,  guns  were  captured  by  the  cuirassiers, 
and  six  stands  of  colors  were  laid  at  the  feet  of  the  Em- 
peror as  he  sat  on  his  horse  at  La  Belle  Alliance,  over- 
looking the  field.  At  the  same  moment  the  Prussians, 
under  Bulow,  were  repulsed.  It  seemed  that  the  field 
was  won  ;  the  Emperor's  eyes  shone  with  the  old  light  of 
victory.  The  Duke  comprehended  the  full  extent  of  his 
danger,  but  he  sat  his  horse  steady,  inflexible,  and  with 
supreme  courage.  His  troops  slowly  receding  before  the 
advancing  masses  of  the  French,  officers  of  his  staff 
falling  at  his  side,  shells  bursting  at  his  feet,  he  held  his 
position  ;  he  felt  that  the  fate  of  Europe  would  be  decided 
upon  that  field  ;  he  rose  to  the  height  of  grandeur  as  he 
confronted  the  advancing  hosts  that  were  pressing  his 
yielding  columns  back  upon  him.  Gordon  was  killed  by 
his  side,  and  Hill,  comprehending  the  danger  of  his  chief, 
said  :  "  My  lord,  what  are  your  instructions,  and  what 
orders  do  you  leave  us  if  you  are  killed  ?  "  "  Do  as  I  am 
doing,"  Wellington  answered.  Picton  was  already  killed 
by  a  musket-ball  through  the  brain  ;  he  commanded  the 
left  wing  until  he  fell.  Wellington  felt  the  charge  of  the 
cuirassiers ;  he  could  not  restrain  the  expression  of  his 
tribute  to  their  impetuous  courage,  but  he  was  unshaken. 


60  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

He  took  out  his  watch  to  see  how  much  of  the  day  was 
left ;  it  was  five  o'clock,  and  it  is  said  he  uttered  the 
words :  "  Night,  or  Blucher."  At  this  moment,  when 
the  French  had  taken  the  greater  part  of  the  field,  and 
it  seemed  that  even  English  valor  and  strength  must  give 
way,  a  Prussian  corps,  under  Zeither,  reached  the  field, 
and  another  corps,  commanded  by  Pirch,  was  seen  ap- 
proaching. The  Emperor  sat  on  his  white  horse  and 
swept  the  field  with  his  glass  ;  he  observed  what  was 
taking  place,  and  saw  what  he  had  yet  to  do  to  complete 
his  victory.  The  centre  of  the  British  line  stood  firm, 
the  Iron  Duke  behind  it.  Grouchy  was  nowhere  to  be 
seen,  but  fifty  thousand  fresh  Prussian  troops,  bringing  a 
hundred  and  twenty  guns,  had  taken  position  on  the 
right  flank  of  the  French  columns.  It  was  seven  o'clock, 
suddenly  the  sun  shone  out,  gilding  the  standards  and 
arms  of  the  contending  armies.  Still  the  Emperor  was 
looking  for  the  light  of  victory ;  courage  sat  on  his 
laurelled  brow  ;  out  of  thirty  pitched  battles,  the  greatest 
that  had  been  fought,  he  had  lost  but  one.  The  fate  of 
Europe  was  at  stake  ;  here  he  could  not  fail.  Caesar  had 
his  Tenth  Legion,  the  Emperor  had  his  Imperial  Guard. 
They  were  accustomed  to  appear  with  their  eagles  when 
a  hard-fought  field  was  to  be  won  by  a  decisive  blow ; 
twenty  times  had  the  Emperor  seen  them  break  the  lines 
that  had  resisted  every  other  assault ;  twenty  times  had 
he  seen  them  bear  the  fortunes  of  the  empire  with  them 
to  the  field,  where  contending  hosts  struggled  for  the 
mastery,  and  as  often  returned  with  the  captured  stand- 
ards of  the  enemy.  They  were  drawn  up  near  him  ;  he 
threw  a  glance  along  their  lines  ;  every  eye  was  fixed 
upon  him.  He  called  Ney  to  his  side  and  spoke  with 
him  for  a  moment  ;  he  then  gave  the  Marshal  the  order 
to  lead  the  guard  :  Ney  dashed  to  his  position.  The 
Emperor  rode  at  the  head  of  the  column  to  the  rising 
ground  where  they  were  to  make  their  last  charge  ;  then, 


VICTOR  HUGO   QUOTED,  6 1 

turning  to  the  Guard,  with  a  glance  of  victory,  he  gave 
the  command  to  Ney.  The  Marshal  drew  his  sword, 
saluted  the  Emperor,  and  gave  the  order  to  advance. 
Along  the  whole  line  a  prolonged  shout  of  "  Vive  VEm- 
pereur  !  "  broke  forth ;  it  was  heard  all  over  the  field. 
Then  the  Guard  moved  forward,  every  division  under  the 
command  of  a  general,  and  all  led  by  a  marshal  of 
France,  who  bore  the  title  of  the  Bravest  of  the  Brave. 
The  level  rays  of  the  setting  sun  beamed  on  their  eagles 
as  they  advanced  with  unparalleled  intrepidity,  under  a 
terrific  fire  from  the  English  guns  ;  victory  was  about  to 
alight  upon  their  standards.  At  this  moment  the  right 
wing  of  the  French  army  was  broken  by  the  weight  of 
the  Prussian  troops,  and  the  cavalry  spreading  over  the 
field  threw  everything  into  confusion.  The  reserve  of 
the  English  cavalry  was  now  hurled  against  the  French 
columns.  Ney  held  the  Guard  steadily  under  the  im- 
petuous assault  ;  four  horses  were  successively  killed 
under  him,  but  with  his  head  bared,  his  sword  broken, 
his  uniform  unbuttoned,  one  of  his  epaulets  cut  by  a 
sabre,  he  mounted  his  fifth  horse,  soon  after  killed  under 
him,  dared  and  defied  death.  Never  had  he  been  so 
magnificent  ;  the  Guard  disdained  to  yield,  but  with 
thinned  ranks  and  borne  down  by  overwhelming  numbers 
they  fell  back  as  darkness  settled  upon  the  field. 
Victor  Hugo  says  of  this  disastrous  day  : 

"  Was  it  possible  for  Napoleon  to  win  the  battle  ?  We  an- 
swer in  the  negative.  Why  ?  On  account  of  Wellington,  on 
account  of  Blucher  ?  No  !  On  account  of  GOD.  Bonaparte 
victor  at  Waterloo  did  not  harmonize  with  the  law  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Another  series  of  events  was  preparing  in 
which  Napoleon  had  no  longer  a  place  ;  the  ill-will  of  events 
had  been  displayed  long  previously.  It  was  time  for  this  vast 
man  to  fall  ;  his  excessive  weight  in  human  destiny  disturbed 
the  balance.  .  .  .  Napoleon  had  been  denounced  in  in- 
finitude and  his  fall  was  decided.  Waterloo  is  not  a  battle,  but 
a  transformation  of  the  universe." 


62  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

I  do  not  propose  to  controvert  Victor  Hugo's  solution 
of  Waterloo  by  an  intervention  of  an  overruling  Provi- 
dence, but  I  do  say  that  the  conquerors  made  a  most  un- 
generous use  of  their  triumph.  After  the  overthrow  of  the 
only  man  who  could  fix  a  limit  to  the  aggression  of  abso- 
lute rule,  they  proceeded  to  construct  a  new  map  for 
Europe.  The  Congress  of  Vienna,  representing  the  great 
powers,  divided  the  spoils  of  victory  with  an  utter  disre- 
gard of  the  interests,  the  wishes,  or  the  sentiments  of  the 
people.  That  they  might  not  be  disturbed  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  possession  they  banished  Napoleon  from 
Europe,  imprisoned  him  on  a  barren  rock,  in  an  unwhole- 
some climate,  south  of  the  equator,  where  vessels  from 
Europe  only  touched  in  passing,  opposite  the  coast  of 
Africa.  If  we  concede  their  right  to  dethrone  the  Em- 
peror, to  strip  him  of  his  power,  to  disband  his  armies, 
and  to  place  him  upon  his  feet  on  the  soil  of  France  after 
restoring  to  the  throne  Louis  XVIII. ,  who  dared  not  face 
the  man  of  the  people,  I  deny  their  right  to  proceed 
further.  They  transcended  the  traditions  of  civilized 
warfare,  the  laws  of  nations,  and  the  eternal  law  of 
humanity  in  seizing  the  person  of  Napoleon  and  consign- 
ing him  to  life-long  imprisonment.  Yet  the  hand  of 
destiny  emblazoned  his  fame  on  the  rock  of  St.  Helena 
in  sublime  coloring.  He  was  the  modern  Prometheus 
chained  to  a  rock,  while  vultures  fed  on  his  heart,  but  all 
the  coming  centuries  will  know  that  despots,  who  feared 
to  leave  him  at  large,  forged  the  chains  that  bound  him. 
In  vain  did  he  appeal  to  England,  as  Themistocles  to  the 
most  generous  of  his  enemies.  The  prince  who  filled  the 
place  of  a  sovereign  of  that  greatest  of  kingdoms,  ener- 
vated, vain,  incapable  of  sympathy  with  such  grandeur, 
did  not  dare  to  raise  his  voice  in  his  behalf. 

We  drove  over  the  field,  visiting  the  points  of  interest 
and  recalling  the  most  important  movements  of  the  con- 
flict.    The  mound  of  the   Belgic  lion,  two  hundred  feet 


BIRD'S-EYE    VIEW  OF   THE  FIELD. 


63 


high,  is  a  good  station  for  surveying  the  field.  We 
mounted  to  the  top  by  a  flight  of  steps  and  saw,  spread 
out  at  our  feet,  the  battle-ground,  destined  to  vie  in  in- 
terest with  Plataea,  Chaeronea,  and  Marathon. 

We  returned  to  Brussels,  and  as  we  entered  the  city  the 
golden  rays  of  the  descending  sun  were  touching  the  tops 
of  the  tall  trees  in  the  park. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

A  Visit  of  the  French  Ambassador,  Marquis  de  Rumigny — Sir  Hamilton 
Seymour,  English  Minister — Visit  to  Paris — Louis  Philippe — Mr.  Led- 
yard,  United  States  Charge  d' Affaires — Chamber  of  Deputies — M. 
Guizot — Reception  by  M.  Guizot — Lord  Cowley,  English  Ambassador 
— Dinner  at  the  Palace — Baron  Humboldt. 

I  WAS  seated  in  my  office  engaged  in  reading,  at  an 
hour  somewhat  earlier  than  visitors  make  their  calls,  when 
I  heard  the  bell  at  the  front  door  ring,  and  a  moment 
later,  to  my  surprise,  Antoine  entered,  ushering  in  the 
Marquis  de  Rumigny,  Ambassador  of  France.  I  rose 
instantly  to  receive  my  distinguished  visitor,  and  insisted 
that  he  should  allow  me  to  conduct  him  to  my  reception 
room  on  the  floor  above,  it  being  the  custom  in  Brussels 
to  arrange  the  drawing-rooms  on  the  second  floor  of  the 
residence  ;  but  the  Marquis  took  a  seat  and  preferred  to 
stay  where  he  found  me,  as  he  had  called  to  make  an 
informal  and  friendly  visit.  He  sat  for  some  time  con- 
versing in  the  most  agreeable  way,  and  said  that  he  had 
called  to  say  that  I  must  go  out  more  frequently,  that  I 
must  not  indulge  the  habits  of  a  student,  but  take  part  in 
the  affairs  of  society.  I  replied  that  I  had  paid  my  official 
calls,  and  proposed  to  make  other  visits  at  an  early  day. 
"  Ah,"  said  the  Marquis,  "  you  must  visit  generally,  my 
young  friend  ;  you  may  as  well  shut  yourself  up  in  a 
closet  as  to  decline  seeing  people,  and  I  wish  to  call  with 
my  carriage  and  take  you  with  me  to  make  calls,  if  you 
will  allow  me.        I   laughed   at  the  earnestness   of   the 

64 


THE  MARQUIS  DE  RUMIGNY.  65 

Ambassador  in  insisting  upon  this  point,  and  thanked  him 
for  his  friendly  interest  in  me.  He  said  some  very  pleas- 
ant things,  and  took  leave.  The  Marquis  was  already  a 
man  of  distinction  at  home,  past  the  middle  age  of  life, 
with  a  charming  family,  including  daughters  who  ap- 
peared in  society  and  were  admired  for  their  grace  and 
elegance.  Not  long  after  this  visit,  the  Marquis  having 
given  me  notice  of  his  purpose,  called  with  his  carriage, 
and  we  drove  to  many  houses,  where  he  uniformly  sent 
in  my  card  with  his  own.  This  was  so  marked  a  courtesy 
on  the  part  of  the  French  Ambassador  that  it  touched  me 
deeply.  The  rules  which  govern  society  in  Brussels  are 
well  settled,  and  there  is  rarely  an  infringement  of  them 
by  well-bred  persons.  It  is  the  rule  that  a  stranger  taking 
up  his  abode  in  Brussels  for  any  time  longer  or  shorter,  if 
he  should  wish  to  enter  society,  must  make  the  first  call ; 
this  is  done  by  leaving  a  card  at  the  house.  Those  who 
return  the  call  regulate  the  degree  of  acquaintanceship  by 
simply  leaving  a  card,  or  a  card  with  a  corner  turned 
down,  or  by  asking  to  be  admitted  to  the  house.  It  will 
be  understood  that  the  French  Ambassador  leaving  my 
card  with  his  own  gave  me  the  entree  into  the  best  society 
of  Brussels — not  limited  to  official  circles.  I  was  much 
amused  at  an  incident  that  occurred  in  our  drive.  I  had 
met  the  Duchess  de  Beaufort  in  society,  and  she  had 
shown  me  very  marked  courtesy  upon  my  presentation  to 
her.  I  therefore  suggested  to  the  Marquis  that  we  should 
leave  a  card  for  her.  "  What  for  ?  "  said  he ;  "  she  does 
not  give  dinners."  I  was  much  struck  with  the  worldly 
wisdom  of  the  Marquis,  and  the  cards  were  not  left  at  the 
door  of  the  Duchess.  I  was  receiving  a  lesson  in  my  edu- 
cation as  a  diplomatist.  I  was  invited  soon  after  to  dine 
with  Sir  Hamilton  Seymour,  the  English  Minister,  and 
met  a  number  of  interesting  people  at  his  house.  Lady 
Seymour  was  a  most  agreeable  person — the  finest  style  of 
an  English  woman.     In  person,  manner,  and  culture  she 


66  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES, 

would  have  graced  any  place.  There  was  nothing  of  that 
reserve  in  her  manner  which  chills  the  warmth  of  hospi- 
tality, but  a  natural  and  cordial  kindness  which  shed  a 
charm  over  the  drawing-room,  where  she  presided.  Sir 
Hamilton  became  distinguished  as  a  diplomatist,  having 
been  advanced  to  the  post  of  Ambassador  to  Russia  some 
years  after  I  met  him  in  Brussels.  He  was  the  representa- 
tive of  England  at  St.  Petersburg  to  whom  the  Czar  spoke 
with  so  much  frankness  in  regard  to  the  Sultan,  describing 
him  as  "  the  sick  man "  of  Europe,  whose  possessions 
might  well  be  distributed  among  the  great  powers.  Sir 
Hamilton  communicated  the  conversation  to  his  govern- 
ment, and  a  great  sensation  was  created  in  political  circles. 
The  entertainments  of  Sir  Hamilton  and  Lady  Seymour 
were  extremely  elegant  ;  no  expense  was  spared  in  bring- 
ing delicacies  for  the  table  from  distant  points.  I  observed 
at  the  dinner,  when  I  had  the  honor  to  be  present,  that 
among  other  rare  things  we  had  ptarmigans,  shot  on  the 
mountains  of  Scotland.  While  residing  in  Brussels  I  re- 
ceived many  attentions  from  Sir  Hamilton  Seymour,  who 
seemed  to  regard  me  with  sincere  interest  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  nation  closely  allied  to  England,  and  in 
sympathy  with  the  spirit  of  free  government  which  pre- 
vailed in  both  countries. 

Some  time  later  I  made  a  brief  visit  to  Paris  and  took 
apartments  at  Meurice's  Hotel,  opposite  the  Gardens  of 
the  Tuileries.  I  found  it  in  every  respect  a  satisfactory 
hotel,  and  I  have  made  it  a  home  repeatedly  since  that 
first  visit ;  as  I  drive  into  its  hospitable  court  I  am  at  all 
times  warmly  welcomed.  At  the  time  of  my  first  visit  to 
Paris  Louis  Philippe  was  the  reigning  monarch,  and  Paris 
was  bright  and  prosperous.  The  Palace  of  the  Tuileries 
had  been  much  improved  by  the  King,  whose  taste  guided 
in  the  remodelling  of  the  buildings  and  in  the  yard  front, 
which  was  very  beautiful  when  I  first  saw  it.  The  general 
effect  of  the  Tuileries  seemed  to  me  exceedingly  grand. 


IN  PARIS.  67 

The  Place  du  Carrousel,  on  the  opposite  side,  interested 
me  greatly ;  dating  from  the  time  of  Louis  XIV.,  it 
required  the  hand  of  Napoleon  to  perfect  its  construction. 
The  Triumphal  Arch,  erected  by  the  Emperor  in  1806,  is 
a  splendid  structure ;  it  is  a  copy  of  the  Arch  of  Septi- 
mius  Severus  at  Rome,  and  consists  of  a  central  and  two 
smaller  lateral  arches,  each  of  which,  unlike  the  original, 
is  intersected  by  a  transversal  arch  of  equal  height.  Eight 
Corinthian  columns  of  red  Languedocian  marble,  with 
bases  and  capitals  of  bronze  support  the  entablature. 
Upon  this  is  a  low  attic,  crowned  with  a  triumphal  car 
and  four  bronze  horses,  modelled  by  Bosio  from  the  famous 
Corinthian  horses  which  were  brought  from  the  Piazza  of 
St.  Mark,  at  Venice,  but  which  were  sent  back  by  the 
allies  assembled  at  Paris  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon.  Upon 
the  evening  of  my  arrival  in  Paris  I  walked  through  the 
Gardens  of  the  Tuileries  to  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  one 
of  the  most  interesting  spots  in  Europe.  The  lights 
shone  upon  the  objects  which  adorned  the  place  from 
twenty  handsome  rostral  columns  bearing  lamps  and 
surmounted  by  globes,  the  allegorical  figures  representing 
the  principal  towns  of  France — Lille,  Strasburg,  Bor- 
deaux, Nantes,  Marseilles,  Brest,  Rouen,  and  Lyons ;  the 
flashing  waters  of  the  fountains  ;  the  obelisk  of  Luxor 
brought  from  Thebes,  where  it  was  erected  1550  years  B.C., 
by  Sesostris ;  and  other  works  designed  to  illustrate  the 
commerce,  wealth,  and  power  of  the  kingdom.  Behind  me 
was  the  Garden  of  the  Tuileries,  and  looking  through  the 
Champs  Elys£es,  I  saw  the  extended  lines  of  lamps  on 
either  side,  meeting,  as  it  seemed,  at  a  distant  point  where 
the  Arc  de  Triomphe  de  l'Etoile  crowned  the  summit. 
The  political  associations  connected  with  the  spot  crowded 
upon  me. 

The  next  day  I  called  on  Mr.  Ledyard,  Secretary  of 
Legation,  who  in  the  absence  of  General  Cass,  the  Minis- 
ter,  had   charge  of  the  Legation  of  the  United   States. 


68  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

General  Cass  was  absent  on  leave,  and  was  visiting  places 
of  interest  on  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  was  extending 
his  travels  so  as  to  enable  him  to  see  the  Holy  Land.  Mr. 
Ledyard  was  a  son-in-law  of  General  Cass,  and  I  found 
him  an  accomplished  gentleman,  well  fitted  for  the  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  the  important  place  which  he 
filled.  He  received  me  very  cordially  and  treated  me  with 
consideration.  He  invited  me  to  accompany  him  to  the 
palace  on  the  evening  of  the  King's  reception,  and  pre- 
sented me  to  his  Majesty,  Louis  Philippe,  as  the  Minister 
of  the  United  States  to  Belgium.  The  King  received  me 
with  so  warm  a  welcome  that  I  felt  I  owed  the  considera- 
tion shown  me  to  the  position  I  held  at  the  court  of 
King  Leopold,  his  son-in-law.  The  personal  appearance 
of  Louis  Philippe  was  prepossessing  :  he  was  in  evening 
dress  and  without  any  decorations ;  he  was  six  feet  in 
height,  well  proportioned,  and  with  a  bearing  so  natural 
that  he  relieved  a  visitor  from  all  sense  of  constraint.  His 
portrait  had  made  me  familiar  with  his  face,  and  I  should 
have  recognized  him  anywhere ;  his  head  was  of  that 
peculiar  shape  that  made  it  easy  to  sketch  in  the  illus- 
trated papers  of  the  day,  where  a  pear,  with  the  features 
of  the  King,  was  sometimes  made  to  represent  him  ;  but 
the  head  was  finely  formed  and  the  face  beamed  with 
intelligence.  His  Majesty  excelled  in  conversation  ;  he 
spoke  of  his  travels  in  the  United  States,  and  showed  an 
acquaintance  with  places  that  was  remarkable.  In  reply 
to  a  question  I  informed  him  that  I  had  grown  up  in 
South  Carolina,  he  said  that  he  had  visited  Charleston," 
and  seemed  to  know  the  relation  it  bore  to  Columbia,  my 
former  home.  The  Queen  and  several  ladies  of  the  royal 
family  were  seated  and  engaged  in  some  light  embroid- 
ery, which  imparted  the  charm  of  home  life  to  a  circle 
where  I  had  supposed  I  should  find  much  attention  to 
form.  In  conversation  with  the  King  he  spoke  of  the 
United  States  in  terms  of  high  appreciation,  and   I   felt 


LOUIS  PHILIPPE,    KING  OF    THE  FRENCH.  69 

sincere  pleasure  in  being  able  to  assure  him  of  the  friendly 
interest  of  our  government  in  France,  and  of  the  gratifica- 
tion it  afforded  me  to  observe  an  increased  prosperity  of 
the  country  since  his  accession  to  the  throne.  It  seemed 
to  me  that  France  had  never,  at  any  period  of  its  history, 
been  better  governed  than  under  his  reign.  Louis  Philippe 
was  eminently  fitted  for  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment of  France  ;  his  high  lineage  did  not  dissociate  him 
from  the  people.  In  his  youth  he  had  been  educated  in 
opinions  of  advanced  liberalism.  He  was  an  exile  from 
France  for  many  years  and  travelled  extensively,  exhibit- 
ing everywhere  fine  traits  of  character.  The  vicissitudes 
to  which  he  was  subjected  were  borne  with  manliness  and 
fitted  him  for  the  great  part  he  was  destined  to  play  in  the 
government  of  his  country.  Returning  to  France  in  18 14 
he  conducted  himself  so  well  that  he  gained  the  confi- 
dence of  all  classes  and  won  the  respect  of  Lafayette. 
Upon  the  fall  of  the  elder  Bourbon  dynasty,  in  1830,  he 
was  chosen  to  fill  the  throne,  with  the  title  of  King  of  the 
French,  a  title  full  of  significance ;  it  ignored  the  claim  of 
a  sovereign  to  rule  by  divine  right,  and  declared  that  the 
people  were  the  source  of  power.  Many  advocated  the 
organization  of  a  republican  government  ;  but  Lafayette 
settled  the  popular  mind  by  declaring  that  the  best  form 
of  government  for  France  was  a  monarchy  surrounded  by 
republican  institutions.  For  several  years  Louis  Philippe 
ruled  France  so  wisely  that  it  was  supposed  the  founda- 
tion of  the  throne  was  too  solid  to  be  disturbed.  Later 
the  King  attempted  to  restrain  the  people  when  they 
demanded  a  reform  in  the  electoral  system,  and  the  revo- 
lution of  1848  drove  him  from  the  throne.  He  fled  to 
England,  where  he  died  in  exile  some  two  years  after.  He 
owed  his  fall  to  the  counsels  of  his  Minister,  Guizot,  a  man 
of  ability,  of  integrity,  of  broad  views,  but  cold  and  un- 
sympathetic, a  Protestant  and  a  Puritan.  Upon  my  visit 
to  Paris  Louis  Philippe  was  firm  in  his  seat ;  the  commer- 


yO  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

cial  prosperity  of  France  was  great ;  the  kingdom  enjoyed 
peaceful  relations  with  the  whole  world,  and  all  the  sources 
of  wealth  in  the  nation  were  steadily  improving.  The 
dynasty  of  Louis  Philippe  had  sustained  a  great  shock  in 
the  sudden  death  of  the  heir  to  the  throne,  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  who  had  been  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  carriage 
the  previous  summer.  This  splendid  young  Prince  held  a 
strong  place  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  France.  Driving 
out  to  review  some  of  the  troops  near  Paris  on  the  road  to 
Neuilly,  a  drum  attached  to  the  dashboard  of  the  carriage 
broke  from  the  fastenings  and  fell  on  the  horses  ;  they  ran, 
and  the  postilion  being  unable  to  hold  them,  the  Duke 
rose  to  his  feet  and  leaped  out,  falling  with  much  violence 
on  the  roadside,  and  receiving  injuries  from  which  he 
died  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours  without  recovering  con- 
sciousness. 

The  ministry  of  the  King  was  strong,  and  the  adminis- 
tration was  successful.  At  the  head  of  the  ministry  was 
Guizot ;  and  Marshal  Soult,  reflecting  the  glories  of  the 
Empire,  was  Minister  of  War.  I  made  a  visit  to  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  heard  a  speech  from  Guizot. 
His  appearance  was  striking,  tall,  slender,  with  a  fine  head, 
an  intellectual  face,  dressed  in  a  morning  suit  of  black. 
He  ascended  the  tribune  and  delivered  a  speech  on  a  ques- 
tion that,  at  the  time,  was  of  momentous  interest ;  it  was 
in  support  of  a  measure  giving  to  the  government  the 
control  of  the  education  of  the  youth  of  France.  The 
measure  encountered  the  most  determined  opposition  in 
the  Chamber,  and  Guizot  urged  its  adoption  with  great 
vehemence.  An  evening  or  two  later  I  accompanied  Mr. 
Ledyard  to  a  reception  given  by  Guizot  at  his  residence. 
It  was  largely  attended,  and  I  was  much  interested  in 
observing  the  manner  of  the  great  minister  as  he  received 
his  guests.  When  a  deputy  friendly  to  his  measure  was 
announced,  Guizot  advanced  and  received  him  with 
warmth  ;  but  when  an  opponent  entered,  the  minister's 


DINING  AT   THE  PALACE.  /I 

welcome  was  frigid.  Presently  Lord  Cowley,  the  English 
Ambassador,  entered  the  room.  Guizot  advanced  to  meet 
him,  took  his  hand  in  both  of  his  own,  and  evinced  so 
much  empressement  that  Mr.  Ledyard,  turning  to  me,  said  : 
"  Ah,  there  is  a  reception  !  "  Lord  Cowley,  a  brother  of 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  was  a  man  of  striking  presence, 
a  larger  man  than  his  illustrious  brother,  and  thoroughly 
English  in  person  and  manner. 

After  passing  some  days  in  Paris  I  was  about  to  return 
to  Brussels,  when,  on  the  day  fixed  for  my  departure,  I 
received  an  invitation  to  dine  at  the  palace  on  some  day 
of  the  ensuing  week ;  of  course  I  decided  to  stay  and  be 
present  on  an  occasion  that  promised  to  be  so  full  of  inter- 
est to  me.  I  was  much  impressed  with  the  honor  of  the 
invitation  ;  it  took  me  wholly  by  surprise,  and  it  was  really 
an  unusual  mark  of  consideration  for  me — young,  a  visitor 
to  Paris,  and  in  no  way  connected  with  the  court.  Much 
as  I  felt  honored  by  the  invitation,  I  found  my  friend,  Mr. 
Ledyard's  appreciation  of  it  even  greater  than  my  own  ; 
he,  too,  had  been  invited,  and  Mrs.  Ledyard  was  to 
accompany  him.  It  really  heightened  the  pleasure  with 
which  I  regarded  the  compliment  when  I  found  Mr.  Led- 
yard so  much  elated  by  this  very  marked  courtesy.  There 
was  so  much  to  see  in  Paris  that  the  days  added  to  my 
visit  were  employed  in  a  way  to  enable  me  to  accomplish 
far  more  than  I  could  have  done  in  the  time  which  I  had 
allowed  myself  to  stay  in  a  city  so  full  of  attractions. 

On  entering  the  reception  room  of  the  palace  I  found  a 
number  of  distinguished  guests  of  the  King,  whose  official 
dinners  were  occasions  of  public  interest.  I  was  invited 
to  take  Mrs.  Ledyard  to  the  table,  and  informed  where  we 
were  to  be  seated,  this  being  a  matter  of  importance  at 
royal  tables.  I  was  assigned  to  the  distinguished  place  by 
the  side  of  the  Duke  de  Montpensier,  a  son  of  the  King, 
who,  though  just  nineteen  years  of  age,  had  won  distinc- 
tion in  a  late  campaign  in  Algeria,  where  he  received  a 


72  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

slight  wound  in  battle.  With  Mrs.  Ledyard  on  my  arm, 
I  was  advancing  to  the  seat  assigned  us,  but  the  diffidence 
of  my  young  countrywoman  was  so  great  that  she  hesi- 
tated and  took  a  chair  nearer  the  entrance,  and  of  course 
I  acquiesced  in  her  selection.  As  we  took  our  seats,  a 
lady-of-honor  opposite  to  us  signified  to  Mrs.  Ledyard 
that  we  were  entitled  to  a  higher  place,  but  I  said  to  my 
friend :  "  Never  mind,  we  are  assured  that  he  that  hum- 
bleth  himself  shall  be  exalted."  It  was  soon  apparent 
that  I  was  right,  for  the  guest  immediately  next  to  me  was 
Baron  von  Humboldt,  the  eminent  German  scientist  and 
traveller.  I  had  met  him  a  few  weeks  previously  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  and  had  been  presented  by  him  to  the  Queen 
of  Prussia.  I  enjoyed  a  conversation  with  this  eminent 
man  at  the  table,  and  counted  myself  fortunate  in  losing 
the  distinction  of  being  seated  by  the  side  of  the  Duke  de 
Montpensier.  It  is  the  custom  at  royal  dinners  to  place 
seats  for  the  king  and  queen  at  the  centre  of  the  table,  on 
opposite  sides,  and  to  assign  chairs  to  the  guests  on  either 
side  of  them  according  to  their  respective  rank.  Where 
I  was  seated  I  had  the  advantage  of  seeing  the  Queen, 
and  could  observe  the  King  throughout  the  dinner,  who 
was  of  course  an  object  of  interest  to  me,  as  I  desired  to 
study  his  bearing  as  a  sovereign. 

I  was  much  indebted  to  Mr.  Ledyard  for  attentions 
during  my  first  visit  to  Paris,  and  when  I  took  leave  of 
him  I  felt  that  I  had  made  a  friend  whose  fine  qualities 
entitled  him  to  consideration  at  home  and  abroad. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Return  to  Brussels — Leave  of  Absence  to  Visit  the  United  States — Interview 
with  the  King — Leave  for  Home  via  England — Steamship  Columbia — 
Arrival  at  Boston — Visit  to  Alabama — Montgomery — Return  to  Brussels 
from  the  United  States — Reception — Visits. 

SOME  days  after  my  return  to  Brussels  my  despatches 
from  Washington  arrived.  I  had  asked  leave  of  absence 
to  visit  the  United  States  and  accompany  my  family  to 
Brussels,  and  my  request  had  been  granted.  I  made  my 
arrangements  to  leave,  and  requested  an  audience  with 
the  King  before  setting  out.  An  hour  was  appointed  for 
my  interview  with  his  Majesty,  and  I  drove  to  the  palace, 
where  I  was  received  with  every  mark  of  consideration. 
At  that  time  the  ministers  of  the  United  States  wore  full 
court  dress,  similar  to  that  in  which  the  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives of  England  appeared  in  all  interviews  with  a 
sovereign,  except  on  some  occasions,  when  they  were 
invited  to  a  social  entertainment,  and  informed  that  this 
would  not  be  expected.  My  interview  being  formal,  I 
wore  my  full  court  dress,  and  I  found  King  Leopold 
dressed  in  the  uniform  of  a  marshal,  ready  to  receive  me 
with  distinction.  The  King  conversed  with  me  for  some 
time,  departing  from  the  usual  form  of  official  speech,  and 
expressed  the  warmest  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States.  He  said  that  it  had  been  his  good  fortune  to 
intervene  between  the  United  States  and  France,  during 
the  administration  of  General  Jackson,  when,  some  delay 
having  occurred  in  the  settlement  of  a  claim  due  by  the 

73 


74  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

latter  government  to  the  former,  the  President  had  in  his 
message  to  Congress  advised  the  adoption  of  very  prompt 
action  for  its  enforcement.  He  proceeded  to  say  that  the 
refusal  of  some  of  the  States  to  provide  for  the  payment 
of  their  bonds  had  been  observed  with  regret  by  the 
friends  of  our  country  in  Europe.  I  was  much  impressed 
with  the  remark  he  made : 

"  Your  country,  Mr.  Hilliard,  is  too  great  to  be  affected  by 
considerations  that  might  weigh  with  some  of  the  states  of 
Europe,  whose  boundaries  are  carved  out  with  the  sword  ; 
your  resources  are  inexhaustible.  And  you  will  maintain  your 
credit  at  any  pecuniary  cost  rather  than  impair  the  influence 
which  you  exert  upon  other  nations.  You  are  yet  a  young 
nation,  and  your  example  is  already  exerting  a  powerful 
influence   in   the   world." 

I  thanked  his  Majesty  for  the  interest  he  had  expressed 
in  the  growth  and  influence  of  my  country,  explaining  to 
him  the  structure  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
which  was  such  as  to  leave  to  the  several  States  the  con- 
trol of  their  own  financial  affairs,  and  expressed  the 
hope  that  the  final  result  of  the  controversy,  in  regard 
to  the  obligations  to  meet  their  engagements,  on  the 
part  of  some  of  the  States,  would  prove  to  be  both 
honorable  and  satisfactory.  In  taking  leave  of  the 
King,  he  was  very  cordial  in  expressing  his  wishes  for 
a  prosperous  voyage  and  for  my  return  to  my  residence 
in  Brussels. 

It  is  not  easy  at  this  day  to  describe  the  state  of  feeling 
in  Europe  in  regard  to  the  refusal  of  some  of  the  States 
to  meet  the  payments  due  on  their  bonds  ;  Sydney  Smith 
was  writing  his  letters,  denouncing  in  scathing  terms  the 
repudiation  of  contracts  by  some  of  the  States,  declaring 
that  he  had  lost  all  confidence  in  republican  securities, 
and  avowing  his  purpose  to  sell  out  his  American  bonds 
and  invest  in  Turkish  three-per-cents. 


A    STORMY    VOYAGE.  75 

I  travelled  to  London  by  way  of  Antwerp.  I  found 
upon  my  arrival  that  my  time  for  making  satisfactory 
arrangements  for  my  passage,  on  board  the  steamship 
Columbia,  which  was  about  to  sail  for  Boston,  was  so 
limited  that  I  hastened  to  Liverpool.  I  barely  succeeded 
in  securing  state-rooms  on  board  the  ship.  Mr.  Stanley 
accompanied  me,  and  all  the  best  places  had  been  engaged 
by  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe,  who  was  going  out  as  Governor- 
General  to  Canada,  for  himself  and  suite.  For  the  first 
twenty-four  hours  our  situation  was  very  uncomfortable, 
but  when  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe  learned  that  I  was  on 
board,  he  courteously  put  two  of  the  best  rooms  that  he 
had  secured  at  my  disposal.  The  Columbia  went  to  sea 
on  the  4th  of  March,  and  we  encountered,  from  the  first, 
rough  weather  ;  in  mid-ocean  we  had  a  gale  that  blew 
furiously  for  thirty-six  hours,  the  sea  breaking  over  the 
vessel  so  that  it  was  impossible  to  go  upon  deck,  and  we 
were  shut  up  in  our  cabin  as  completely  as  if  we  were 
making  a  submarine  voyage.  It  was  remarked,  too,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  violence  of  the  gale,  the  sun  was 
shining  brightly.  Upon  approaching  Halifax  we  were 
met  by  a  snowstorm,  and  the  sea  was  so  rough  that  we 
found  it  difficult  to  effect  a  landing.  I  was  interested  in 
observing  Halifax  ;  the  city  is  handsomely  built,  and  the 
dockyard  is  very  fine.  Having  touched  there  but  a  short 
time,  we  sailed  for  Boston,  Sir  Charles  Metcalfe  and  his 
suite  continuing  their  voyage  to  that  port.  Captain  Jud- 
kins  commanded  the  Columbia,  and  we  all  felt  indebted 
to  him  for  his  fine  seamanship  and  attentions  to  us 
throughout  our  stormy  voyage.  We  had  on  board 
Russell,  the  famous  vocalist,  who  sang  for  our  entertain- 
ment in  the  midst  of  the  rough  sea,  with  great  effect,  his 
song,  "  The  Ship  on  Fire."  Upon  our  arrival  at  Boston, 
Sir  Charles  Metcalfe  honored  me  with  an  invitation  to 
dine  with  him  at  his  hotel,  but  I  declined  to  accept  the 
courtesy,  as  I  was  impatient  to  reach  my  home  in  the 


?6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

South.  There  are  occasions  in  life  when  one  feels  that  he 
should  say  with  adoring  gratitude  :  "  What  shall  I  render 
unto  the  Lord  for  all  his  benefits  towards  me  ?  I  will 
take  the  cup  of  salvation  and  call  upon  the  name  of  the 
Lord."  Such  was  my  sense  of  divine  goodness,  when, 
upon  my  return,  after  an  absence  of  some  months  from 
home,  I  found  my  family,  kindred,  and  friends  all  well 
and  bright  and  happy. 

After  a  brief  visit  to  Montgomery,  that  young,  pros- 
perous, and  beautiful  city,  where  the  happiest  years  of 
my  life  had  been  passed,  I  returned  to  my  post,  accom- 
panied by  my  family.  On  the  4th  of  May  I  sailed  from 
New  York  in  the  Stephen  Whitney,  commanded  by  Captain 
Thompson,  and  after  a  delightful  voyage  arrived  at 
Liverpool.  We  proceeded  immediately  to  London,  and 
made  a  brief  stay  there,  enjoying  sight-seeing.  On  Sun- 
day we  attended  divine  service  at  City  Road  Chapel,  Mr. 
Wesley's  church,  and  were  awakened  to  enthusiasm  by 
the  finest  congregational  singing  we  had  ever  heard. 
There  was  no  organ,  but  the  vast  congregation  rose  to 
their  feet,  and,  led  by  a  precentor,  sang  with  a  good 
spirit,  and  the  volume  of  song  swelled  and  rolled  in 
harmony  and  power  to  the  throne  of  God.  We  took 
passage  on  board  the  steamer  for  Antwerp,  and  found 
it  thronged  with  tourists,  setting  out  on  their  summer 
travel  on  the  Continent.  An  incident  occurred  that 
was  both  annoying  and  amusing.  I  had  engaged  a 
state-room  for  my  family  ;  but  some  hour  or  two  before 
they  were  ready  to  occupy  it,  it  was  invaded  by  Lady 
Bloss,  of  Ireland,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the 
stewardess,  who  informed  her  that  it  had  been  set  apart 
for  the  American  Minister.  Her  ladyship  was  so  bent 
upon  holding  possession  that  she  seated  herself  on  the 
floor  and  refused  to  yield.  The  captain  of  the  steamer, 
upon  being  informed  of  the  state  of  affairs,  promptly 
put    at    my   disposal    his    own    elegant    room    on    deck, 


BACK  IN  BRUSSELS.  77 

the  most  delightful  place  on  the  ship  for  passing  a  night 
at  sea. 

I  observed  the  Prince  of  Leiningen,  son  of  the  Duch- 
ess of  Kent,  by  her  first  husband,  the  hereditary  Prince 
of  Leiningen,  on  board  ;  he  had  his  bed  spread  on  deck, 
and  passed  the  night  in  the  open  air. 

We  arrived  in  Antwerp  in  the  morning,  and  as  we 
approached  the  dock  the  captain  of  the  steamer  dis- 
played flags  in  honor  of  my  presence  on  board.  An 
officer  from  the  custom-house  came  on  board  and  placed 
his  mark  on  my  trunks,  which  entitled  them  to  delivery 
without  inspection.  After  a  short  ramble  through  the 
fine  old  town,  we  took  our  departure  for  Brussels,  and 
arrived  at  the  depot,  where  we  found  Antoine  awaiting 
us  with  our  carriage.  He  was  really  happy  to  see  me 
once  more,  and  welcomed  my  family  as  warmly  as  if  he 
had  been  brought  up  in  our  service  in  our  own  Southern 
home.  In  entering  our  residence  we  found  everything  in 
order,  and  enjoyed  the  pleasant  surroundings.  The 
brightness  of  a  midsummer  day  gave  a  cheerful  aspect  to 
the  city  ;  our  walk  in  the  park  in  the  afternoon  was 
through  shaded  avenues  thronged  with  people,  who 
made  that  fashionable  promenade  their  daily  resort  for 
recreation. 

The  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  received  us  with 
gratifying  marks  of  interest,  and  we  soon  felt  at  home  in 
Brussels. 

The  reception  of  the  King  and  the  Queen  at  the  palace 
was  very  pleasing  to  us,  and  throughout  our  stay  in  Brus- 
sels they  honored  us  with  attentions  which  evinced  a 
friendly  interest  in  us  personally.  The  Queen  was  very 
attractive  in  person  and  manners,  and  her  amiable  and 
beautiful  traits  of  character  shone  out  in  even  formal 
court  receptions.  As  we  sometimes  saw  her  with  her 
two  sons  and  her  daughter  Carlotta,  she  was  the  imper- 
sonation of    the  qualities  which   are  so    charming    in  a 


78  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

woman  who  seems  to  forget  her  royal  station  and  adorns 
the  family  circle  over  which  she  presides. 

The  King  was  a  Protestant,  and  attended  divine  service 
conducted  by  an  English  clergyman,  who  was  recognized 
as  the  King's  chaplain.  The  Queen  was  accustomed  to 
attend  service  at  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Gudule,  the  finest 
church  in  Brussels.  It  is  a  beautiful  Gothic  structure, 
which  was  completed,  except  the  towers,  in  1273,  the 
towers  being  finished  in  15 18.  The  beautiful  stained- 
glass  windows  are  the  finest  I  saw  in  Europe.  Statues  of 
the  twelve  apostles  are  placed  against  the  pillars  in  the 
nave  of  the  church,  and  are  very  impressive.  The  music 
is  splendid,  and  the  service  gorgeous.  An  officer,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  preserve  order,  treads  the  aisles  in  rich  uni- 
form, bearing  a  halberd  with  a  gleaming  point,  which  he 
lowers  as  the  mass  reaches  the  climax  and  the  host  is 
elevated,  kneeling,  and  saluting  by  touching  the  marble 
floor  with  the  gleaming  point  of  the  spear.  In  this 
church  I  have  been  present  when  the  Queen  has  attended 
divine  service,  not  occupying  the  throne  set  apart  for  her, 
but  seated  on  a  chair  in  the  midst  of  the  people.  I  en- 
joyed the  splendid  ceremonial,  and  was  much  impressed. 
The  rich  vestments  of  the  ministering  priests,  the  burst 
of  music  from  the  choir  in  response  to  the  ascription  of 
prayers  from  the  distant  altar,  the  smoke  of  incense 
ascending  to  the  vaulted  roof,  and  the  light  streaming 
through  the  divinely  painted  windows, — all  blended  into 
rare  harmony  made  a  picture  of  wonderful  coloring  and 
beauty.  The  pulpit  is  of  finely  carved  wood,  and  is  an 
elaborate  work  of  art,  representing  Adam  and  Eve  driven 
out  of  paradise,  surmounted  by  the  Virgin  Mother  hold- 
ing the  infant  Saviour,  whom  she  is  aiding  to  thrust  a 
spear  into  the  head  of  the  serpent.  Some  of  the  monu- 
ments are  magnificent,  especially  those  erected  to  the 
Dukes  of  Brabant ;  and  a  striking  one  to  Count  de 
Morode,  a  hero  of  the  Revolution  of  1830,  representing 


VISITS  AND  EXCURSIONS. 


79 


him  as  he  fell  in  battle,  wearing  a  blouse  and  holding  a 
pistol,  is  one  of  the  finest  pieces  of  art  in  Belgium,  by 
the  famous  sculptor  Giefs. 

Visits  in  the  city  and  excursions  to  the  environs  were 
much  enjoyed  by  us  ;  the  summer  was  in  its  full  splendor, 
and  the  places  within  reach  were  full  of  interest. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Visit  of  the  Queen  of  England  and  Prince  Albert  to  Brussels — Popular  Re- 
ception— Dinner  at  the  Palace — Prince  Albert — Lord  Aberdeen — Lord 
Liverpool — Interview  with  Count  de  Briey,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

An  event  of  great  interest  occurred :  her  Majesty, 
Victoria,  Queen  of  England,  with  Prince  Albert,  attended 
by  Lord  Aberdeen,  Lord  Liverpool,  and  other  distin- 
guished persons  made  a  visit  to  the  King  and  Queen  of 
the  Belgians.  Everything  contributed  to  make  the  arrival 
of  the  royal  party  as  pleasant  as  possible :  the  weather 
was  perfect ;  Brussels  received  the  visitors  with  a  display 
of  heartiness  as  sincere  as  it  was  magnificent ;  the  streets 
leading  to  the  palace  were  thronged  with  people  eager  to 
see  her  Majesty,  and  cheering  with  enthusiasm  as  the 
coach  that  bore  her  and  Prince  Albert  advanced  through 
the  dense  ranks,  followed  by  carriages  occupied  by  her 
suite,  and  others  in  the  line  of  attendants  rilled  by  persons 
of  the  highest  rank.  It  was  a  splendid  picture ;  the  impos- 
ing spectacle  being  heightened  by  the  military  escort,  com- 
posed of  the  finest  troops  of  the  kingdom.  The  park  was 
filled  with  thousands  who  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  see- 
ing the  royal  party  enter  the  grounds  of  the  palace. 

I  had  the  honor  of  being  present  at  a  state  dinner  given 
to  her  Majesty  and  Prince  Albert  in  the  palace.  Before 
the  dinner  was  served  the  invited  guests  were  presented 
to  Queen  Victoria,  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  enjoyed 
the  privilege  of  preceding  others  in  this  august  ceremony. 
Her   Majesty   received   me  with    distinction   as  the  rep- 

80 


QUEEN    VICTORIA    VISITS  BRUSSELS.  8 1 

resentative  of  the  United  States.  She  was  young,  happy, 
and  animated,  and  appeared  to  great  advantage  ;  her  per- 
son was  slight,  but  graceful  and  rounded  ;  her  features 
were  pleasing,  and  she  gave  a  gracious  reception  to  those 
who  were  presented  to  her.  Prince  Albert  was  one  of  the 
finest-looking  men  I  have  ever  met  ;  tall,  well  formed, 
with  regular  features,  and  an  air  of  distinction,  he  would 
have  been  admired  in  any  circle.  He  stopped  for  some 
time  and  conversed  with  M.  Quetelet,  Director  of  the 
Observatory,  who  stood  by  my  side,  he  having  been 
formerly  a  pupil  of  this  eminent  scholar ;  the  interview 
was  cordial  and  interesting.  I  have  ever  since  retained 
a  vivid  impression  of  Prince  Albert,  and  have  regarded 
him  with  sincere  interest  and  admiration.  As  Prince 
Consort  his  position  was  a  most  trying  one,  and  the  way 
he  bore  himself  throughout  his  life  displayed  qualities  of 
a  very  high  order.  As  a  man  his  virtues  were  striking, 
and  as  a  statesman  his  influence  in  public  affairs  in  Eng- 
land was  uniformly  exerted  in  the  advancement  of  the 
best  interests  of  the  people  and  of  the  throne.  After  my 
presentation  I  enjoyed  an  interesting  conversation  with 
Lord  Liverpool,  who  with  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  accom- 
panied the  Queen  on  her  visit  to  Brussels.  Lord  Liver- 
pool expressed  much  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States,  and  made  himself  agreeable  personally.  The 
dinner  was  served  with  great  splendor  ;  I  have  never  seen 
anything  to  surpass  it  in  entertainments  of  that  descrip- 
tion. King  Leopold  attended  Queen  Victoria  to  the 
table,  and  the  Marquis  de  Rumigny,  the  Ambassador  of 
France,  the  Queen  of  the  Belgians.  It  was  understood 
that  the  entertainments  of  King  Leopold  surpassed  in 
splendor  those  of  any  sovereign  in  Europe. 

Many  years  have  elapsed  since  I  took  part  in  that  mag- 
nificent entertainment  given  in  honor  of  the  youthful 
Queen  of  England.  The  young  Prince,  who  in  his  manly 
promise  stood  by  her  side  ;  the  King  and  the  Queen  of  the 

6 


82  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

Belgians  who  gave  it,  so  happy  and  useful  in  their  reign  ; 
many  of  those  fair  women  and  honorable  men  who  con- 
stituted that  brilliant  circle,  have  gone  from  the  world,  but 
I  recall  the  occasion  vividly.  It  is  a  picture  hung  in  the 
chamber  of  my  memory  that  still  retains  the  freshness  of 
its  coloring.  Victoria,  whose  long  reign  has  contributed 
so  much  to  the  prosperity  and  the  glory  of  her  empire, 
still  survives,  and  enjoys  the  loyal  affection  of  her  sub- 
jects and  the  respect  of  the  whole  world. 

During  the  stay  of  the  royal  party  Brussels  was  en  fete ; 
and  that  city,  so  full  of  historical  interest,  never  witnessed 
a  more  magnificent  display  in  the  whole  course  of  dra- 
matic events  that  have  thrown  their  coloring  over  the 
beautiful  capital,  than  that  which  attended  the  visit  of 
the  Queen  of  England. 

Count  de  Briey  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Bel- 
gium at  that  time.  He  was  an  accomplished  statesman 
and  comprehended  European  affairs.  I  received  a  note 
from  him  inviting  me  to  call  at  the  Department  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  stating  that  he  desired  to  confer  with  me 
upon  a  matter  of  importance.  I  waited  on  him  the  next 
day,  and  he  opened  a  conversation  in  regard  to  Texas. 
That  young  republic  was  attracting  the  attention  of  the 
statesmen  of  Europe,  and  its  independence  had  been 
recognized  by  France.  Belgium  had  not  yet  taken  that 
step,  but  was  disposed  to  do  so,  and  the  commercial  rela- 
tions between  the  two  countries  were  already  important. 
Count  de  Briey  proceeded  to  say  that  the  respect  of  his 
government  for  the  United  States  was  such  that  it  would 
do  nothing  to  affect  the  relations  between  Belgium  and 
Texas  which  would  not  meet  the  approval  of  my  country, 
and  he  wished  to  be  informed  as  to  the  views  of  my 
government  in  regard  to  Texas.  It  was  understood  that 
the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States 
was  under  consideration  in  both  countries,  and  it  was  impor- 
tant to  be  informed  as  to  the  policy  of  the  government  of 


INTERVIEW    WITH  COUNT  DE  BRIEY.  83 

the  United  States  touching  this  question.  He  wished  me 
to  give  him  my  views  as  to  the  question,  and  stated  that  he 
had  reason  to  believe  Mexico  was  now  ready  to  acknowl- 
edge the  independence  of  Texas,  provided  that  step  would 
prevent  the  annexation  of  that  republic  to  the  United 
States.  Would  the  acknowledgment  of  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  Republic  of  Texas  with  the  solemn  stipula- 
tion that  Texas  should  not  at  any  future  time  consent  to 
become  a  State  of  the  American  Union  prevent  annexa- 
tion ?  I  replied  to  this  direct  question  frankly ;  I  said 
that  in  my  judgment  such  an  agreement  entered  into  be- 
tween the  two  republics  would  delay  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  the  United  States,  but  could  not  defeat  it ;  that 
annexation  was  inevitable ;  that  certain  great  interests 
drew  the  two  countries  toward  each  other ;  that  Texas 
was  already  gravitating  toward  our  country,  and  nothing 
could  even  delay  its  coming  to  us  but  some  powerful  con- 
siderations affecting  the  status  of  the  young  republic  very 
deeply.  I  then  said  to  the  minister  that  I  could  not 
comprehend  the  policy  of  Mexico  in  withholding  the 
recognition  of  Texas  as  an  independent  state  when  there 
could  be  no  hope  of  re-conquest ;  it  would  be  far  wiser  to 
acquire  the  good-will  of  the  state,  and  secure  a  friendly 
neighbor.  Count  de  Briey  seemed  to  be  impressed,  and  he 
said  to  me  that  he  could  explain  the  policy  of  Mexico. 
That  republic  had  no  hope  of  recovering  the  lost  state, 
but  is  unalterably  opposed  to  its  annexation  to  the  United 
States.  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  Mexico  would  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  Texas  to-morrow  upon  the  condition  of  its 
continued  existence  as  an  independent  republic  ;  Mexico 
wishes  to  interpose  an  independent  republic  between  herself 
and  the  United  States.  Mexico  fears  the  growing  power 
and  aggressive  policy  of  your  great  nation."  This  was  a 
revelation.  The  minister  went  on  to  say  that  an  eminent 
Mexican  statesman  was  at  that  time  in  Brussels,  and  that 
he  had  stated  the  policy  of  his  government  with  frankness. 


84  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

The  object  of  the  interview  with  me  was  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  an  authentic  statement  of  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  in  regard  to  Texas  before  the  government 
of  Belgium  took  any  decided  step  in  regard  to  the  politi- 
cal status  of  that  young  republic.  The  result  of  the  inter- 
view was  that  Belgium  held  the  matter  up  for  further 
consideration.  Mr.  Calhoun  was  at  that  time  Secretary 
of  State  in  President  Tyler's  Cabinet,  and  I  promptly  sent 
him  a  full  despatch,  giving  him  an  account  of  my  inter- 
view with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Excursion  to  the  Rhine — Liege — Cologne — On  the  Rhine — Worms — Luther 
before  the  Great  Diet — Luther's  Elm — Heidelberg — The  University — 
Return  to  Brussels. 

THE  season  was  beautiful,  summer  was  in  its  full  splen- 
dor, and  tourists  were  making  their  way  to  the  attractive 
resorts  which  drew  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 
We  decided  to  pass  some  weeks  in  the  beautiful  country 
bordering  on  the  Rhine.  Gur  journey  took  us  through 
the  country  leading  to  Liege ;  it  was  one  vast  tract  of 
delightful  gardens,  while  streams  and  mills  gave  anima- 
tion to  the  landscape. 

Liege  is  said  to  derive  its  name  from  the  fact  of  Julius 
Caesar's  legions  having  been  defeated  here  by  the  inhabi- 
tants, then  called  the  Eburi ;  and  it  has  since  been  distin- 
guished for  its  warlike  character  under  the  rule  of  its 
ambitious  Episcopal  princes,  but  it  is  now  one  of  the 
finest  and  most  prosperous  towns  in  Europe.  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  in  his  "  Quentin  Durward,"  has  given  new  interest 
to  its  dramatic  history. 

Arriving  at  Cologne,  the  beauties  of  the  Rhine  opened 
to  our  view.  We  found  the  churches  full  of  interest. 
In  one  of  them  is  a  painting  of  great  interest ;  it  is  the 
famous  picture  representing  the  death  of  St.  Peter.  He  is 
nailed  to  the  cross  with  his  head  downward,  at  his  own 
request ;  for  he  said  it  would  be  too  great  an  honor  to  be 
crucified  like  his  Saviour.  There  is  great  power  in  the 
picture.      The  unfinished    cathedral  is  magnificent,  and 

85 


$6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

when  completed  will  be  the  finest  triumph  of  such  archi- 
tecture in  Europe.  The  day  before  our  arrival  the  King 
of  Prussia  had  laid  the  corner-stone  of  a  new  portal,  and 
the  building  was  decorated  with  banners ;  I  saw  a  flag 
flying  from  an  iron  crane  on  one  of  the  unfinished  towers 
that  is  said  to  have  been  standing  there  for  three  hundred 
years;  the  structure  was  begun  in  1258.  That  part  of 
the  building  which  is  completed  is  very  beautiful,  and  the 
decorations  are  rich ;  there  is  nothing  of  that  display  of 
cheap  ornamentation  often  observed  in  ecclesiastical 
structures.  The  sacred  relics  shown  to  visitors  are  rare, 
and  preserved  with  the  greatest  care.  The  skulls  of  the 
three  Magi,  who  came  from  the  East  to  worship  the  infant 
Saviour,  are  kept  in  a  case  of  elaborate  finish,  ornamented 
with  gems  of  priceless  value.  At  that  time  no  railways 
were  constructed  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine;  we  took 
passage  in  a  steamboat  fitted  for  the  accommodation  of 
tourists,  and  the  beautiful  scenery  of  the  river  was  re- 
vealed to  us  as  we  ascended  the  stream.  The  boat 
touched  at  places  of  interest  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
and  stopped  at  night  that  nothing  might  be  lost  of  the 
beautiful  scenery.  We  passed  the  day  on  deck,  and 
enjoyed  under  a  bright  sky  the  finest  views  of  that 
river  of  matchless  beauty.  The  fortress  of  Ehrenbreit- 
stein,  opposite  Coblentz,  was  an  object  of  great  interest 
to  me ;  it  deserves  the  name  "  Honor's  Broad  Stone." 
The  ladies  of  our  party  mounted  donkeys  to  climb  the 
height  on  which  the  fortress  is  situated,  and  the  view 
repaid  us  for  the  fatigue  of  the  ascent. 

The  historical  interest  of  Worms  attracted  us,  and  we 
visited  the  place  and  drove  through  its  environs.  Here 
the  great  Diet  was  held,  where  Charles  V.  presided  when 
Luther  was  summoned  to  appear  before  it.  We  recalled 
the  heroic  attitude  of  the  great  leader  of  the  Reforma- 
tion as  he  confronted  the  august  council ;  and  when 
called  on  to  retract  what   he   had  written   against   the 


WORMS — MARTIN  LUTHER.  87 

authority  of  the  Pope,  he  replied  with  unshaken  intre- 
pidity, addressing  the  Emperor :  "  Since  your  most  serene 
Majesty,  and  your  high  Mightinesses  require  from  me  a 
clear,  simple,  and  precise  answer,  I  will  give  you  one, 
and  it  is  this :  I  cannot  submit  my  faith  either  to  the 
Pope,  or  to  the  councils,  because  it  is  clear  as  the  day 
that  they  have  frequently  erred  and  contradicted  each 
other.  Unless  I  am  convinced  by  the  testimony  of  Script- 
ure or  by  the  clearest  reasoning,  unless  I  am  persuaded 
by  means  of  the  passages  I  have  quoted,  and  unless  they 
thus  render  my  conscience  bound  by  the  Word  of  God,  I 
cannot  and  I  will  not  retract,  for  it  is  unsafe  for  a  Christian 
to  speak  against  his  conscience.  Here  I  stand,  I  can  do 
no  other;  may  God  help  me!  Amen!"  We  drove  a 
mile  or  two  on  the  road  which  Luther  had  travelled  to 
Worms,  that  we  might  see  the  spot  where  he  stopped  to 
rest  before  entering  the  city.  An  old  elm-tree  still  stands 
to  mark  the  place  ;  it  is  very  large  and  an  object  of  venera- 
tion to  the  inhabitants.  The  tree  is  protected  by  a  railing, 
and  a  placard  forbids  persons  from  trespassing  on  the 
spot ;  but  I  did  not  feel  that  it  was  a  violation  of  the 
spirit  of  the  injunction  to  cut  a  small  limb  as  a  remem- 
brancer of  the  place.  It  was  here  that  Luther  was  met 
by  a  friend,  who  entreated  him  not  to  enter  the  city,  say- 
ing that  he  would  be  seized  and  put  to  death.  Even  Spa- 
latin,  his  best  friend,  the  Elector's  confidant,  sent  a  special 
courier  to  him  with  this  message  :  "  Do  not  enter  Worms." 
Luther,  undismayed,  turned  his  eyes  on  the  messenger, 
and  replied :  "  Go  and  tell  thy  master  that  even  should 
there  be  as  many  devils  in  Worms  as  tiles  on  the  house- 
tops, still  I  would  enter  it."  The  peasant  women  ob- 
served our  eagerness  to  cut  a  branch  from  the  tree ;  with 
wonder  they  gathered  about  us,  watching  us,  but  said 
nothing,  and  we  drove  back  to  Worms,  bearing  our  cap- 
tured relics  with  us,  not  without  some  apprehension  of 
being  called  to  account  for  our  trespass. 


88  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

A  place  of  great  interest  to  us  was  Heidelberg.  It  lies 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Neckar,  where  that  river  leaves 
the  narrow  valley  formed  by  the  mountains  of  the  Oden- 
wald,  and  after  a  course  of  some  ten  miles  through  a  rich 
plain,  flows  into  the  Rhine.  The  scenery  is  picturesque 
and  beautiful :  on  one  side  the  Konigstuhl  towers,  and  on 
the  opposite  side  stands  the  beautiful  Heilezenberg,  the 
view  from  which  extends  to  the  Taunus,  the  Black  Forest, 
and  the  Vosges,  and  which  was  a  most  important  spot  for 
the  Romans,  who  erected  on  its  summit  a  watch-tower, 
commanding  the  roads  from  Ladenburg  (Lupodunium), 
and  from  Altripp  (Alta-ripa).  The  hill-sides  are  crowned 
with  vineyards,  and  the  river  is  spanned  by  a  bridge  of 
curious  construction.  I  saw  the  river  and  its  scenery 
under  circumstances  which  heightened  the  beauty  of  the 
landscape.  A  light  shower  was  falling ;  the  evening  sun 
threw  its  soft  splendor  over  the  landscape,  and  a  rainbow 
arching  the  stream  gave  an  enchanting  aspect  to  the  view. 
I  felt  disposed  for  a  walk,  and  ascended  the  Konigstuhl, 
climbing  its  difficult  sides  with  labor.  I  was  rewarded  by 
seeing  the  moon  rise  over  the  valley  stretched  at  my  feet. 
When  I  returned  to  the  hotel  it  was  quite  dark,  and  I  was 
told  that  I  had  ascended  the  highest  point  in  all  that  region. 

The  great  university  was  in  a  most  flourishing  condi- 
tion. There  were  several  hundred  students  and  more 
than  a  hundred  professors.  The  library,  besides  its  great 
number  of  printed  books,  was  rich  in  MSS.  It  had  been 
repeatedly  plundered,  some  of  its  treasures  having  been 
taken  to  Rome  ;  while  Napoleon,  in  his  early  conquest, 
seeking  to  enrich  Paris,  which  he  proposed  to  make  the 
capital  of  Europe,  by  collecting  there  the  finest  objects 
of  art,  and  the  most  valuable  books,  sent  from  Heidelberg 
thirty-eight  of  the  most  choice  MSS. ;  but  all  these  spoils 
have  been  restored  to  the  great  library. 

We  visited  the  castle,  ruined  but  still  grand,  and  re- 
called its  eventful  history ;  it  is  still  full  of  interest,  and 


THE  RIVER  RHINE.  89 

a  walk  through  the  grounds  brings  back  the  past  glories 
of  the  spot.  Retracing  our  steps  we  once  more  sought 
the  boat  that  brought  us  down  the  Rhine,  which  in 
"  Childe  Harold  M  is  described  by  that  brilliant,  restless 
wanderer,  whose  genius  heightened  the  attractions  of 
every  spot  that  he  visited  : 

"  But  thou,  exulting  and  abounding  river  ! 
Making  thy  waves  a  blessing  as  they  flow 
Through  banks  whose  beauty  would  endure  forever 
Could  man  but  leave  thy  bright  creation  so." 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Change  in  the  Belgian  Ministry — General  Goblet  d'Alviella — Arrival  of 
Mr.  Dangerfield,  Minister  of  the  Republic  of  Texas — Excursion  to 
Holland— Mr.  William  Norris,  of  Philadelphia — Honorable  Christopher 
Hughes,  of  Maryland,  Minister  to  Holland. 

A  CHANGE  occurred  in  the  Belgian  ministry,  brought 
about  by  some  question  of  domestic  policy.  A  constitu- 
tional government  and  a  free  press  produce  results  which 
we  witness  in  all  countries  where  the  people  assert  their 
rights  and  express  their  opinions.  King  Leopold  was  a 
statesman  of  thoroughly  English  ideas  of  government, 
and  his  administration  was  distinguished  by  wisdom  and 
firmness,  appealing  to  the  people  for  the  support  of  the 
throne,  rather  than  to  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown.  A 
Protestant  governing  a  Catholic  nation,  he  maintained  his 
own  opinions,  but  recognized  the  right  of  the  people  to 
conduct  their  ministry  and  institutions  in  accordance 
with  their  traditional  sentiments  and  religious  views ;  so 
that  earnest  discussions,  rising  at  times  into  great  ex- 
citement, occasionally  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  the 
government.  The  Catholic  clergy  naturally  sought  to 
control  the  schools,  and  asserted  their  authority  in  all 
questions  affecting  the  education  of  the  people.  But 
the  fine  sense  and  personal  qualities  of  the  King,  unsur- 
passed by  those  of  any  monarch,  guided  these  tumultu- 
ous contests  to  a  pacific  result.  Upon  the  flaming  up  of 
the  Revolution  in  France  in  1848,  which  subverted  the 
throne  of  Louis   Philippe,  the  father-in-law  of  King  Leo- 

90 


THE    TRIUMPH  OF   THE  KING.  91 

pold,  the  people  of  Belgium  caught  the  spirit  of  revolt, 
and  were  in  full  sympathy  with  France.  The  people 
threatened  to  overthrow  the  government  and  expel  royalty 
from  the  country.  The  King  met  the  popular  demonstra 
tion  with  the  wisdom  and  courage  which  always  distin- 
guished him,  and  maintained  his  authority  by  the  force  of 
his  character,  without  calling  upon  the  army  to  uphold  the 
throne.  He  authorized  his  ministry  to  say  to  the  people 
that  he  had  ascended  the  throne  upon  their  invitation,  in 
the  hope  of  conducting  the  government  in  a  way  to 
advance  their  prosperity  and  happiness,  and  that  he  was 
ready  to  abdicate  and  return  to  the  people  of  Belgium 
the  trust  confided  to  him,  whenever  they  desired  to 
resume  the  power  conferred  upon  him.  He  mastered  a 
revolutionary  spirit ;  the  representatives  of  the  people 
expressed  their  unshaken  confidence  in  the  King,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the 
throne  against  domestic  violence  and  foreign  invasion. 
The  triumph  of  the  King  was  complete  ;  he  maintained 
his  power  as  a  sovereign,  supported  by  a  loyal  and  con- 
tented people,  and  afforded  to  Louis  Philippe,  in  his  exile 
from  France,  a  retreat  in  his  beautiful  Claremont,  which 
he  still  owned — the  dearest  spot  to  him  in  England. 

Count  de  Briey  gave  up  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Affairs 
on  account  of  some  inharmonious  feeling  in  the  Cabinet, 
and  it  was  confided  to  General  Goblet  d'Alviella. 

A  question  of  importance  was  submitted  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  new  Cabinet :  Mr.  Dangerfield,  the  Minis- 
ter of  Texas,  accredited  to  the  French  court,  came  to 
Brussels,  and  presented  his  credentials  in  the  hope  of 
obtaining  recognition  from  the  Belgian  government.  He 
presented  himself  to  me,  and  appealed  to  me  to  co- 
operate with  him  in  the  accomplishment  of  his  object.  I 
received  him  with  great  cordiality,  and  was  much  pleased 
with  him,  but  I  did  not  commit  myself  to  his  plan,  stating 
that  the  subject  was  one  of  high  interest  to  my  govern- 


92  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

ment.  Mr.  Dangerfield  was  an  accomplished  gentleman, 
a  native  of  Maryland,  where  he  had  been  educated,  and 
while  yet  young  had  decided  to  fix  his  residence  in  Texas, 
where  he  soon  acquired  distinction,  and  had  been  called 
into  the  diplomatic  service  of  the  republic.  He  had  been 
warmly  received  at  Paris,  and  had  been  instructed  to  visit 
Brussels,  and  obtain  the  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  Texas  from  the  Belgian  government.  He  was  received 
with  courtesy,  but  not  officially,  by  General  Goblet  d'Al- 
viella,  who  heard  his  appeal  for  recognition  with  respect, 
but  stated  to  him  frankly  that  it  was  important  to  con- 
sider the  construction  which  Mexico  would  give  to  such 
an  act  on  the  part  of  Belgium,  a  friendly  nation,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States  in  regard  to  it,  as  it  was  understood 
that  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  that  country  was  already 
under  consideration. 

Mr.  Dangerfield  very  warmly  urged  me  to  relieve  the 
Belgian  government  so  far  as  the  claims  of  the  United 
States  were  involved,  by  disavowing  any  purpose  of  an- 
nexation en  the  part  of  my  government.  I  did  not  feel 
that  it  was  proper  for  me  to  do  this,  having  no  instructions 
in  regard  to  the  subject,  and  believing  as  I  did  that  the 
annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States  would  be 
accomplished  sooner  or  later,  and  in  my  judgment  at 
an  early  day.  Mr.  Dangerfield  was  much  disappointed, 
and  insisted  that  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of 
Texas,  so  far  from  hindering  the  plan  of  annexation,  would 
really  facilitate  the  great  measure  so  earnestly  desired  by 
many  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  both  countries.  I  de- 
clined to  express  my  views  to  General  Goblet  d'Alviella, 
and  he  would  not  give  any  encouragement  to  Mr.  Danger- 
field  until  he  received  an  assurance  from  me  that  it  was 
not  the  purpose  of  the  United  States  to  acquire  possession 
of  the  young  republic.  Mr.  Dangerfield,  after  passing 
some  weeks  at  Brussels,  returned  to  Paris. 


TOUR    THROUGH  HOLLAND.  93 

The  Diplomatic  Corps  had  observed  his  presence  and 
had  become  acquainted  with  the  object  of  his  visit  to 
Brussels,  and  were  much  interested  in  it,  so  that  when  Mr. 
Dangerfield  disappeared  I  was  held  responsible  for  the 
result,  and  one  of  them  remarked  with  some  humor  that, 
"  No  matter  what  might  come  about  as  to  annexation,  the 
American  Minister  had  certainly  devoured  the  representa- 
tive of  the  young  republic." 

Early  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  Mr.  William 
Norris,  of  Philadelphia,  called  on  me.  He  had  been 
engaged  by  the  Austrian  government  to  perform  an  im- 
portant service  in  the  railway  system  of  that  country,  and 
visited  Brussels  with  the  view  of  observing  the  Belgian 
railway  service,  which  had  attained  a  success  so  remarka- 
ble that  it  attracted  the  attention  and  won  the  admiration 
of  all  who  were  interested  in  securing  speed,  safety,  and 
comfort  in  travelling.  Without  any  special  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  I  became  so  interested  in  it  that,  when  the 
time  approached  for  taking  leave  of  Belgium,  I  had  ob- 
tained, from  the  proper  department,  an  elaborate  statement 
of  the  system,  which  I  brought  home  with  me,  in  the  hope 
of  improving  our  railway  service.  Mr.  Norris  proposed 
that  I  should  accompany  him  on  a  tour  through  Holland, 
where  he  desired  to  observe  some  works  recently  con- 
structed for  engineering  purposes,  in  connection  with  the 
protection  of  the  country  from  the  invasions  of  the  sea, 
and  the  draining  of  some  of  the  great  lakes,  and  I  accepted 
his  invitation  to  travel  through  a  country  that  I  so  much 
desired  to  see.  I  do  not  propose  to  give  an  extended 
account  of  my  brief  visit  to  a  country  so  full  of  attrac- 
tions, outside  of  the  way  of  tourists  rambling  through 
Europe,  but  I  must  recall  a  sketch  or  two  of  some  places 
and  objects  which  deeply  interested  me. 

Entering  Holland  by  the  way  of  Breda,  I  passed  a 
night  in  that  place  so  full  of  historical  interest.  Here, 
Charles  II.  in  his  exile  from  England  found  a  safe  refuge 


94  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

from  the  storms  that  drove  him  from  his  country.  It  is 
strongly  defended  by  works  constructed  by  the  ablest 
engineers  of  an  early  period  as  well  as  of  later  times. 
The  old  castle  was  built  in  1350  by  Count  Henry  of 
Nassau  ;  the  modern  chateau  by  William,  afterwards  the 
III.  of  England.  I  found  a  comfortable  hotel  of  an 
ancient  style,  where  I  for  the  first  time  enjoyed  the 
luxury  of  sleeping  on  a  Dutch  bed  of  feathers,  covered  by 
a  bed  of  down. 

Rotterdam  interested  me  greatly.  The  canals  are  as 
numerous  as  the  streets,  and  there  is  a  picturesque  com- 
bination of  water,  bridges,  trees,  and  shipping  in  the  heart 
of  the  city.  I  felt  for  the  first  time  that  I  was  in  Hol- 
land. In  walking  through  the  city  I  was  impressed  by  the 
quaint  buildings  with  gables  facing  the  street  and  over- 
hanging the  foundation  ;  the  canals  are  traversed  by 
innumerable  drawbridges,  opening  and  shutting  to  allow 
the  passage  of  vessels  ;  the  carts  are  put  upon  sledges 
with  barrels  of  water  placed  in  front,  which  is  jerked  out 
through  small  holes  so  as  to  sprinkle  the  pavements  as  the 
horse  moves  and  diminish  the  friction.  I  observed  with 
interest  the  peculiar  shoes  of  the  horses,  the  wooden  sabots 
of  the  peasants,  the  brass  milk-pails  glistening  like  pol- 
ished armor,  the  little  mirrors  fastened  in  front  of  every 
window.  I  found  that  Rotterdam  still  maintained  its 
extensive  and  profitable  commerce  with  India,  where  there 
are  important  Dutch  colonies ;  and  some  of  the  finest 
merchant  ships  in  the  world  were  drawn  up  by  the  sides 
of  the  great  warehouses  of  the  city.  It  amused  me  to  see 
in  front  of  the  windows  of  my  hotel  the  tall  masts  of  a 
great  ship,  which  was  soon  to  sail  for  remote  parts  of  the 
East. 

The  Hague,  the  capital  of  Holland,  is  interesting 
as  the  residence  of  a  court,  and  has  some  beautiful 
streets,  bordered  with  magnificent  houses ;  its  trees  are 
beautiful,  and  it  has  the  appearance  of  a  city  built  in 


THE  HAGUE  AND   SCHEVENINGEN.  95 

the  heart  of  an  extensive  forest.  The  picture-gallery 
we  found  filled  with  the  finest  works  of  renowned 
artists.  The  collection  is  large,  and  of  its  school  un- 
rivalled. Paul  Potter's  Young  Bull  is  justly  celebrated ; 
it  is  certainly  a  remarkable  picture.  The  animal,  large  as 
life,  seems  to  breathe,  and  the  perspective  is  very  fine  ;  it 
is  known  that  when  carried  by  the  French  to  Paris,  and 
placed  in  the  Louvre,  it  ranked  fourth  in  value  in  that 
splendid  collection.  It  is  said  that  the  Dutch  govern- 
ment offered  Napoleon  twenty  thousand  pounds  sterling 
to  leave  the  picture  at  The  Hague. 

I  dined  with  the  Honorable  Christopher  Hughes, 
American  Minister  to  Holland,  and  was  much  pleased 
with  him ;  he  had  written  me  before  I  left  Brussels,  in- 
sisting that  I  should  pay  him  a  visit,  and  he  welcomed 
me  with  a  warmth  that  gratified  me.  Mr.  Hughes  had 
been  in  the  diplomatic  service  for  many  years,  surviving 
several  administrations,  giving  satisfaction  at  every  post 
that  he  filled.  He  was  charming  in  conversation,  and  I 
was  glad  to  meet  him  afterwards  when  he  came  to  Wash- 
ington on  a  visit,  during  my  service  in  Congress. 

I  found  Scheveningen,  a  fishing  village  on  the  sea- 
shore, distant  some  three  miles  from  The  Hague,  an  inter- 
esting place.  The  fishermen  drive  an  active  trade,  and  I 
saw  for  the  first  time  dogs  harnessed,  and  drawing  carts 
filled  with  fish  to  the  city.  It  was  from  this  place  that 
Charles  II.  embarked  for  England  previous  to  his  restora- 
tion. I  looked  out  upon  the  North  Sea,  which  seemed 
to  stretch  illimitably  before  me,  as  its  wild  billows  dashed 
at  my  feet. 

I  was  much  interested  in  a  fair  held  at  The  Hague  dur- 
ing my  visit,  which  attracted  the  people  from  all  parts  of 
Holland.  And  those  who  came  from  Friesland,  offering 
their  wares  for  sale,  were  original  in  their  manners  and 
costumes.  The  head-dress  of  the  women,  the  gold  hoops 
and  pendants,  and  the  beautiful  lace  caps  were  objects  of 


g6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

interest,  presenting  the  ancient  style  of  the  country,  and 
affording  a  striking  contrast  to  anything  seen  in  our 
times ;  such  head-dresses  as  the  women  wore  are  some- 
times valued  at  several  hundred  dollars.  At  one  stand 
waffles,  sprinkled  with  powdered  white  sugar,  were  served. 
There  were  great  book  sales  ;  some  of  the  books  were  rare 
and  costly.  I  bought  several  volumes,  among  them  a 
large  edition  of  Grotius  "  On  the  Law  of  Nations,"  in 
two  volumes,  bound  in  parchment,  and  several  classical 
books. 

I  could  not  pass  Leyden  without  bestowing  a  few  hours 
upon  it.  Its  historical  interest  is  wonderful ;  its  resist- 
ance to  the  siege  by  the  Spaniards  is  unsurpassed  for 
heroism  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  was  so  deeply  impressed  by  the  courage  and  en- 
durance of  the  citizens  that  he  gave  them  the  choice,  as 
a  reward  for  their  patriotism,  of  two  privileges  :  either  an 
exemption  from  certain  taxes,  or  a  university,  and  they 
chose  the  latter.  The  university  attained  the  highest 
degree  of  prosperity  and  renown,  numbering  in  the  list  of 
distinguished  professors  and  scholars  Grotius,  Descartes, 
Salmarius,  and  Boerhave.  I  saw  on  the  walls  a  fine  por- 
trait of  Arminius,  at  one  time  a  professor  in  the  university. 

Haarlem  with  its  surroundings  I  found  to  be  a  most  in- 
teresting place  ;  it  is  associated  with  music  and  flowers,  and 
the  fine  country-seats  which  adorn  its  suburbs,  and  the 
great  lake  near  it,  are  all  objects  of  attraction.  We  de- 
cided to  pass  Sunday  in  the  old  place,  and  were  richly 
rewarded  for  staying  over.  The  inn  was  very  good,  and 
they  served  us  with  plovers'  eggs  for  breakfast — a  rare 
luxury.  We  attended  divine  service  in  the  great  church 
of  St.  Bavon,  where  we  heard  the  famous  organ  with 
nearly  five  thousand  pipes,  and  enjoyed  its  immense  pow- 
ers. It  is  a  stupendous  pile  of  musical  architecture,  filling 
the  end  of  the  church,  reaching  to  the  roof,  and  supported 
by  porphyry  pillars.     The  organ  blends  sweetness  with 


HAARLEM  AND  AMSTERDAM.  97 

power;  at  times  when  the  instrument,  representing  the 
storm,  poured  out  its  majestic  tones,  the  building  seemed 
to  tremble.  The  service  was  impressive,  and  when  the 
whole  congregation  stood  up  to  sing,  the  song  heightened 
into  sublimity.  I  observed  that  Mr.  Norris,  as  well  as  my- 
self, was  deeply  moved  by  the  anthem  that  rose  and  swelled 
through  the  vast  building  like  the  music  of  the  sea.  I 
have  since  heard  criticisms  of  instrumental  music  in 
churches,  but  when  I  recall  that  service  in  the  great 
church  of  Bavon  in  Haarlem,  much  as  I  enjoy  congrega- 
tional singing,  I  would  wish  to  have  a  great  organ  to 
guide  and  sustain  it.  The  flowers  of  Haarlem  pleased  me 
by  their  beauty,  fragrance,  and  profusion ;  I  saw  acres 
covered  with  them,  some  rare,  and  the  tulips  and  hya- 
cinths were  the  finest  I  ever  saw.  I  bought  some  of  them 
and  threw  them  into  my  trunk  to  show  them  at  home,  not 
preserving  them  in  any  special  way,  and  I  found  when  I 
reached  Brussels,  some  ten  days  later,  that  they  were  still 
fresh,  fragrant,  and  beautiful.  The  soil  and  mode  of  cul- 
ture in  some  way  produce  the  finest  flowers  in  the  world, 
and  the  gardens  of  a  great  part  of  Europe  are  supplied 
from  Haarlem.  We  observed  the  lake  with  interest,  Mr. 
Norris  inspecting  the  plan  for  pumping  out  the  water, 
which  seemed  to  be  done  by  an  immense  screw  with 
plates  on  the  sides  of  an  inclined  plane  placed  at  a 
proper  angle.  I  did  not  comprehend  how  a  contrivance 
apparently  so  simple  could  discharge  from  an  immense 
lake  such  volumes  of  water.  The  great  bed  of  the  lake 
has  been  converted  into  arable  and  pasture  land. 

Amsterdam,  though  it  has  lost  much  of  the  vast  com- 
merce that  it  one  time  commanded,  is  yet  a  great  and 
prosperous  city,  one  of  the  most  important  in  Europe.  It 
possesses  wonderful  interests ;  its  history,  its  wealth,  and 
its  enterprise  all  distinguish  it,  and  it  must  continue  to  be 
one  of  the  great  commercial  marts  of  the  world.  The  city 
is  built  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  and  is  divided  into  two 


98  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

parts  by  the  Amstel,  intersected,  like  Venice,  by  numer- 
ous canals,  which  form  ninety-five  islands,  connecting  the 
several  parts  by  two  hundred  and  ninety  bridges.  It  has 
numerous  and  immense  warehouses  filled  with  the  prod- 
ucts of  all  countries  of  the  globe.  Its  dykes,  constructed 
with  great  skill  and  maintained  at  immense  cost,  keep  out 
the  ocean  that  threatens  to  submerge  the  city.  Its  pub- 
lic buildings  are  immense  and  imposing,  some  of  them 
rising  into  splendor.  I  was  amused  to  see  hackney- 
coaches  without  wheels,  mounted  on  a  sledge  and  drawn 
by  one  horse ;  the  driver  walking  by  his  side,  holds 
in  one  hand  a  small  staff  to  which  is  tied  a  cloth  dipped 
in  oil,  which  he  drops  at  intervals  under  the  runners  of 
the  sledge  to  diminish  friction.  The  Great  Bank  of 
Amsterdam,  which  formerly  controlled  the  exchanges  of 
the  commercial  world,  no  longer  exists  ;  ships  bearing  the 
rich  products  of  the  East  and  the  West,  which  still  throng 
the  wide  entrance  of  the  city,  are  not  so  numerous  as  in  the 
days  of  its  highest  prosperity,  but  it  is  still  a  wonderful 
place  ;  its  great  bankers  hold  an  honorable  place  in  the 
circle  of  the  world's  capitalists,  and  are  as  distinguished 
for  their  integrity  as  in  the  times  when  states,  kings,  and 
princes  were  glad  to  accept  loans  from  them.  The  Grand 
ship  canal,  extending  to  the  distance  of  fifty  miles,  is  a 
magnificent  illustration  of  the  genius,  wealth,  and  enter- 
prise of  Holland.  Indeed  everything  that  I  saw  in 
Amsterdam  heightened  my  respect  for  this  wonderful 
people.  They  defy  the  invasion  of  the  ocean,  they  draw 
water  from  great  lakes,  and  they  attract  the  commerce 
of  the  world. 

Broek,  near  Amsterdam,  is  unlike  any  other  place  in  the 
world.  It  is  the  residence  of  retired  merchants  and  men 
of  business  who  have  amassed  fortunes.  It  is  an  ideal 
residence,  the  cleanest  village  in  the  world  ;  there  is  neither 
horse  nor  cart  road  through  the  place  ;  its  narrow  pas- 
sages are  like  tiled  corridors  set  with  ornamental  bricks ; 


BROEK  AND    UTRECHT.  99 

the  houses,  constructed  of  wood,  are  kept  freshy  painted, 
and  their  roofs  of  polished  tiles  of  various  colors  glisten 
in  the  sun.  The  front  door  and  windows  of  the  houses 
are  closed  except  on  two  occasions :  to  admit  the  guests 
at  a  wedding,  and  to  allow  the  taking  out  of  a  corpse 
for  interment.  Rooms  for  the  cows  are  provided  near 
the  apartments  for  the  family,  and  the  cleanliness  in 
the  one  is  as  perfect  as  in  the  other  ;  the  tails  of  the 
cattle  are  tied  to  hooks  in  the  ceiling,  to  prevent  them 
from  becoming  soiled  and  disfiguring  their  bodies  and  the 
clean  smooth  boards  of  their  stalls. 

We  returned  to  Belgium  by  the  way  of  Utrecht,  the 
Trajectum  ad  Rhenum  of  the  Romans.  A  delightful  way 
of  travelling  between  Amsterdam  and  Utrecht  is  to  take 
passage  in  a  treckschuit,  a  commodious  barge,  which  gives 
a  fine  view  of  the  country,  the  banks  of  the  canals  being 
lined  all  the  way  with  country-houses  and  gardens.  We 
ascended  the  tower  of  the  cathedral,  three  hundred  and 
eighty  feet  high ;  it  stands  out  from  the  main  building, 
and  from  its  summit  an  extensive  and  interesting  view 
spreads  out  over  almost  all  Holland  and  part  of  Brabant, 
comprehending  twenty  large  towns,  among  them,  Bois 
le  Due,  Hertogensbosch,  Rotterdam,  Oude-water,  Mont- 
ford,  Rheenen,  and  others.  The  sexton  makes  his  home 
in  the  steeple  with  his  family.  The  university  is  an  ancient 
establishment,  and  the  mint  of  Holland  is  here. 

In  leaving  Holland  I  felt  grateful  to  Mr.  Norris,  who 
had  induced  me  to  accompany  him  through  a  country  so 
full  of  interest,  and  so  unlike  the  parts  of  Europe  more 
generally  visited.  I  should  advise  those  who  go  abroad 
for  recreation  and  instruction,  to  turn  away  from  the 
usual  lines  of  travel,  and  pass  a  few  days  in  Holland.  I 
recall  my  visit  with  intense  pleasure. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Brussels — Mr.  Norris — Military  Display — Relations  of  Belgium  to  the 
Great  Powers  of  Europe — Visit  to  Paris — The  Tuileries — The  King's 
Fete  Day — Splendid  Reception — Royal  Family — Cabinet  Ministers — 
Guizot — Marshal  Soult — Diplomatic  Corps — Hotel  des  Invalides — 
Notre  Dame — Versailles. 

BRUSSELS  was  in  full  beauty  ;  the  parks  and  boule- 
vards attracted  visitors  in  unusual  numbers,  and  the  sub- 
urbs were  never  more  charming.  We  enjoyed  our  drives 
greatly ;  and  the  ladies  of  my  family  in  our  open  carriage 
visited  places  of  interest  in  the  neighborhood.  As  a  resi- 
dence Brussels  was  more  agreeable  than  Paris,  with  which 
city  it  has  often  been  compared. 

Mr.  Norris  passed  some  days  with  us  before  his  depart- 
ure for  Vienna,  and  we  were  unwilling  to  give  him  up. 
Among  the  numbers  of  our  countrymen  who  came  to  visit 
Brussels,  we  met  no  one  who  was  more  agreeable  to  us 
than  this  friend  from  Philadelphia. 

I  was  much  pleased  to  have  a  visit  from  Mr.  Thurlow 
Weed,  who  with  a  party  of  friends  passed  a  few  days  in 
Brussels.  I  found  Mr.  Weed  a  most  interesting  man,  and 
he  showed  his  appreciation  of  my  attentions  by  a  gen- 
erous tribute  to  me  in  his  paper,  published  in  Albany, 
upon  my  entering  Congress  a  year  or  two  later. 

A  splendid  military  review  took  place  in  Brussels,  in 
which  the  troops,  consisting  of  infantry,  artillery,  and 
cavalry,  displayed  great  skill  in  training.  In  no  country 
in  the  world  can  so  large  a  body  of  troops  be  seen  equal 

IOO 


THE   BELGIAN  ARMY.  IOI 

to  those  of  the  Belgian  army.  Belgium,  it 'is*  well 'known,' 
is  the  battle-field  of  Europe,  and  her  soldiers  seem  to 
possess  the  qualities  that  would  make  them  equal  in 
modern  warfare  to  those  composing  the  armies  of  any  of 
the  great  powers.  The  army  of  Belgium  is,  in  proportion 
to  the  actual  population  of  the  country,  the  largest  in  the 
world  ;  in  clothing  and  appointments  the  troops  are 
superior  to  any  on  the  continent.  Yet  Belgium  is  recog- 
nized by  the  great  powers  of  Europe  as  a  neutral  state, 
its  independence  guaranteed  and  its  soil  respected,  so  that 
not  even  an  army  of  any  other  kingdom  can  pass  over  it 
to  reach  another  point.  But  the  people,  as  warlike  as  the 
inhabitants  were  in  the  times  of  Caesar,  disdain  to  acknowl- 
edge that  they  owe  their  immunity  from  invasion  to  any 
foreign  power,  trusting  to  their  own  valor  and  strength, 
and  acting  upon  the  counsel  of  Cromwell  to  the  army 
which  he  had  trained  to  be  invincible  :  "  Put  your  trust  in 
God,  but  keep  your  powder  dry.' 

The  season  was  beautiful,  and  we  decided  to  visit  Paris 
and  pass  a  short  time  there,  embracing  the  first  of  May, 
the  King's  fete  day.  We  enjoyed  the  journey  through 
Belgium  and  France,  travelling  in  railway  cars  to  the 
boundary  between  the  two  countries,  where  the  road 
terminated,  and  then  in  the  diligence  to  Paris.  The  huge 
coach  was  divided  into  three  compartments — the  coup^  the 
inttrieur,  and  the  rotonde, — drawn  by  five  powerful  horses 
of  the  Flanders  breed.  The  turnpike  roads  were  in  fine 
order,  and  the  heavy  coaches,  filled  with  passengers  and 
loaded  with  mail-bags  and  boxes  of  fine  merchandise, 
were  rolled  on  their  way  smoothly,  stopping  at  certain 
stations  to  be  weighed.  We  found  this  mode  of  travel- 
ling very  pleasing  to  us,  giving  us  a  view  of  the  country, 
through  which  we  caught  sight  of  country-seats,  increas- 
ing in  number  and  exhibiting  greater  elegance  as  we 
approached  Paris.  I  engaged  handsome  apartments  for 
my  party  in  a  pleasant  quarter  of  the  city,  and  we  found 


102-  'POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

our  surroundings  satisfactory  throughout  our  visit.  We 
took  with  us  from  Brussels  one  of  our  servants,  a  German 
girl  of  excellent  qualities,  and  even  accomplishments,  and 
thus  contributed  greatly  to  our  comfort  in  making  our 
excursions  through  the  city  and  its  environs.  Mrs.  Hil- 
liard  and  the  other  ladies  of  our  party  enjoyed  visits  to 
many  places  of  public  interest,  and  found  in  the  picture- 
galleries  a  source  of  inexhaustible  pleasure.  The  city 
was  thronged  with  visitors,  many  persons  of  distinction 
being  present  to  witness  the  display  on  the  first  of  May, 
the  fete  day  of  Louis  Philippe. 

I  enjoyed  the  honor,  as  a  member  of  the  Diplomatic 
Corps,  of  being  present  at  the  morning  reception  at  the 
palace,  and  with  my  friend  and  colleague,  Mr.  Ledyard, 
witnessed  the  brilliant  scene.  It  surpassed  any  similar 
display  at  which  I  had  been  present.  The  King,  his  sons, 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  diplomatic  representatives  of 
the  nations  of  the  world,  the  eminent  statesmen,  soldiers, 
and  scholars  of  France,  men  of  rank  from  every  country, 
assembled  in  the  vast  saloon  called  Salle  des  Marechaux. 
Its  lofty  walls  hung  with  portraits  of  the  living  marshals 
of  France,  Soult,  Moncey,  Malitor,  Grouchy,  Gerard, 
Valee,  and  others,  with  busts  of  distinguished  generals 
placed  around  the  room,  presented  a  picture  far  more 
magnificent  than  could  have  been  seen  in  any  other 
capital  in  the  world.  His  Majesty  received  us  in  our 
turn  graciously,  inquiring  of  me  in  terms  of  interest  of 
affairs  in  the  United  States,  and  recalling  my  visit  to 
him  on  a  former  occasion.  I  observed  standing  near 
his  Majesty  his  sons — the  Due  de  Nemours,  the  Due 
d'Aumale,  the  Due  de  Montpensier, — the  members  of  his 
cabinet — Guizot,  the  Premier ;  Marshal  Soult,  Minister 
of  War,  and  others. 

In  the  line  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  I  observed  that 
the  Minister  of  Greece,  who  stood  by  my  side,  wore  a 
court  dress  so  remarkable  that  it  attracted  the  attention 


AT  THE  FRENCH  COURT.  103 

of  the  Due  de  Nemours.  The  costume  was  of  Oriental 
style,  the  long  skirts  richly  embroidered,  the  loose  white 
trousers  hanging  over  his  shoes,  and  the  Turkish  cimeter 
suspended  from  his  waist.  The  dress  of  the  Austrian 
Minister  was  splendid,  richly  embroidered  with  gold,  and 
a  loose  hussar  jacket  hanging  from  his  shoulders.  At 
that  time  American  ministers  wore  a  court  dress  similar 
to  that  of  the  English  envoys,  the  coat  with  the  oak  leaf 
embroidered  in  gold  on  the  collar,  cuffs,  breast,  and  skirts, 
a  small  sword  by  the  side. 

Never  at  any  period  of  her  history  had  France  enjoyed 
higher  prosperity  than  under  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe, 
and  never  had  a  sovereign  surrounded  himself  with  abler 
ministers.  Guizot  would  have  illustrated  any  administra- 
tion, and  have  adorned  any  reign  ;  he  was  a  thorough 
scholar  and  a  trained  statesman.  Such  were  his  abilities 
that  while  a  Protestant  of  rigid  views  he  was  called  into 
the  service  of  a  Catholic  prince,  and  in  a  country  where 
the  Church  was  jealous  of  any  invasion  of  its  rights,  he 
succeeded  in  controlling  the  national  system  of  education. 
As  a  political  writer  he  was  the  most  powerful  man  in 
France,  and  controlled  the  nation  by  his  opinions  when 
not  in  the  service  of  the  government.  When  he  appeared 
in  England  as  the  Ambassador  of  France,  in  1840,  he  at- 
tracted great  attention,  being  the  first  Protestant  envoy 
since  the  time  of  Sully.  When  I  saw  him  at  the  recep- 
tion, in  May,  1844,  ne  was  m  his  prime,  and  displayed 
immense  vigor ;  tall,  slender,  erect,  his  fine  head  set  well 
on  his  broad  shoulders,  his  features  classical,  his  gray  eyes 
expressive  of  intellectual  force,  and  his  manner  grave. 
When  not  in  full  dress  as  a  minister  of  the  crown,  he  wore 
black,  his  long  frock-coat  cut  in  the  style  of  a  Prince 
Albert  of  our  time  ;  and  he  was  always  impressive.  Un- 
fortunately for  the  success  of  his  administration  he  was 
too  conservative,  and  influenced  Louis  Philippe,  already 
too  much  inclined  to  yield  the  rank  of  France  among  the 


104  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

great  powers  to  considerations  for  the  promotion  of  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  the  country,  to  the  adoption  of 
measures  that  touched  the  pride  of  the  nation. 

There,  too,  stood  Soult,  the  greatest  of  Napoleon's 
marshals,  in  rich  uniform,  with  his  grave,  severe  look,  the 
dark  eyes  still  flaming  with  fire,  his  face  bronzed  with 
many  campaigns ;  over  the  middle  height  and  strongly 
built.  As  yet  time  had  not  bowed  his  frame ;  he  stood 
erect,  but  limped  slightly  when  he  walked,  from  a  wound 
received  in  the  last  desperate  charge  of  Massena,  leading 
the  troops  in  an  assault  on  Monte  Creto.  Wounded  and 
a  prisoner,  he  lay  and  heard  the  storm  of  battle  on  the 
field  of  Marengo  until,  at  the  close  of  the  day,  his  ear 
caught  the  announcement  of  victory  for  Napoleon.  He 
was  made  a  Marshal  of  France  by  the  Emperor,  and  won 
his  confidence  so  fully  that  he  committed  to  him  the  most 
important  and  difficult  enterprises.  He  commanded  the 
right  wing  of  the  army  at  Austerlitz,  confronting  the  two 
armies  of  Austria  and  Russia  under  the  personal  com- 
mand of  their  Emperors  ;  the  French  army  was  under  the 
eye  of  Napoleon  himself.  In  that  splendid  battle  of  the 
three  Emperors  at  one  time,  Napoleon  sent  an  order  to 
Soult  to  break  the  Russian  lines,  but  the  Marshal  held 
his  command  ;  not  long  after  the  Emperor  sent  a  courier 
to  Soult  with  the  peremptory  order  to  charge  ;  still  the 
Marshal  held  his  men,  and  just  as  Napoleon's  third 
courier  rode  up,  Soult  led  his  eager  troops  to  the  charge, 
and  breaking  the  centre  of  the  enemy's  line  carried  every- 
thing before  him.  Later,  the  Emperor,  surrounded  by 
his  staff,  rode  up  to  Soult,  and  learning  that  the  Marshal 
saw  from  his  position  that  the  Russian  army  was  making 
a  false  move,  weakening  its  centre,  when  he  received  his 
order  to  advance,  he  lifted  his  cap,  and  said  to  the  Mar- 
shal :  "  I  pronounce  you  the  ablest  tactician  in  the  army." 
All  the  splendid  career  of  Soult  rose  before  me  as  I 
looked  upon  him  that  fair  May  morning  in  the  Hall  of  the 


WELLINGTON  AND   SOULT,  105 

Marshals  in  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries.  I  had  seen 
Wellington  a  few  months  previously,  and  as  I  stood  in 
the  presence  of  the  great  Marshal  of  France,  I  recalled 
the  long  and  desperate  struggle  between  the  two  com- 
manders in  Portugal  and  in  Spain.  They  were  pitted 
against  each  other  for  years,  and  both  displayed  the 
highest  qualities,  leading  the  disciplined  troops  of  Eng- 
land and  France  with  alternate  victories  and  defeats. 
They  met  again  at  Waterloo,  where  Napoleon's  genius 
even,  of  whom  Wellington  said  his  presence  was  equiva- 
lent to  forty  thousand  men,  could  not  save  the  empire 
from  the  combined  forces  opposed  to  him.  All  this  had 
gone  by,  and  now  the  Marshal  of  France,  standing  in  the 
peaceful  reign  of  Louis  Philippe,  had  his  brow  illumined 
by  the  light  of  past  triumphs  and  imperishable  historical 
glory. 

Her  Majesty,  the  Queen,  received  in  the  evening,  sur- 
rounded by  the  beautiful  women,  who  at  that  time  gave 
an  indescribable  charm  to  the  court  of  France.  No  city 
in  the  world  could  have  shown  so  much  splendor  as  we 
saw  that  May  day  in  Paris,  and  when  evening  came  on, 
the  illuminated  houses  and  the  pyrotechnics  in  the  pub- 
lic parks  and  gardens  gave  to  everything  a  radiance  and 
threw  an  enchantment  over  the  whole  scene. 

We  visited  from  day  to  day  places  of  interest  in  Paris 
and  the  environs,  and  read  the  history  of  France  in  its 
public  buildings,  monuments,  and  picture-galleries. 

The  Hotel  des  Invalides  is  a  magnificent  structure. 
Its  architecture,  its  historical  associations,  its  monuments 
and  tombs,  its  magnificent  provision  for  soldiers  who  have 
served  France  well,  under  every  dynasty,  constitute  it 
an  object  of  universal  attraction  ;  from  the  time  of  Louis 
XIV.  to  the  close  of  the  imperial  reign  of  Napoleon,  it 
has  been  enriched  with  trophies  and  adorned  by  art,  until 
it  now  surpasses  any  structure  that  Rome  with  its  con- 
quering legions  ever  saw.      The  remains  of    Napoleon 


106  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

brought  from  St.  Helena  in  1840,  were  deposited  here 
with  the  pomp  worthy  of  the  man  who  ruled  France  with 
unrivalled  majesty,  and  who  bore  his  victorious  standards 
all  over  Europe.  His  tomb  was  not  constructed  at  the 
time  of  my  visit,  but  has  since  been  completed ;  apart 
from  its  associations  it  is  the  noblest  sarcophagus  in  the 
world,  being  an  immense  monolith  of  porphyry  resting  on 
two  plinths  which  stand  on  a  block  of  green  granite  from 
the  Vosges.  The  pavement  of  the  crypt  is  decorated 
with  a  crown  of  marble,  in  mosaic,  within  which  in  a 
black  circle  are  inscribed  the  names  of  his  most  brilliant 
victories:  Rivoli,  Marengo,  Austerlitz,  Jena,  Friedland, 
Wagram,  and  Moskowa.  As  I  walked  out  of  the  stately 
structure  into  the  esplanade,  with  its  trees,  and  looked  up 
at  the  gilded  dome,  surmounted  by  a  cross  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty-three  feet  in  height,  I  felt  that  the 
building  rose  into  sublimity. 

The  cathedral  church  of  Notre-Dame  is  a  splendid 
edifice,  and  its  historic  interest  rivals  the  magnificence  of 
its  architecture,  recalling  the  temple  built  on  the  spot  by 
the  Romans ;  rich  with  the  traditions  of  early  Christian 
times,  and  to-day  exhibiting  its  Gothic  beauties,  con- 
secrated as  its  altar  is  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The 
interior  of  the  church  interested  us,  but  its  splendor  does 
not  equal  the  exterior.  We  were  shown  the  coronation 
robes  of  Napoleon,  and  recalled  the  scene  when,  in  the 
midst  of  the  immense  throng,  and  in  the  very  presence  of 
the  Pope,  the  Emperor  placed  the  crown  on  his  own 
brow,  and  then  laid  the  diadem  on  the  head  of  Josephine, 
who  knelt  on  the  steps  of  the  stage.  I  have  seen  many 
churches,  but  Notre-Dame  filled  my  imagination  when 
I  first  saw  it,  and  I  have  seen  nothing  to  rival  it  since. 

Versailles  with  its  palaces,  its  works  of  art,  its  gardens 
and  its  parks  with  their  fountains,  basins,  and  lakes,  sur- 
passes in  magnificence  anything  which  royal  taste  and 
unlimited  expenditure  of  money  could  construct  in  an- 


HISTORIC    VERSAILLES.  loy 

cient  or  modern  times ;  its  historic  interest  is  great,  and 
it  contains  objects  associated  with  the  glory  of  France, 
which  illustrate  its  annals  from  the  splendid  reign  of 
Louis  XIV.  to  that  of  Louis  Philippe,  who  had  exhibited 
the  utmost  regard  for  the  preservation  of  its  splendor, 
enriching  its  galleries  of  art  by  a  generous  expenditure 
of  money  and  by  his  fine  taste.  I  will  not  dwell  upon 
details  where  objects  of  interest  are  so  numerous,  but  I 
cannot  omit  some  notice  of  those  that  attracted  me  most. 
Very  many  of  the  paintings  illustrated  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.,  but  I  was  much  more  interested  in  those  of  a  later 
period.  In  the  Grande  Salle  des  Gardes  there  is  David's 
great  picture  of  the  Coronation  of  Napoleon  ;  it  is  splen- 
did. The  attitude  of  the  Emperor  and  the  posture  of 
Josephine,  the  classical  treatment  of  the  scene,  and  the  in- 
describable splendor  of  the  accessories  are  very  impressive. 
We  did  not  see  the  Grandes  Eaux  playing — a  very  fine 
sight,  usually  exhibited  on  Sunday,  and  which  costs  an 
outlay  of  some  two  thousand  dollars  on  every  occasion. 
Of  all  the  buildings,  I  admired  most  Le  Grand  Trianon,  a 
royal  mansion  at  the  extreme  end  of  the  park  of  Versailles, 
built  by  Louis  XIV.  for  Madame  de  Maintenon.  It  was 
the  favorite  residence  of  Napoleon.  The  building  con- 
sists of  one  story  and  two  wings  united  by  a  long  gallery 
and  fronted  with  magnificent  coupled  Ionic  columns  and 
pilasters  in  Languedoc  marble ;  it  is  in  the  Italian  style. 
We  were  shown  through  the  apartments,  which  contain 
some  beautiful  objects  of  art. 

In  one  of  the  rooms  the  usher  pointed  out  a  richly 
furnished  bed,  saying:  "It  is  the  King's."  I  asked: 
"  Where  's  the  Queen's  ?  "  "  The  same,"  he  replied.  The 
Grande  Galerie  is  a  fine  room,  one  hundred  and  sixty 
feet  long,  full  of  paintings  of  great  merit,  and  some  rare 
and  precious  vases.  In  one  of  the  apartments  I  observed 
two  splendid  candelabra,  a  circular  table  of  green  mala- 
chite and  ormolu,  presented  to  Napoleon  by  the  Emperor 


108  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Alexander  on  the  occasion  of  the  treaty  of  Tilsit.  We 
left  Versailles  with  an  impression  of  its  magnificence 
which  no  royal  residence  seen  by  us  had  made.  We 
found  attractions  every  day  during  our  stay  in  Paris,  and 
could  have  lingered  for  weeks  if  my  official  duties  had 
not  recalled  me  to  Brussels.  Looking  back  through 
the  vista  of  years  I  see  Paris  in  all  its  brightness ;  I  recall 
a  visit  when  surrounded  by  the  members  of  my  family 
we  enjoyed  the  scene  outspread  before  us  without  a 
single  cloud  to  darken  it,  and  it  will  always  be  remem- 
bered as  one  of  the  happiest  in  my  life.  Time  with  its 
effacing  fingers  can  never  destroy  the  lines  of  a  picture 
hung  in  the  chambers  of  memory,  where  the  forms  of 
those  so  dear  to  me  appear  in  a  setting  so  beautiful. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Brussels — Official  Duties — Announcement  from  Washington  of  the  Appoint- 
of  Mr.  Calhoun  as  Secretary  of  State — Dinner  at  the  Palace  of  Laeken — 
Dinner  at  Mr.  Waller's,  English  Secretary  of  Legation — Evening  Re- 
ception at  the  Palace — Letters  from  Home — Resignation — Departure 
from  Brussels. 

BRUSSELS  has  often  been  compared  with  Paris,  and 
some  really  prefer  it  as  a  residence.  It  is  not  so  bril- 
liant, but  it  possesses  advantages  which  make  it  a  home 
of  unsurpassed  attractions ;  the  climate  is  delightful,  the 
society  charming,  and  the  environs  are  attractive.  We 
found  our  residence  in  perfect  order  upon  our  return  from 
Paris,  and  the  faithful  Antoine  stood  ready  to  welcome  us. 

My  official  duties  interested  me,  and  a  correspondence 
took  place  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  regard 
to  the  construction  of  the  new  Belgian  tariff,  involving  the 
liability  of  tobacco  already  stored  in  the  entrepots  of  the 
kingdom  to  the  increased  rates  laid  upon  incoming  ship- 
ments. By  a  provision  of  existing  laws  the  importer 
might  store  the  tobacco  in  an  entrepot  without  the  pay- 
ment of  duties  in  case  of  re-shipment,  but  if  taken  out  for 
sale  in  the  country  it  became  subject  to  the  payment  of  the 
taxes.  A  large  quantity  of  American  tobacco  was  stored 
chiefly  in  Antwerp,  and  when  some  of  it  was  put  on  the 
market  the  authorities  decided  that  it  must  pay  the  in- 
creased rates  fixed  by  the  new  tariff.  In  behalf  of  the 
American  shippers  I  claimed  that  the  tobacco  having  been 
shipped  to  Belgium,  under  the  previous  law,  had  acquired 

109 


IIO  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  right  of  sale  in  that  country,  under  its  provisions  ;  to 
this  it  was  replied  that  the  tobacco  stored  might  be 
removed  and  exported  without  the  payment  of  any  duty. 
But  I  insisted  that  one  of  the  inducements  to  ship  our 
tobacco  to  Belgium  was  the  liberal  provision  of  the  law  in 
regard  to  storage,  and  the  privilege  of  putting  it  upon  the 
market  at  any  time,  paying  the  rate  laid  upon  the  article 
at  the  time  of  entering  the  port.  The  government  yielded 
the  point,  and  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  from  the 
administration  at  Washington  a  decided  expression  of  its 
appreciation  of  my  treatment  of  the  question. 

Mr.  Webster  decided  to  leave  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Tyler. 
Upon  the  inauguration  of  General  Harrison  the  Cabinet 
had  been  formed,  consisting  of  some  of  the  ablest  mem- 
bers of  the  Whig  party,  and  Mr.  Webster  had  accepted 
the  place  of  Secretary  of  State.  The  others  were :  Thomas 
Ewing,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  John  Bell,  Secretary 
of  War ;  George  E.  Badger,  Secretary  of  the  Navy ; 
Francis  Granger,  Postmaster-General ;  John  J.  Critten- 
den, Attorney-General.  General  Harrison  lived  but  a 
month  after  his  inauguration,  but  before  his  death  he 
had  issued  a  proclamation  convoking  the  Congress  in  ex- 
traordinary session,  for  the  31st  day  of  May  ensuing. 
The  session  proved  to  be  an  eventful  one ;  the  bill  pro- 
viding for  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank  was 
passed,  under  the  lead  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  met  the  disap- 
proval of  the  President ;  Mr.  Clay  was  indignant,  and 
there  was  a  general  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  in  the  ranks 
of  Whig  Senators  and  Representatives  at  the  President's 
course.  Another  measure  similar,  if  not  identical,  with 
the  first,  was  adopted,  but  it  failed  to  meet  the  President's 
approval.  The  members  of  Mr.  Tyler's  Cabinet,  with  the 
exception  of  Mr.  Webster,  who  was  prevailed  on  to 
remain,  two  days  after  the  second  veto  message,  on  the 
nth  day  of  September,  sent  in  their  resignations.  Mr. 
Webster  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  his  reasons 


MR.    WEBSTER  LEAVES    THE   CABINET.  Ill 

for  not  joining  in  that  step  with  his  colleagues  ;  it  was  his 
wish  to  organize  an  institution  under  the  authority  of 
Congress  to  aid  revenue  and  financial  operations,  and  to 
give  the  country  the  blessings  of  a  good  currency  and 
cheap  exchanges ;  he  looked  to  the  union  of  the  Whig 
party,  the  whole  party,  the  Whig  President,  the  Whig 
Congress,  and  Whig  people  for  the  realization  of  that 
object ;  and,  he  added,  "  if  I  had  seen  reasons  to  resign  my 
office,  I  should  not  have  done  so  without  giving  the 
President  reasonable  notice,  and  affording  him  time  to 
select  the  hands  to  which  he  should  confide  the  delicate 
and  important  affairs  now  pending  in  this  department." 

Lord  Ashburton  had  recently  arrived,  empowered  to 
negotiate  for  the  settlement  of  certain  important  ques- 
tions affecting  the  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  England.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  country  that  Mr. 
Webster  retained  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet ;  in  the  negotia- 
tions which  were  conducted  with  Lord  Ashburton  he  ren- 
dered the  most  important  services  to  the  nation,  and  won 
new  lustre  for  his  own  great  fame.  Feeling,  at  length, 
that  he  might  retire  from  the  Cabinet,  he  did  so,  and  Mr. 
Upshur,  of  Virginia,  was  appointed  his  successor,  who, 
after  a  brief  term  of  service,  was  killed,  with  several  other 
distinguished  men,  by  the  explosion  of  a  gun  on  board 
the  steamer  man-of-war  Princeton.  Mr.  Calhoun  was  pre- 
vailed on  to  give  his  great  abilities  to  the  support  of  Mr. 
Tyler's  administration,  and  accepted  the  post  of  Secretary 
of  State.  I  had  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  Mr.  Webster, 
and  my  relations  with  Mr.  Calhoun  were  in  every  respect 
satisfactory.  It  was  my  privilege  to  co-operate  with  him 
in  giving  success  to  measures  for  the  annexation  of  Texas 
to  the  United  States. 

At  the  palace  at  Laeken  a  splendid  dinner  was  given  in 
honor  of  the  Duke  de  Saxe  and  Princess  Clementine,  the 
daughter  of  Louis  Philippe,  who  had  just  been  mar- 
ried in  Paris  and  were  making  a  brief  visit  to  the  King 


112  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

and  Queen  of  Belgium.  The  guests  seated  at  the  table 
were  persons  of  high  rank,  including  several  members  of 
the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Baron  James  Rothschild,  the  emi- 
nent banker  of  Paris,  was  also  present.  The  occasion  was 
one  of  unusual  interest ;  the  Duke  and  Princess  were  both 
young,  about  the  same  age,  and  were  on  their  wedding 
tour.  Years  afterwards  I  met  one  of  their  sons  in  Rio  de 
Janeiro ;  he  had  married  a  daughter  of  the  Emperor  of 
Brazil. 

The  season  at  Brussels  was  bright,  and  the  hospitality 
was  profuse  and  elegant.  We  had  received,  from  the 
time  of  our  taking  up  our  residence  in  Brussels,  marked 
attentions  from  Sir  Hamilton  and  Lady  Seymour,  of  the 
English  Embassy,  and  many  of  the  English  residents 
who  seemed  to  regard  us  kindly,  not  only  from  personal 
considerations,  but  on  account  of  our  American  relation- 
ship to  their  own  people. 

Mr.  Waller  the  English  Secretary  of  Legation,  was  an 
interesting  man,  and  lived  with  elegance  ;  we  had  ac- 
cepted an  invitation  to  dine  at  his  house,  but  on  the 
morning  of  the  appointed  day  Mrs.  Hilliard  was  some- 
what indisposed  ;  still  hoping  that  she  would  be  well 
enough  by  evening  to  go  out,  we  had  not  sent  a  note  to 
excuse  ourselves.  It  so  happened  that  Mrs.  Hilliard  was 
suffering  too  much  to  go  with  me,  and  I  entered  the 
drawing-room  of  Mr.  Waller  alone  ;  he  received  me  very 
cordially,  but  was  distressed  at  the  absence  of  Mrs.  Hil- 
liard. I  explained  that  her  indisposition  had  been  so 
slight  in  the  morning  that  we  had  not  excused  ourselves, 
but  that  it  had  increased  in  the  evening,  and  that  I  was 
compelled  to  come  alone.  Mr.  Waller  was  really  un- 
happy, and  asked  if  I  objected  to  sitting  at  a  table  with 
thirteen  persons,  alluding  to  the  superstitious  feeling  so 
strongly  entertained  by  so  many  people.  I  replied  pleas- 
antly that  fortunately  nothing  of  that  kind  troubled  me, 
but  I   regretted  to  occasion  a  contre-temps.     The  dinner 


SAD  INTELLIGENCE  FROM  HOME.  113 

proved  to  be  most  agreeable,  and  I  heard  nothing  of  any 
disaster  following. 

An  evening  reception  was  given  by  the  King  and  Queen 
at  the  city  palace,  and  I  was  present,  accompanied  by 
Mrs.  Hilliard.  The  scene  was  brilliant,  as  the  entertain- 
ments at  the  royal  palace  were  at  all  times,  and  the  sup- 
per was  a  feast  of  splendor.  In  the  course  of  the  evening 
we  enjoyed  a  conversation  with  the  Queen,  who  was 
surrounded  by  the  ladies  of  the  court,  and  had  her  chil- 
dren, the  Due  de  Brabant,  Comte  de  Flandres,  and 
Carlotta,  the  young  and  beautiful  child,  destined  to  be 
the  wife  of  Maximilian,  and  Empress  of  Mexico.  Her 
Majesty  kindly  inquired  about  our  own  children,  three, 
and  of  corresponding  ages  with  her  own. 

We  drove  from  the  palace  at  a  late  hour,  and  upon 
reaching  home  I  found  a  heavy  mail  awaiting  me.  One 
of  my  letters  conveyed  to  me  the  sad  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  my  brother-in-law,  Dr.  William  W.  Waddel,  who 
had  married  my  only  sister ;  he  was  a  son  of  that  eminent 
man,  the  Rev.  Moses  Waddel,  D.D.,  of  South  Carolina, 
whose  first  wife  was  a  sister  of  Honorable  John  C.  Cal- 
houn, and  who  had  trained  that  great  statesman,  with 
other  young  men  who  afterwards  rose  to  distinction.  His 
son,  Dr.  W.  W.  Waddel,  was  a  young  man,  but  he  had 
attained  eminence  as  a  physician ;  his  accomplishments 
were  such  that  he  took  high  rank  in  social  life,  and  in  the 
Presbyterian  Church  he  was  a  beloved  and  leading  mem- 
ber. I  was  greatly  distressed  at  his  death ;  the  intelli- 
gence threw  a  shadow  over  the  brightness  of  my  official 
life,  and  after  a  few  days  of  reflection  I  decided  to  return 
home.  It  had  been  my  purpose  to  visit  Italy  in  the  en- 
suing winter,  but  in  view  of  my  obligations  to  those  who 
had  such  claims  on  me  at  home,  I  made  up  my  mind  to 
relinquish  my  official  position,  and  return  to  the  United 
States  in  the  course  of  a  few  months.  I  wrote  to  Mr. 
Calhoun,  informing  him  of  my  purpose,  and  stating  that 


114  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

I  should  tender  my  resignation  early  in  the  fall  At  the 
time  I  felt  the  strong  attraction  of  home,  and  made  my 
arrangements  to  return  to  my  own  country  with  the 
greatest  satisfaction.  As  the  time  approached  for  my 
departure  from  Brussels,  I  made  a  formal  request  of  my 
government  to  leave  my  post  at  an  early  day.  Some  time 
elapsed  before  I  received  a  reply  from  Washington,  but  at 
length  Mr.  Calhoun  sent  me  a  despatch,  stating  that  upon 
my  repeated  requests  to  resign  my  official  position,  the 
President  had  instructed  him  to  yield  to  my  wishes,  at 
the  same  time  expressing  entire  approval  of  my  course 
during  my  service  at  Brussels.  Mr.  Calhoun  informed  me 
that  Mr.  Clemson,  who  had  married  his  only  daughter, 
had  been  selected  to  succeed  me,  and  requested  me  to 
continue  at  my  post  until  his  arrival  in  Brussels.  I  had 
taken  a  house  and  furnished  it  to  suit  our  tastes,  and  I 
decided  to  send  my  furniture  home  to  fit  up  my  residence 
with  it  at  Montgomery. 

I  was  reluctant  to  leave  Brussels  before  the  arrival  of 
my  successor,  but  as  Mr.  Clemson  delayed  his  coming,  I 
proceeded  to  conclude  my  arrangements  for  leave-taking. 
I  did  so  with  a  feeling  of  sincere  regret ;  I  had  found 
friends  in  the  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  our 
families  had  formed  relations  of  more  than  formal  civility, 
and  the  King  and  Queen  had  shown  such  regard  for  us  as 
to  make  leave-taking  something  more  than  a  mere  stately 
ceremony. 

Leaving  Brussels  we  reached  England,  and  passed  some 
days  in  London.  We  found  much  to  interest  us  in  a 
previous  visit  to  the  great  metropolis,  and  we  enjoyed 
sight-seeing  with  renewed  pleasure,  but  we  left  London 
without  reluctance,  and  after  a  short  run  by  railway  to 
Portsmouth,  we  went  on  board  the  splendid  ship  Victoria, 
and  sailed  for  New  York.  After  a  delightful  voyage  we 
entered  the  bay  of  New  York,  under  a  brilliant  October 
sun,  and  soon  trod  once  more  the  soil  of  our  native  land. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Arrival  at  Washington  City — Interview  with  the  President — State  of  the 
Country — Canvass  for  the  Presidency — Mr.  Clay — Mr.  Polk — Arrival  at 
Montgomery — Mass-Meeting  of  the  Whigs — Honorable  Alexander  H. 
Stephens — Honorable  Arthur  F.  Hopkins — Defeat  of  Mr.  Clay — Nomi- 
nation for  a  Seat  in  Congress — Canvass — Election. 

After  a  brief  stay  in  New  York  I  left  for  Washington. 
Upon  my  arrival  in  that  city  I  sought  an  early  interview 
with  the  President,  and  was  received  by  him  with  the 
greatest  cordiality ;  he  was  my  personal  and  political 
friend.  Mr.  Tyler  was  looking  well ;  the  cares  of  office 
had  touched  him  lightly  ;  having  no  longer  aspirations  for 
a  re-election  to  the  presidency,  and  looking  forward  to  the 
return  to  his  Virginia  home,  he  was  in  high  spirits  ;  his 
intellectual  face  shone  with  animation,  and  his  splendid 
conversational  powers  never  appeared  to  greater  advan- 
tage. He  gave  the  morning  to  me,  and  expressed  his 
views  of  the  state  of  the  country  with  the  utmost  free- 
dom. I  found  him  decidedly  opposed  to  the  election  of 
Mr.  Clay,  and  I  expressed  my  regret  at  his  hostility  to 
the  candidate  of  the  Whig  party.  He  gave  me  his  rea- 
sons at  length  for  his  opposition  to  Mr.  Clay  ;  he  left 
wholly  out  of  view  their  personal  relations,  and  there  was 
not  the  slightest  asperity  in  his  tone  ;  but  he  based  his 
objection  to  him  mainly  on  the  ground  of  his  declared 
opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas.  Mr.  Tyler  re- 
garded that  measure  as  far  the  most  important  in  Ameri- 
can politics  ;  it  overshadowed  every  other ;  it  was  essen- 

115 


Il6  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

tial  to  the  protection  of  the  South  ;  and  promised,  if 
successful,  to  enhance  the  power,  wealth,  and  prosperity 
of  the  whole  country.  His  ardor  in  stating  his  views  to 
me  greatly  interested  me,  and  I  assured  him  of  my  full 
concurrence  with  his  statesman-like  attitude  in  regard  to 
a  question  of  such  vast  importance.  At  the  same  time  I 
frankly  expressed  my  regret  at  his  hostility  to  Mr.  Clay's 
election  ;  as  a  Whig,  I  regarded  his  success  in  the  canvass 
as  essential  to  the  good  government  of  the  country,  and 
I  would  never  abandon  the  standard  of  a  party  so  wise 
in  its  policy  and  so  patriotic  in  its  traditions  and  its  ob- 
jects. He  regretted  that  the  party  had  committed  its 
fortunes  to  the  leading  of  Mr.  Clay,  an  imperious  chief, 
who  would  conduct  it  to  certain  defeat.  In  this  conver- 
sation with  Mr.  Tyler  I  felt  for  the  first  time  a  distrust  of 
Mr.  Clay's  leadership.  I  had  followed  him  for  years  with 
the  ardor  of  youth  ;  his  grand  statesmanship  had  capti- 
vated me,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  most  perilous  sur- 
roundings I  had  pressed  to  his  standard  as  the  soldiers 
of  King  Henry  of  Navarre  rode  to  battle  wherever  his 
white  plume  led  them  at  Ivry.  I  could  not  turn  away 
from  him  now.  I  was  strongly  attached  to  Mr.  Tyler ; 
he  was  one  of  the  most  fascinating  men  I  had  ever 
known — brilliant,  eloquent,  even  more  charming  than 
Mr.  Calhoun  in  conversation,  with  that  warmth  of 
manner  so  irresistible  with  young  men  ;  but  his  persuasion 
was  lost  upon  me  ;  when  I  took  leave  of  him  I  was  as  true 
a  Whig  and  as  firm  a  friend  of  Mr.  Clay  as  I  had  ever 
been. 

The  canvass  for  the  presidency  was  in  full  sweep  ;  it 
may  be  said  to  have  engrossed  the  country  ;  the  enthusi- 
asm for  Henry  Clay  was  at  flood-tide  ;  wherever  he  trav- 
elled the  receptions  accorded  to  him  were  magnificent 
ovations ;  the  heart  of  the  people  warmed  to  him  ;  not 
only  was  he  the  chosen  leader  of  the  Whigs,  but  his  per- 
sonal qualities  drew  men  to  him  irresistibly,  while  his 


CANVASS  FOR    THE  PRESIDENCY.  l\J 

eloquence  constituted  him  an  unrivalled  tribune  of  the 
people.  Unhappily,  however,  he  had  declared  his  oppo- 
sition to  the  annexation  of  Texas  ;  pausing  at  Raleigh  in 
a  triumphal  career,  he  wrote  a  letter,  in  which  he  commit- 
ted himself  against  the  measure,  already  prepared  by  the 
administration,  for  the  immediate  annexation  of  that 
republic.  It  was  understood  that,  by  an  interchange  of 
views  with  Mr.  Van  Buren,  who  was  the  leader  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  whose  nomination  for  the  presi- 
dency by  the  convention  to  be  held  at  Baltimore  was 
supposed  to  be  assured,  both  were  to  occupy  the  same 
ground  in  regard  to  the  Texas  question  ;  but  Mr.  Van 
Buren  had  lost  the  nomination  on  this  very  ground,  and 
to  the  surprise  of  the  whole  country  Mr.  James  K.  Polk, 
of  Tennessee,  had  been  brought  out  as  the  candidate  of 
the  Democratic  party  for  the  presidency,  avowing  himself 
decidedly  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of  Texas.  But  for 
this  issue  the  election  of  Mr.  Clay  by  a  large  majority 
was  supposed  to  be  as  certain  as  any  future  event  de- 
pendent upon  the  popular  will  could  be  ;  but  after  his 
letter  there  was  observed  a  small  cloud  rising  on  the  hori- 
zon, so  bright  before,  that  threw  its  ominous  shadow  over 
his  fortunes.  Some  of  his  truest  friends,  like  Calphurnia, 
the  wife  of  Caesar,  had  presaging  dreams  of  his  defeat  at 
the  last  moment.  Mr.  Clay  himself  treated  Mr.  Polk 
with  disdain  ;  he  did  not  entertain  a  thought  of  discomfi- 
ture ;  he  was  as  buoyant  as  Napoleon  at  Waterloo,  who 
is  described  by  Victor  Hugo  as  surveying  the  field  before 
the  battle,  and,  in  view  of  some  adverse  appearances, 
seemed  to  say  to  fate,  "  Wouldst  thou  dare  ?  "  His 
friends  were  full  of  courage  and  hope,  and  bore  themselves 
gallantly  everywhere.  I  had  just  returned  to  the  country 
after  an  absence  of  some  years  in  Europe,  and  I  looked 
over  the  field  with  the  deepest  interest ;  a  great  popular 
contest  roused  me  ;  it  was  so  American  that  I  entered 
into  it  with  all  my  heart. 


Il8  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  Montgomery  I  was  generously 
received  ;  a  large  number  of  my  friends  assembled  to  wel- 
come me.  In  the  evening  I  was  serenaded  at  my  home. 
The  enthusiasm  of  my  old  and  true  friends  warmed  my 
heart,  as  they  extended  to  me  and  to  my  family  a  recep- 
tion that  showed  how  deeply  their  hearts  were  moved. 
This  beautiful  city  seated  on  the  banks  of  the  Alabama, 
and  surrounded  by  a  wide  belt  of  the  most  fertile  lands, 
where  planters  of  ample  means  and  high  culture  lived  with 
elegant  and  profuse  hospitality,  was  one  of  the  most  culti- 
vated and  delightful  places  in  the  South  ;  its  hills  crowned 
with  beautiful  residences,  and  its  streets  exhibiting  a  large 
and  growing  commerce,  while  magnificent  steamboats 
floated  on  its  abounding  river,  bore  the  products  of  the 
soil  to  Mobile,  and  returning,  landed  at  numerous  places 
on  the  banks  passengers  and  merchandise. 

Shortly  after  my  arrival  a  mass-meeting  of  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay  was  held  in  Montgomery,  and  gentlemen  of 
distinction  in  Alabama  and  other  States  were  invited  to 
address  the  people.  The  most  elaborate  preparations 
were  made  for  the  occasion  ;  the  meeting  was  held  in  the 
open  air,  with  a  large  platform  erected  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  visitors,  which  was  beautifully  decorated,  and 
ladies  in  large  numbers  were  seated  on  it,  while  the  grove 
was  filled  with  gentlemen  seated  in  their  carriages  or 
standing,  the  whole  scene  presenting  one  of  those  South- 
ern pictures,  no  more  to  be  witnessed  in  these  times  of 
ours,  under  the  new  conditions  of  society. 

Among  the  invited  guests  was  a  gentleman  already 
advancing  upon  the  road  destined  to  conduct  him  to 
great  distinction,  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  who 
had  just  been  elected  to  Congress.  His  appearance  was 
remarkable  :  pale,  with  piercing  dark  eyes,  an  intellectual 
cast  of  features,  slender,  he  might  have  been  mistaken  for 
a  youth  in  delicate  health,  just  emerged  from  college,  and 
giving  but  little  promise  of  force  in  public  life ;  a  voice 


MASS-MEETING   OF    WHIGS.  119 

shrill  but  musical,  and  while  not  flexible,  singularly  pleas- 
ing. He  attracted  great  attention  ;  his  slight  person,  it 
seemed  too  frail  to  fit  him  for  great  tasks  of  any  kind,  dis- 
appointing the  expectations  awakened  by  the  reputation 
which  he  had  already  gained.  Seated  upon  the  stage, 
surrounded  by  other  gentlemen,  his  boyish  appearance 
interested  every  one  in  him,  and  won  for  him  a  sympathy 
that  contributed  greatly  to  his  success  as  an  orator.  I 
had  the  honor  of  being  chosen  to  welcome  the  guests  to 
the  convention,  standing  in  a  floral  arch  which  had  been 
constructed  for  the  speakers,  and  made  the  first  address. 

Mr.  Stephens  followed  me,  and  addressed  the  immense 
audience  in  a  brilliant  speech,  stating  the  strong  points  in 
the  campaign,  and  illustrated  them  with  anecdotes  that 
drew  from  the  people  tumultuous  applause ;  comparing 
Mr.  Clay  with  Mr.  Polk  in  a  way  to  recall  the  famous 
lines  of  Shakspeare,  in  which  Hamlet  contrasts  the  late 
king,  his  father,  "  with  the  front  of  Jove  himself,"  with 
the  queen's  husband,  "  like  a  mill-dew'd  cur  blasting  his 
wholesome  brother,"  so  that  when  he  concluded  the 
shout  of  the  people  was  one  wave  of  boundless  enthusiasm. 

Another  gentleman,  of  a  widely  different  order  from 
Mr.  Stephens,  Honorable  Arthur  F.  Hopkins,  of  Mobile, 
delivered  a  great  speech.  Mr.  Hopkins  was  a  man  of 
a  high  order,  of  fine  appearance,  his  bearing  full  of  dignity, 
a  lawyer  of  great  ability,  who  had  adorned  a  seat  on  the 
Supreme  Court  bench  of  the  State,  a  statesman  of  large 
attainments  and  national  views,  with  noble  aims  and 
singular  purity  of  character.  His  speech  made  a  great 
impression,  and  Mr.  Stephens  said  to  me,  "There  is  a 
man  who  would  make  a  good  Cabinet  minister,"  showing 
his  appreciation  of  one  whom  he  had  never  seen  before, 
and  so  eminently  fitted  to  take  part  in  the  administration 
of  a  great  government. 

The  canvass  for  the  presidency  was  drawing  towards  its 
close,  and  while  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  were  full  of  ardor. 


120  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

and  did  not  think  it  possible  that  a  leader  who  shone  so 
conspicuously  before  the  people,  and  attracted  them  as  no 
other  man  could,  was  to  be  defeated  by  a  man  so  far  his 
inferior  in  statesmanship  and  grace  of  manner  and  all 
grand  qualities,  as  Mr.  Polk ;  still  there  were  upon  the 
sky  some  signs  of  coming  disaster,  that  might  be  as  fatal 
as  the  storm  that  swept  the  field  of  Waterloo  the  night 
before  the  great  battle  that  decided  the  fortunes  of 
Napoleon  in  the  last  stand  that  he  made  for  the  mastery 
of  Europe.  His  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas 
lost  him  many  supporters  ;  and  upon  the  banners  displayed 
by  the  Democrats  in  their  popular  gatherings  were  the 
ominous  words,  "  Polk,  Dallas,  and  Texas."  It  was  a 
temptation  too  great  to  be  borne  ;  a  young  and  free  state, 
of  imperial  proportions,  peopled  by  men  of  our  own 
blood,  who  had  won  their  independence  upon  hard-fought 
battle-fields,  stood  ready  to  come  into  our  Union,  bringing 
not  only  a  vast  increase  of  power  and  wealth,  but  afford- 
ing a  still  greater  security  to  the  Southern  section  of  the 
country.  The  candidates  of  the  Whig  party  were  Mr. 
Clay  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  who  were  known  to  possess 
ample  qualifications,  and  were  enjoying  the  confidence  of 
the  people  to  an  unlimited  extent.  They  were  confronted 
by  Mr.  James  K.  Polk  and  Mr.  George  M.  Dallas,  both 
gentlemen  of  high  respectability,  but  neither  possessing 
extraordinary  qualifications  for  the  great  places  to  which 
they  aspired,  nor  wielding  any  commanding  influence  in 
the  country.  Yet  when  the  election  was  held  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  were,  by  a  large  majority,  successful. 
They  won  the  States  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New 
York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Alabama,  and 
Michigan.  The  Whigs  carried  the  States  of  Massachu- 
setts, Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Vermont,  New  Jersey, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Tennes- 
see, and  Ohio.    In  the  electoral  college  the  vote  stood  for 


DEFEA  T  OF  MR.    CLA  Y.  121 

Mr.  Polk  and  Mr.  Dallas  one  hundred  and  seventy  ;  for 
Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  one  hundred  and  five, 
giving  to  the  Democratic  candidates  a  majority  of  sixty- 
five.  The  great  State  of  New  York  decided  the  contest. 
It  was  counted  upon  with  certainty  by  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Clay,  but  it  gave  its  thirty-six  electoral  votes  to  Mr.  Polk, 
by  the  slender  majority  of  about  five  thousand,  in  a  popu- 
lar vote  of  five  hundred  thousand.  By  so  narrow  a  margin 
was  the  victory  won  for  the  Democratic  party  ;  the  thirty- 
six  votes  of  New  York  given  to  Mr.  Clay  would  have 
made  him  president.  The  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay  was  like  the 
fall  of  a  great  leader,  whose  standard  goes  down  in  a 
decisive  battle ;  it  was  a  disaster  felt  throughout  the 
country,  and  was  observed  by  the  whole  civilized  world. 

I  found  the  Montgomery  district  represented  in  Con- 
gress by  Honorable  James  E.  Belser,  of  that  city,  a  leader 
of  the  Democratic  party,  a  lawyer,  of  sterling  character, 
and  a  man  who  possessed  a  large  share  of  the  confidence 
of  the  people.  He  had,  at  the  previous  election,  defeated 
the  Whig  candidate  by  a  decided  majority.  The  district 
was  large,  extending  from  the  Alabama  to  the  Chattahoo- 
chee River,  and  bounded  on  the  south  by  Florida,  consist- 
ing of  the  counties  of  Montgomery,  Macon,  Russell,  Pike, 
Barbour,  Coffee,  Henry,  Dale,  and  Covington.  As  a  can- 
didate on  the  electoral  ticket  for  General  Harrison  I  had 
canvassed  this  large  territory,  and  had  acquired  a  consid- 
erable majority  for  the  Whig  candidate  for  the  presidency ; 
but  in  my  absence,  by  the  excellent  management  of  the 
Democratic  leaders,  and  the  personal  popularity  of  Mr. 
Belser,  it  had  been  taken  out  of  the  control  of  my  friends. 
It  had  never  been  represented  by  a  Whig,  and  the  other 
districts  of  the  State  were  under  the  control  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  The  recent  defeat  of  Mr.  Clay  had  disheart- 
ened our  friends,  but  they  appealed  to  me  to  become  the 
candidate  for  Congress,  immediately  after  my  return  from 
Europe,  and  at  the  convention  held  in  the  spring  of  1845 


122  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

I  was  regularly  nominated.  Several  gentlemen  aspired  to 
the  distinction  of  leading  what  was  regarded  by  many  as 
a  forlorn  hope,  but  upon  being  informed  of  my  nomina- 
tion I  promptly  accepted  it.  Soon  after  the  Democrats 
held  their  convention,  and  Mr.  Belser  having  declined  to 
accept  a  re-nomination,  John  Cochran,  Esquire,  of  Eufaula, 
in  the  county  of  Barbour,  was  nominated.  He  accepted 
the  call  of  his  party,  and  his  friends  believed  that  he  would 
achieve  a  victory  ;  he  was  a  man  of  about  my  own  age,  of 
fine  person,  magnetic,  strong  intellectuality,  finely  edu- 
cated, a  lawyer  of  prominence,  an  unrivalled  stump 
speaker,  of  admirable  temper,  self-possessed  to  such  a 
degree  that  it  was  impossible  to  disconcert  him ;  his  fund 
of  anecdote  equal  to  that  of  Mr.  Stephens,  and,  to  make 
him  still  more  formidable,  his  manners  endeared  him  to 
people  of  every  class.  Certainly  a  more  formidable  antago- 
nist could  not  have  been  found  in  the  district  to  contend 
with  me  in  the  canvass  that  was  to  decide  the  supremacy 
of  the  Whig  or  Democratic  party  in  that  great  and  im- 
portant district.  I  announced  my  appointments  to 
address  the  people,  and  selected  Glennville,  the  beautiful 
town  in  Barbour  County,  distinguished  for  the  wealth, 
culture,  and  refinement  of  its  inhabitants,  as  the  first  place 
where  I  would  speak,  and  I  had  invited  my  opponent,  Mr. 
Cochran,  to  meet  me  in  debate.  A  great  concourse  of 
people  met  us.  A  large  platform  had  been  constructed, 
upon  which  a  number  of  leading  men  of  both  parties  took 
seats,  and  two  gentlemen  were  selected  to  preside,  and  see 
that  good  order  was  maintained  throughout  the  discussion. 
A  skirmish  took  place  in  advance  of  the  speaking,  in 
regard  to  the  order  of  debate  ;  the  friends  of  Mr.  Cochran 
insisted  that  he  should  be  allowed  the  conclusion,  but 
when  this  request  was  submitted  to  me  I  promptly  rejected 
it  upon  the  ground  that  appointments  had  been  made  for 
me  to  address  the  people,  and  while  my  opponent  was 
invited  to  meet  me,  and  was  entitled  to  equal  terms  as  to 


PUBLIC  DEBATE    WITH  MR.    COCHRAN.  1 23 

time,  and  the  right  of  opening  and  closing  the  debate  on 
alternate  days,  still  as  this  was  our  first  meeting  I  thought 
it  due  to  me  to  have  the  privilege  of  replying  in  conclu- 
sion. This  was  conceded  ;  time,  and  the  order  of  debate 
was  announced  :  Mr.  Cochran  to  open  with  a  speech  of 
one  hour  and  a  half,  and  I  to  have  the  privilege  of  reply- 
ing, with  the  same  limitation  as  to  time.  The  debate  was 
animated.  Mr.  Cochran  made  an  ingenious  attack  on  the 
antecedents  and  policy  of  the  Whig  party,  and  exhibited 
the  success  of  the  Democratic  administrations  in  limiting 
the  expenditures  of  the  government,  claiming  as  a  great 
triumph  its  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States. 
His  friends  warmly  applauded  his  speech,  and  seemed 
highly  elated.  As  I  advanced  to  the  stand  to  speak  I  was 
greeted  with  hearty  cheers  by  my  friends,  who  seemed  to 
be  full  of  courage  and  hope.  I  stated  at  the  outset  that  I 
appreciated  the  marked  ability  displayed  by  Mr.  Cochran 
in  the  speech  he  had  just  delivered  ;  that  his  party,  fortu- 
nate in  many  things,  might  be  congratulated  on  the  selec- 
tion of  a  gentleman  so  well  fitted  to  present  its  cause  to 
the  people  of  this  district,  but  that  I  could  not  be  misled 
by  the  tact  that  he  displayed  by  making  a  vigorous  assault 
upon  the  Whig  party,  with  the  hope  of  putting  me  on  the 
defensive,  which  really  disclosed  the  weakness  of  his  own 
position.  I  was  not  there  to  defend  the  great  party  which 
had  recently  suffered  defeat,  a  party  led  by  a  statesman 
so  illustrious  that  even  his  enemies  did  not  dare  to  as- 
sault him;  but  to  discuss  the  policy  of  the  Democrats, 
who  in  bringing  forward  a  candidate  for  the  presidency 
had  passed  over  their  distinguished  men,  and  brought 
out  a  man  unknown  to  the  country,  and  who  had  won 
his  election  solely  upon  the  strength  of  the  issue  of 
the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  when  taking  his  seat  in  the 
chair  of  state,  wore  not  a  single  laurel  on  his  brow.  The 
annexation  of  Texas  was  not  a  Democratic  triumph  •  its 
ablest  leader,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  opposed  it,  so  did  Mr.  Ben- 


124  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ton,  while  a  great  many  Whigs  favored  it  ;  that  I,  while  in 
the  public  service  abroad,  had  contributed  what  I  could  to 
the  success  of  the  measure.  I  proceeded  to  arraign  the 
Democratic  party  as  responsible  for  the  sub-treasury 
scheme,  separating  the  money  affairs  of  the  government 
from  those  of  the  people,  and  bringing  the  business  of  the 
country  into  deplorable  confusion.  I  appealed  to  the 
people  to  restore  the  Whigs  to  power  that  they  might 
arrest  the  tendency  of  the  Democratic  party  to  encourage 
sectional  strife,  which  must  bring  ruin  upon  the  country. 
At  the  conclusion  of  my  speech  the  applause  was  en- 
thusiastic, and  my  friends  crowded  about  me  with  their 
congratulations. 

In  the  afternoon  there  was  an  interesting  exhibition  of 
oratory  by  a  large  class  under  the  training  of  Professor 
Copeland,  a  distinguished  elocutionist.  In  the  evening  we 
had  an  attractive  entertainment  given  at  the  College  for 
Young  Ladies,  of  which  Rev.  Sereno  Taylor  was  president. 
It  was  an  institution  of  a  high  order,  and  the  concert  render- 
ed by  the  young  ladies,  vocal  and  instrumental,  was  really 
charming ;  there  was  a  large  church  organ  and  a  smaller  one, 
several  pianos,  violins,  great  and  small,  and  the  audience 
was  immense.  An  incident  occurred  that  was  greatly  en- 
joyed :  Mr.  Taylor  was  a  venerable  gentleman,  kind  and 
good,  not  avowing  his  political  bias,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
concert  he  rose  and  said  that  we  had  found  the  day  inter- 
esting ;  there  had  been  a  great  political  discussion  in  the 
morning,  and  a  fine  oratorical  exhibition  in  the  afternoon, 
while  he  believed  that  the  concert  just  closed  had  afforded 
great  pleasure  to  all,  and  it  was  proper  to  crown  the  exer- 
cises with  appropriate  religious  services.  He  therefore  pro- 
posed "  that  Mr.  Cochran  should  read  the  one  hundredth 
Psalm,  and  Mr.  Hilliard  should  pray."  A  suppressed 
burst  of  mirth  was  heard  throughout  the  assembly,  when 
Colonel  Cochran,  who  sat  near  me,  leaned  over  to  me 
and  said  :     "  I  can't  read  the  Psalm."     So  I  rose  and  said  : 


ELECTED    TO    CONGRESS.  1 25 

"'  Mr.  Cochran  naturally  finds  it  embarrassing  to  read  the 
Scriptures  in  public,"  but  that  I  would  read  the  Psalm  if 
Mr.  Taylor  would  pray.  Mr.  Taylor  acceded  to  this,  so  I 
rose  and  read  the  noble  Psalm,  and  Mr.  Taylor  taking  his 
seat  at  the  organ  played  and  sang  the  words  set  to  music, 
and  then,  reverently  kneeling,  offered  prayer.  It  was 
learned  afterwards  that  Mr.  Cochran  had  said  that  he 
thought  wherever  I  conducted  religious  services  he  should 
be  allowed  to  read  the  hymns ;  Mr.  Taylor  had  never 
heard  this,  but  innocently  and  kindly  wished  to  extend  a 
courtesy  to  my  opponent.  The  report  of  the  incident 
was  much  enjoyed  throughout  the  district.  My  personal 
relations  with  Mr.  Cochran  were  never  disturbed  in  the 
excited  and  protracted  canvass  in  the  extensive  territory 
through  which  we  travelled  ;  and  the  result  was  regarded 
as  doubtful  to  the  end.  It  required  great  energy  on  my 
part  to  establish  the  ascendency  of  the  Whig  party ;  never 
losing  an  opportunity  to  visit  doubtful  parts  of  the  dis- 
trict. The  county  of  Covington,  a  small  but  reliable 
stronghold  of  the  Whigs,  had  given  to  Mr.  Clay,  in  the 
recent  election,  a  majority  of  but  ten  votes ;  and  at  the 
close  of  the  joint  discussion  with  my  opponent  I  took  a 
young  friend  with  me  and  drove  through  it  once  more, 
and  was  rewarded  for  my  attention  by  a  majority  of  a 
hundred  and  ten  votes  at  the  Congressional  election. 

After  a  protracted  and  interesting  canvass  of  the  whole 
district  I  was  elected  by  a  good  majority,  and  achieved 
the  first  victory  for  the  Whig  party  in  a  contest  for  a  seat 
in  Congress,  my  friends  enjoying  the  triumph  the  more  as  I 
was  the  only  successful  candidate  of  that  party  in  the  State. 

My  election  to  Congress  occurred  in  August,  within  less 
than  twelve  months  after  my  return  from  Europe. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Opening  of  Congress,  December,  1845 — The  Senate — The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives— Sketches  of  Members — President's  Message — Texas — Ore- 
gon— Debate  on  the  Oregon  Question — Negotiation  and  Settlement. 

The  opening  of  Congress  in  December,  1845  was  an 
occasion  of  unusual  interest.  The  administration  of  Mr. 
Polk  was  to  make  the  first  announcement  of  its  policy ; 
great  events  had  occurred  within  the  last  twelve  months ; 
important  questions  affecting  the  relations  of  the  United 
States  with  England  and  Texas  were  impending ;  the 
financial  affairs  of  the  country  required  the  aid  of  wise 
legislation.  A  large  number  of  new  members  were  to 
take  their  seats  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  while 
the  Senate  had  on  its  roll  the  names  of  many  renowned 
statesmen. 

The  President's  Cabinet  was  composed  of  men  of  ability 
and  distinction :  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Secretary  of  State;  Robert  J.  Walker,  of  Mississippi^ 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  William  L.  Marcy,  of  New 
York,  Secretary  of  War ;  George  Bancroft,  of  Massachu- 
setts, Secretary  of  the  Navy  ;  Cave  Johnson,  of  Tennessee, 
Postmaster-General ;  and  John  Y.  Mason,  of  Virginia, 
Attorney-General. 

Mr.  Dallas,  the  Vice-President,  presided  with  great  dig- 
nity and  much  grace  of  manner  in  the  Senate ;  his  per- 
sonal appearance  was  striking :  while  yet  in  the  prime  of 
life  his  hair  was  white  and,  brushed  back  from  the  fore- 
head, fell  in  rich  locks  almost  to  his  shoulders  ;  his  dress 

126 


IN  THE  HOUSE   OF  REPRESENTATIVES.  \2J 

was  always  elegant,  full  black  ;  he  wore  invariably  a  white 
cravat,  which  was  singularly  becoming  to  his  rich  com- 
plexion. As  he  sat  with  republican  simplicity  in  his  chair 
he  was  more  impressive  than  the  Lord  Chancellor  of 
England  seated  on  the  wool-sack  with  his  ample  wig  and 
black  silk  gown.  In  looking  down  upon  the  senators, 
in  their  seats  ranged  around  the  chamber,  he  saw  illustrious 
men :  among  them  Daniel  Webster,  John  Davis,  from  the 
commonwealth  of  Massachusetts ;  John  C.  Calhoun,  George 
McDuffie,  from  South  Carolina  ;  Thomas  H.  Benton,  from 
Missouri ;  Willie  P.  Mangum,  from  North  Carolina  ;  John 
A.  Dix,  from  New  York ;  William  Allen  and  Thomas 
Corwin,  from  Ohio  ;  John  M.  Berrien  and  Walter  T.  Col- 
quit,  from  Georgia  ;  John  J.  Crittenden,  from  Kentucky  ; 
Reverdy  Johnson,  from  Maryland,  and  Lewis  Cass,  from 
Michigan,  with  other  men  of  mark.  Mr.  Clay  had  not 
yet  returned  to  the  Senate  ;   he  came  later. 

In  taking  my  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  I 
observed  among  those  who,  like  myself,  had  entered  that 
body  for  the  first  time  :  Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  and 
Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi.  There  was  a  large  Demo- 
cratic majority  in  the  House,  and  Honorable  John  W. 
Davis,  of  Indiana,  was  elected  Speaker  on  the  first  ballot, 
Honorable  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  of  Ohio,  receiving  the 
Whig  vote.  In  looking  over  the  hall  I  observed  a  large 
number  of  able  men,  some  of  them  already  distinguished, 
and  others  destined  to  attain  great  places  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  country,  and  exert  a  powerful  influence  upon 
public  affairs.  Ex-President  John  Quincy  Adams,  of 
Massachusetts,  occupied  a  seat  alone,  near  mine,  and  was 
an  object  of  universal  regard  and  consideration  ;  a  great 
and  picturesque  man,  standing  near  the  extreme  boundary 
of  human  life,  yet  in  possession  of  his  intellectual  power, 
and  with  unimpaired  vision,  observing  with  intense  inter- 
est everything  about  him,  the  memories  and  glories  of  a 
past  age  clustering  upon  him  and  still  contributing  to  the 


128  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

advancement  of  measures  for  the  increase  of  the  power 
and  prosperity  of  the  republic. 

I  had  been  fortunate  in  the  choice  of  a  seat,  not  far 
from  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  it  afforded  me  advantages 
in  debate,  and  in  observing  and  hearing  the  proceedings 
of  the  House.  The  desk  accommodating  three,  I,  having 
first  choice,  took  the  corner  seat  nearest  the  Speaker ; 
Honorable  Thomas  Butler  King,  of  Georgia,  the  other 
corner;  while  Honorable  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  historian,  and  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  though  a  Democratic  leader,  took  the 
central  seat ;  a  charming  man  in  conversation,  he  was 
very  entertaining.  George  C.  Dromgoole,  of  Virginia, 
one  of  the  able  men  of  the  Democratic  party,  also  took  a 
seat  near  me ;  he  was  an  interesting  man,  and  had  served 
several  terms.  A  shadow  rested  upon  him.  Some  years 
previously  he  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  a  gentle- 
man with  whom  he  held  friendly  relations,  and  was  so 
unfortunate  as  to  kill  him  in  a  duel ;  fatal  to  one  of  the 
parties  instantly,  and  blighting  the  life  of  the  other.  A 
personal  friendship  sprang  up  between  Mr.  Dromgoole 
and  myself,  notwithstanding  our  disagreement  in  politics, 
which  continued  throughout  our  service  in  Congress.  On 
the  other  side  of  the  House,  directly  opposite  me,  sat  my 
colleague,  William  L.  Yancey,  already  displaying  those 
brilliant  parts  which  distinguished  him  so  greatly  after- 
wards. He  had  entered  Congress  from  an  adjoining  dis- 
trict, his  residence  being  at  Wetumpka  during  my  ab- 
sence in  Europe.  His  personal  appearance  was  fine  :  above 
the  medium  height,  and  well  knit ;  a  good  head  ;  his  face 
full  of  intellectual  force ;  eyes  bright,  and  expressive  of 
the  warmth  of  his  temper ;  his  chin  well  formed,  and  the 
whole  aspect  leonine.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachu- 
setts, had  served  several  terms,  and  his  rank  was  high.  He 
impressed  me  from  the  first  as  a  man  of  intellect,  of  char- 
acter, and  of  fine  attainments  ;  his  bearing  was  impressive  ; 


MEN  OF  NOTE  IN  THE  HOUSE.  1 29 

about  six  feet  in  height,  well  formed,  his  face  expressive  of 
culture  and  sentiment ;  wearing  glasses,  which  did  not 
conceal  the  clear  gray  eyes ;  at  all  times  extremely  well 
dressed  ;  there  was  about  him  a  look  of  refinement  and 
ability  that  would  have  attracted  attention  to  him  in  any 
parliamentary  body  in  the  world.  It  was  said  that  he 
bore  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  portrait  of  his  ancestor, 
John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts. 

Robert  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia,  came  to  the  House 
with  a  great  reputation,  and  sustained  it.  He  was,  by  a 
piece  of  good  fortune,  elected  Speaker,  the  contending 
parties  having  failed  to  agree  in  their  support  of  either 
of  the  nominees  ;  but  he  failed  to  be  re-elected.  He  re- 
tained his  seat  in  the  House,  and  was  a  strong  man, 
destined  to  higher  distinction.  His  personal  appearance 
was  prepossessing,  indicating  ability  and  character. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  was  already  one  of 
the  leading  members  of  the  House,  and  distinctly  a  man 
of  large  faculties.  His  head  was  fine,  not  only  massive, 
but  well  proportioned  ;  his  face  was  striking — the  features 
large,  the  mouth  good,  the  lips  firm  but  not  stern,  the 
chin  prominent,  the  eyes  large,  dark,  and  full  of  expres- 
sion ;  his  stature  was  short,  but  his  person  well  formed, 
indicating  strength  and  activity ;  and  his  manners  were 
unaffected  and  very  pleasing.  He  held  the  important 
place  of  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories. 

Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  was  a  man  of  recognized 
ability,  a  born  leader  of  men  ;  he  was  very  popular,  and 
wielded  a  large  influence  in  the  House  ;  his  face  was  fine, 
full  of  animation  and  character,  and  his  person,  like  that 
of  Fox,  was  full,  but  not  unwieldy. 

Alexander  H.  Stephens,  his  colleague,  was  one  of  the 
noted  men  in  the  House.  Tall,  slender,  a  sallow  complex- 
ion ;  dark,  piercing  eyes  ;  black  hair,  worn  long,  he  was  the 
impersonation  of  intellect ;  clear,  bright,  like  the  flame  of 
a  light-house    throwing  its  illuminating  rays  over  every 


I30  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

object  that  came  within  its  range,  and  his  figure  and 
bearing  vividly  recalling  the  pictures  which  we  have  of 
John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke. 

Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  was  a  conspicuous  per- 
son. Seated  among  the  Democratic  members,  he  could 
not  be  overlooked  :  there  was  an  expression  of  vigilant 
intelligence  in  his  face  ;  his  dark  eyes,  which  seemed  to 
observe  everything,  had  a  kindly  but  yet  sinister  look, 
displaying  a  lurking  distrust,  but  his  head  was  good  and 
his  aspect  resolute.  In  the  whole  person  of  this  remark- 
able man  there  was  an  appearance  of  manliness  and 
independence,  and  his  sincere  honesty  no  man  could 
doubt ;  his  popular  tastes  were  as  decided  as  his  political 
principles. 

Joseph  R.  Ingersoll  differed  widely  from  his  brother 
Charles,  in  appearance,  manners,  and  political  principles. 
Both  represented  districts  in  Philadelphia  ;  but  while 
Charles  twas  scholarly  and  had  fine  manners,  he  was  an 
intense  Democrat,  and  reminded  me  of  a  member  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  Paris,  conspicuously  seated  on 
the  extreme  Left.  Joseph  R.  was  a  Whig  of  the  most 
pronounced  ,type ;  his  fair  complexion,  blue  eyes,  and 
auburn  hair  were  in  marked  contrast  with  those  of  his 
brother,  whose  coloring  was  dark,  and  whose  closely  cut 
hair  was  in  the  French  style.  Joseph  R.  Ingersoll,  if  not 
the  most  accomplished  man  in  the  House,  was  unsur- 
passed for  his  elegant  tastes,  fine  attainments,  and  faultless 
style  of  dress.  Though  a  much  younger  man  than  him- 
self, we  became,  from  the  first,  close  friends,  and  saw  much 
of  each  other. 

There  was  a  member  from  Vermont  who, interested  me 
greatly — Jacob  Collamer.  Judge  Collamer's  appearance 
was  that  of  a  gentleman  of  fine  breeding.  Trained  in  the 
old  school  of  statesmen,  his  extensive  learning  and  genial 
nature  made  him  very  entertaining  in  conversation,  and 
there  was  a  general  style  in  his  expression  of  opinion 


MR.    TOOMBS  OF   GEORGIA.  131 

touching  public  questions  that  one  rarely  finds  in  public 
bodies  ;  he  was  loyal  to  the  sentiment  of  the  North  in 
matters  which  affected  sectional  interests,  but  his  fairness 
towards  the  South  was  sincere  and  hearty.  In  dress  he 
preferred  the  old  style,  retaining  something  of  the  elegance 
in  his  costume  which  we  observe  in  the  portraits  of  gen- 
tlemen of  an  earlier  period.  He  extended  to  me  proofs 
of  his  regard  from  our  first  acquaintance  ;  his  fund  of 
anecdote  was  large,  and  his  illustrations  were  singularly 
felicitous  ;  his  services  to  the  Whig  party  were  important, 
and  were  fully  appreciated. 

Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  sat  on  the  Whig  side  of 
the  House,  having  been  elected  to  Congress  from  a  dis- 
trict adjoining  that  of  Mr.  Stephens.  He  had  already 
served  with  distinction  in  the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  and 
was  a  lawyer  of  marked  ability.  On  the  hustings  he  was 
unrivalled,  swaying  the  people  in  the  great  mass-meetings 
of  the  time.  Mr.  Stephens  had  entered  Congress  two 
years  previously,  and  he  was  from  the  first  a  close  friend 
of  Mr.  Toombs  ;  there  was  a  marked  contrast  in  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  gentlemen,  but  in  intellectual  force  it  was 
not  easy  to  say  which  was  the  superior.  The  personal 
appearance  of  Mr.  Toombs  was  impressive  ;  he  stood  six 
feet  in  height,  and  was  finely  proportioned,  his  broad 
shoulders  and  deep  chest  indicating  power  ;  his  head  was 
fine,  not  of  the  ideal  type  of  regnant  intellect,  but  with 
a  full  development  of  the  organs  that  constitute  strength  ; 
his  face  was  full  of  expression,  and  his  dark  eyes  were  lit 
with  the  blended  fire  of  mind  and  passion.  He  was  pre- 
eminently a  man  of  power,  fitted  for  the  contests  of  the 
forum  and  for  the  gladiatorial  strife  of  parliamentary  dis- 
cussion, a  man  that  in  any  assembly  would  have  been 
looked  upon  as  a  leader.  His  bearing  was  commanding, 
and  yet  he  was  free  in  his  intercourse  with  others. 

Entering  the  House  the  same  day  with  Mr.  Toombs, 
but  taking  his  seat  on  the  Democratic  side  of  the  hall,  was 


132  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

a  gentleman  of  about  the  same  age,  destined  to  fill  a  large 
place  in  the  view  of  the  country — Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mis- 
sissippi. His  appearance  was  prepossessing — tall,  slender, 
with  a  soldierly  bearing,  a  fine  head,  an  intellectual  face  ; 
there  was  a  look  of  culture  and  refinement  about  him  that 
made  a  favorable  impression  from  the  first,  and  the  attain- 
ments which  he  displayed,  even  in  conversation,  com- 
manded the  respect  of  those  who  met  him.  He  had 
graduated  at  West  Point,  having  been  appointed  to  the 
Military  Academy  by  President  Monroe,  and  served  seven 
years  in  the  army,  engaged  in  Indian  warfare,  when  he 
resigned  his  commission.  He  became  a  cotton  planter  in 
Mississippi,  pursuing  at  the  same  time  liberal  studies, 
taking  part  in  politics  ;  he  was  actively  engaged  in  the 
presidential  canvass  for  Mr.  Polk,  and  was  elected  to 
Congress  in  1845,  taking  his  seat  at  the  opening  of  the 
session  in  December. 

On  the  same  day  a  gentleman  from  Ohio  entered  the 
House,  who  has  since  risen  to  great  distinction — Allen  G. 
Thurman.  Mr.  Thurman's  career  has  been  eminently 
honorable  and  useful  to  the  country  ;  rising  above  the 
level  of  mere  party  lines,  he  is  regarded  by  the  whole 
country  with  respect  and  confidence  ;  a  great  lawyer,  a 
statesman  of  ability  and  patriotic  views,  a  man  of  noble 
personal  qualities,  the  evening  of  his  life  is  illumined  by 
cloudless  sunlight. 

There  were  other  men  of  mark  entitled  to  notice,  whom 
I  may  describe  hereafter,  as  they  appear,  taking  part  in 
public  affairs. 

Mr.  Polk's  first  annual  message  to  Congress  was  full  of 
interest ;  it  presented  for  consideration  several  subjects 
of  great  importance — our  relations  with  Mexico,  affected 
by  the  annexation  of  Texas,  the  conflicting  claims  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  to  Oregon,  the  public 
debt,  and  the  revision  of  the  tariff.  The  annexation  of 
Texas  without  a  previous  understanding  with  Mexico  had 


PEACE    OR    WAR.  I  33 

given  great  offence  to  that  republic.  Diplomatic  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  had  been  dis- 
turbed ;  General  Almonte,  the  Mexican  Minister,  had 
been  recalled,  and  Mr.  Slidell,  the  Minister  sent  by  us  to 
Mexico,  had  not  been  received.  Warlike  preparations 
were  going  on  in  Mexico,  and  while  no  formal  declaration 
had  been  made,  still  it  was  plain  that  hostilities  must  soon 
follow,  unless  some  satisfactory  terms  could  be  agreed 
upon  between  the  two  countries.  The  President  informed 
Congress  that  recently  Mexico  had  consented  to  receive  a 
minister  from  the  United  States,  who  was  on  his  way  to 
the  city  of  Mexico  ;  that  he  had  been  instructed  to  bring 
the  negotiations  with  which  he  was  charged  to  a  conclu- 
sion at  the  earliest  practicable  period,  with  the  view  to 
enable  the  President  to  communicate  the  result  to  Con- 
gress during  the  present  session  ;  and  until  the  result  was 
known  he  forbore  to  recommend  such  ulterior  measures 
of  redress  for  the  wrongs  and  injuries  we  had  so  long 
borne,  as  it  would  be  proper  to  make  had  no  such  negoti- 
ations been  instituted. 

The  Oregon  question  had  grown  into  great  importance ; 
the  negotiations  for  its  solution,  which  had  commenced 
in  Mr.  Tyler's  administration,  had  now  terminated.  The 
United  States  had  proposed  at  one  time  to  make  the 
parallel  of  forty-nine  degrees  the  dividing  line  between  the 
two  countries,  but  this  proposition  had  since  been  re- 
voked ;  and  the  new  administration  now  asserted  our  title 
to  the  whole  territory  up  to  the  Russian  boundary,  fifty-four 
degrees  and  forty  minutes.  The  President  recommended 
Congress  to  authorize  the  notice  to  be  given  which  was  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy,  to  extend  our  laws  over 
the  territory,  and  to  encourage  our  people  to  take  posses- 
sion of  it.  Thus  the  question  submitted  to  Congress  was 
really  one  of  peace  or  war.  Early  in  the  session  the  follow- 
ing resolution  was  reported  to  the  House  by  Mr.  C.  J. 
Ingersoll,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  : 


134  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled  ;  That 
the  President  of  the  United  States  forthwith  cause  notice  to 
be  given  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain  that  the  conven- 
tion between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  concerning 
the  territory  of  Oregon  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  signed  at 
London,  shall  be  annulled  and  abrogated  twelve  months  after 
the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  notice,  conformable  to  the 
second  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of  August, 
1827." 

A  great  debate  followed  the  introduction  of  the  joint 
resolution,  in  which  gentlemen  differing  widely  in  politi- 
cal affiliations  took  part. 

Mr.  Adams,  flaming  with  the  ardor  of  the  Revolution, 
and  speaking  with  the  vehemence  of  his  youth,  asserted 
our  claim  to  the  disputed  territory,  and  urged  the  import- 
ance of  protecting  our  people,  who  had  already  gone  there 
as  settlers,  in  such  terms  as  to  rouse  the  House  into 
applause. 

Mr.  Douglas  urged  the  importance  of  giving  the  notice 
to  Great  Britain  at  the  earliest  day,  and  proposed  to  pro- 
vide at  once  for  building  forts  and  stockades,  and  for 
asserting  our  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  the  whole  Oregon 
territory  at  the  very  instant  when  the  twelve  months 
should  expire. 

Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll  represented  the  necessity  for 
taking  steps  at  once  for  the  protection  of  our  people, 
stating  that  thousands  of  men,  women,  and  children  were 
on  their  way  to  that  distant  territory,  and  he  would  have 
the  President  give  immediate  notice  to  Great  Britain  for 
the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy  of  the  territory. 

Mr.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  took  the  floor,  and 
delivered  a  speech  of  remarkable  interest,  in  opposition  to 
the  joint  resolution.  He  objected  decidedly  to  the  policy 
of  giving  to  Great  Britain  the  notice  to  terminate  the 
joint  occupancy  of  Oregon.     The  title  was  too  doubtful, 


MY  FIRST  SPEECH  IN  CONGRESS.  1 35 

the  territory  too  unimportant,  to  endanger  our  friendly- 
relations  with  a  great  power.  Instead  of  a  positive  assertion 
of  our  claim,  which,  if  pressed  in  the  spirit  displayed  by 
the  administration,  must  result  in  war,  he  urged  that 
it  should  be  submitted  to  arbitration — an  honorable,  wise, 
statesman-like  mode  of  adjusting  the  rights  of  contending 
nations,  and  insisting  upon  the  preservation  of  peace  as 
the  duty  of  the  government.  His  speech  interested  me 
greatly  ;  it  was  scholarly,  dignified,  beautiful ;  and  in  his 
manner  there  was  a  blended  grace  and  manliness  that  im- 
pressed me.  But  I  did  not  concur  in  his  views,  either  as 
to  our  title,  or  as  to  the  proper  mode  of  enforcing  our 
claim,  nor  as  to  the  value  of  the  territory  involved,  and  I 
decided  to  reply  to  the  speech  at  the  earliest  day  when 
I  could  obtain  the  floor.  Mr.  Winthrop  spoke  on  the 
third  day  of  January ;  on  the  fifth  day  I  rose,  and  was  rec- 
ognized by  the  Speaker  ;  it  was  near  the  usual  hour  of 
closing  the  day's  sitting,  and  I  moved  an  adjournment  of 
the  House — it  was  carried  without  objection.  This  en- 
titled me  to  the  floor  the  next  morning,  and  afforded  me 
the  great  advantage  of  a  night's  preparation  for  the  com- 
ing ordeal.  It  was  to  be  my  first  speech  in  Congress, 
the  question  was  one  of  the  highest  interest  and  import- 
ance, some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  House  had  already 
discussed  it,  and  I  felt  that  to  me  personally  it  was  an 
ordeal  such  as  I  had  not  been  subjected  to  before,  and 
which  must  result  in  deciding  my  status  and  affecting  my 
influence  in  public  life.  My  convictions  in  regard  to  the 
proper  treatment  of  the  disputed  claim  were  clear  and 
strong ;  I  had  just  returned  from  Brussels,  where  I  had 
resided  for  some  years  the  diplomatic  representative  of  the 
government,  and  had  observed  the  importance  of  main- 
taining the  rights  of  nations  firmly  and  resolutely  in 
negotiations  affecting  them,  so  that  I  was  prepared  to  give 
my  views  to  the  House  with  confidence  in  their  being 
entitled  to  consideration. 


136  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  morning  was  fine,  the  seats  were  filled,  the  gal- 
leries were  crowded  and,  to  heighten  the  interest  of  the 
occasion,  soon  after  the  session  opened  Mrs.  Madison 
entered  the  hall  and  was  conducted  to  a  seat  in  the  space 
in  front  of  the  Speaker's  chair.  Mrs.  Madison  rarely- 
appeared  in  either  house ;  I  had  been  presented  to  her 
just  before  my  departure  for  Europe,  by  Senator  Preston, 
of  South  Carolina,  in  a  way  to  interest  her,  and  I  was 
much  pleased  to  observe  that  she  was  to  hear  my  first 
speech  in  Congress.  In  rising  to  address  the  House  I 
stated  my  confidence  in  our  title  to  Oregon,  resting  as  it 
did  upon  the  title  which  we  had  acquired  from  Spain,  and 
on  Captain  Gray's  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River,  on  the  admitted  principle  of  international  law,  that 
by  whatsover  nation  the  mouth  of  a  river  is  discovered,  to 
that  nation  belongs  the  whole  of  the  valley  which  is 
drained  by  its  waters ;  that  enlightened  nations  do  clearly 
hold  that  the  jurisdiction  and  laws  of  a  nation  accompany 
her  ships,  not  only  over  the  high  seas,  but  into  ports  and 
harbors,  or  wheresoever  they  may  be  water-borne,  for  the 
general  purpose  of  governing  and  regulating  the  rights, 
duties,  and  obligations  on  board  thereof ;  and  that  to  the 
extent  of  the  exercise  of  this  jurisdiction  they  are  con- 
sidered as  parts  of  the  territory  of  the  nation  herself.  It 
was  in  this  spirit  that  Captain  Gray,  of  Boston,  the 
American  navigator,  entering  the  mouth  of  that  great 
stream,  which  had  never  before  been  entered  by  any 
navigator,  gave  it  the  name  of  his  ship,  Columbia,  thus 
associating  with  it  for  all  times  memories  of  his  country 
and  of  his  home.  If  our  title  be  clear  we  should  proceed 
to  enforce  it ;  the  time  for  "  masterly  inactivity "  had 
gone  by ;  we  must  act  immediately  if  we  would  act  with 
effect,  whether  we  regard  the  perpetuity  of  peace  or  the 
possession  of  the  territory  in  dispute ;  if  we  would  avoid 
war,  we  must  have  the  causes  of  war  passed  upon  and 
settled.      We  must  assert  our  rights  ;    we  must  shun  a 


THE   OREGON  QUESTION.  1 37 

temporizing  policy ;  we  must  adopt  measures,  and  carry 
them  to  the  very  farthest  verge  to  which  they  can  be 
maintained  without  the  violation  of  the  terms  of  the 
convention,  otherwise  we  shall  find  that  the  population 
of  the  two  nations,  intermixing  in  that  remote  territory, 
carrying  with  them  the  prejudices  and  the  heat  of  con- 
tending parties,  protected  by,  and  amenable  to,  conflict- 
ing jurisdictions,  entering  into  the  eager  competitions  of 
trade,  will  at  no  distant  date  precipitate  us  into  a  war 
with  Great  Britain.  By  delay  we  have  incurred  the  danger 
of  losing  the  territory  altogether.  The  whole  colonial 
history  of  the  British  Empire  shows  the  tenacity  with  which 
a  colony  is  held  by  that  power.  Already  at  Willamette 
falls  in  latitude  45  °  20'  there  is  a  prosperous  and  growing 
settlement  under  the  protection  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. We  should  give  the  notice,  so  often  referred  to  in 
this  debate,  not  in  the  form  proposed  in  the  bill,  reported 
by  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Territories,  Mr. 
Douglas,  or  in  the  resolution  more  recently  reported  by 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  Mr. 
Ingersoll.  I  proposed  to  submit  an  amendment  to  that 
resolution,  striking  out  the  words  which  refer  to  giving 
notice  by  a  joint  act  of  both  houses,  and  inserting  a  pro- 
vision empowering  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
give  such  notice  when,  in  his  opinion,  the  public  welfare 
shall  require  it. 

"I  am  for  giving  to  the  President  all  the  energy  and 
efficiency  which  he  requires  in  a  matter  of  this  kind.  I  would 
establish  a  territorial  government  in  Oregon,  so  organized  as 
not  to  conflict  with  the  provisions  of  the  convention.  My 
plan  would  be  to  send  them  out  a  governor,  a  sagacious,  pru- 
dent, experienced,  cautious  man,  who  would  be  able  to  sweep 
the  whole  field  with  his  eye,  and  give  information  and  counsel 
to  the  government  here  as  to  what  was  doing  and  what  ought  to 
be  done.  If  any  gentleman  doubts  our  power  to  establish  such 
a  government  over  the  whole  of  the  territory,  or  apprehends 


I38  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

collision  with  the  British  authorities,  then  I  say  place  your 
governor  south  of  the  Columbia  River  ;  that  at  least  is  a  por- 
tion of  the  territory  which,  I  presume,  no  gentleman  in  the 
House  is  prepared  to  surrender.  The  language  of  every  one 
here,  I  doubt  not,  will  be  like  that  of  the  poet  : 

"  '  And  many  a  banner  shall  be  torn, 

And  many  a  knight  to  ground  be  borne, 
And  many  a  sheaf  of  shafts  be  spent, 
Ere  Scotland's  king  shall  cross  the  Trent.' 

"  And  now,  Sir,  I  am  met  with  the  question  :  suppose  these 
measures  should  lead  to  war  ?  I  do  not  think  they  will  lead 
to  war  ;  they  ought  not.  But  we  are  not  at  liberty  in  this 
matter  to  turn  away  from  a  just  consideration  of  our  national 
rights  and  our  national  honor  to  look  at  consequences.  We 
are  going  onward,  as  we  should,  protecting  our  own  citizens. 
We  are  following  the  example  of  the  Republic  of  Rome,  which 
caused  Roman  law  to  prevail,  and  the  segis  of  Roman  protec- 
tion to  be  extended  wherever  Roman  citizens  pressed.  If, 
however,  while  pursuing  such  a  policy,  a  policy  wise,  vigorous, 
but  conciliatory,  war  should  come  upon  us,  I  trust  the  country 
will  be  prepared  to  meet  it.  If  it  should  come  upon  us  as  the 
result  of  a  moderate  but  firm  assertion  of  our  national  rights, 
the  response  in  every  American  bosom  must  be,  *  Let  it  come  ! ' 
The  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  near  me  (Mr. 
Adams),  in  tones  which  rang  on  my  heart  like  a  trumpet, 
reminded  me  of  the  days  of  our  revolutionary  glory.  The  old 
fire  which  blazed  so  brightly  in  that  ever  memorable  struggle 
seemed  to  be  flashing  up  within  him,  and  while  I  listened  to 
his  patriotic  strains  I  felt  assured  that  in  such  a  cause  we 
should  all  act  as  one  man.  If  we  should  go  into  the  war  in 
this  spirit,  I  should  feel  little  anxiety  as  to  how  we  should 
come  out  of  it.  The  power  of  England  is  vast,  culminating 
to  the  highest  point.  It  must  soon  reach  that  climax  in  the 
history  of  nations  from  which  they  have  one  after  another 
commenced  their  decline,  and  she  ought  not  to  enter  into  a 
contest  with  a  great  power  ;  if  wise  counsels  prevail,  she  will 
not.     Yet  if  she  should  be  so  irrational,  on  the  ground  of 


POLITICAL   IMPORTANCE   OF.  OREGON,  1 39 

such  a  controversy  as  that  of  Oregon,  to  rush  into  such  a 
contest,  I  trust  that  she  will  be  driven  back  from  these  shores 
shorn  of  her  splendor ;  and  she  may  be  very  sure  that  when 
this  happens  it  will  prove  no  temporary  eclipse,  but  will 
endure  for  all  time  to  come,  and  she  will  be  left  a  portent  in 
the  political  heavens, 

"  '  Shedding  disastrous  twilight  over  half  the  nations.' " 

I  proceeded  to  show  the  importance  of  Oregon  as  in  a 
political  view. 

"  England  has  a  frontier  to  the  north  of  us  extending  three 
thousand  miles,  and  stretching  entirely  across  the  continent ;  if 
we  permit  her  to  come  from  that  line,  some  five  hundred  miles 
down  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  we  shall  give  her  the  opportunity 
of  filling  up  the  only  break  which  now  exists  in  that  line  of 
continuous  fortifications,  with  which  her  energy  and  vast 
resources  have  encompassed  the  globe.  It  is  the  political 
value  of  the  territory  which,  with  her  accustomed  sagacity,  she 
sees  and  appreciates.  Before  we  count  the  value  of  Oregon, 
we  must  look  across  the  Pacific  and  estimate  that  trade  with 
China  and  the  Eastern  Archipelago,  which  is  soon  to  open 
upon  us  in  all  its  riches,  grandeur,  and  magnificence.  As 
things  now  exist  our  vessels,  returning  from  the  ports  of 
Eastern  Asia,  have,  as  it  were,  to  run  the  gauntlet  through  a 
long  line  of  British  naval  posts  from  which  they  are  exposed  to 
attack.  Her  numerous  naval  stations  enable  her  to  keep  her 
fleets  in  every  sea,  and  however  widely  spread  this  Eastern 
commerce  may  be,  and  however  inestimable  its  value,  it  is 
subject  in  a  moment  to  be  arrested.  But  if  we  establish  our 
ports,  and  plant  our  settlements  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific, 
our  commerce  will  float  in  comparative  safety  over  the  tranquil 
bosom  of  that  widespread  ocean.  Gentlemen  have  spoken  of  the 
policy  of  President  Monroe,  who  declared  to  the  nations  of  the 
Old  World  that  they  would  not  be  tolerated  in  any  interference 
with  the  balance  of  power  on  this  continent,  and  that  they  must 
establish  no  more  colonies  on  our  shores.  I  am  in  favor  of  this 
policy,  so  far  as  it  can  with  justice  be  carried  out.     Where 


140  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

European  nations  have  already  possessions  on  this  continent 
they  should  be  suffered  to  hold  them  without  molestation,  but 
we  may  well  oppose  their  planting  new  colonies  in  this,  our 
Western  world.  The  honor  of  this  sentiment,  however,  it  is 
but  fair  to  say,  belongs  justly  as  much  to  the  gentlemen  from 
Massachusetts  (Mr.  Adams)  as  it  does  to  Mr.  Monroe  ;  for 
although  the  latter  was  the  chief  magistrate,  the  former  was  at 
the  same  time  Secretary  of  State,  and  if  he  did  not  suggest,  he 
certainly  sanctioned,  the  policy.  The  present  Executive  main- 
tains the  same  doctrine,  and  I  do  not  doubt  the  whole  country 
will  come  into  it." 

I  proceeded  to  give  my  views  of  the  commercial  value 
of  Oregon,  stating  that  England  and  the  United  States 
were  the  only  competitors  for  the  trade  of  Southern 
China,  the  trade  of  North  China  being  in  the  hands  of 
the  Russians,  mainly  conducted  at  the  annual  fair  held  at 
Kiachta,  lasting  for  about  two  months,  at  which  the 
traders  of  the  two  nations  assemble  and  carry  on  their 
commercial  transactions,  but  that  South  China  was  in  the 
hands  of  England  and  this  country  ;  that  England  im- 
ported every  year  four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  chests 
of  tea,  while  we  imported  two  hundred  thousand,  besides 
muslins,  silks,  and  other  commodities  of  great  value. 

"  In  this  gainful  traffic  England  regards  us  as  a  rival  power, 
and  she  is  by  no  means  disposed  to  give  it  up.  The  coast 
of  Oregon  fronts  that  of  China,  and  presents  great  facilities  for 
carrying  on  this  important  branch  of  commerce.  Fully  to 
avail  ourselves,  however,  of  these  advantages,  we  ought  to 
connect  Oregon  with  the  State  of  Missouri  by  the  construction 
of  a  railroad.  This  is  not  so  visionary  and  wild  a  scheme  as  at 
the  first  view  some  gentlemen  may  be  disposed  to  consider  it ; 
let  them  reflect  that  it  is  but  about  fifteen  years  since  Mr. 
Huskisson  lost  his  life  in  an  experimental  trip  between  Liver- 
pool and  Manchester,  over  the  first  railroad  ever  constructed 
in  England.     And  what  is  she  doing  in  that  system  now  ?     And 


ITS  COMMERCIAL    VALUE. 


141 


then  look  on  the  Continent,  and  see  already  completed  a  large 
part  of  one  continuous  line  of  railroad,  which  is  to  stretch  out 
twenty-seven  hundred  miles,  entirely  across  Europe,  from 
Odessa  to  Bremen,  while  another  line  will  presently  extend 
from  the  Adriatic  for  near  a  thousand  miles.  .  .  .  Should 
such  a  road  be  constructed,  it  will  become  the  great  highway  of 
the  world  ;  we  shall,  before  long,  monopolize  the  trade  of  the 
eastern  coasts  of  Asia.  At  present  it  is  stated  that  the  shortest 
possible  voyage  from  London  to  Canton  occupies  seventy  days, 
but  it  is  estimated  over  such  a  railroad  a  traveller  might  pass 
from  London  to  Canton  in  forty  days.  .  .  .  With  a  route 
so  short  and  so  direct  as  this,  might  we  not  reasonably  hope  to 
command  both  the  trade  and  travel  of  the  world  ?  Engrafted 
on  this  plan,  and  as  its  natural  adjunct,  is  the  extension  of  a 
magnetic  telegraph,  which  will  follow  the  course  of  the  road, 
unite  these  two,  and  where  is  the  imagination  that  can  grasp 
the  consequences  ?  Whale  ships,  returning  from  their  long  and 
hazardous  voyages,  might  touch  upon  the  Pacific  coast,  and 
instantly  transmit  across  the  continent  tidings  of  their  safety 
and  success.  In  either  of  the  views  which  I  have  presented  it 
is  impossible  that  the  importance  of  Oregon  can  be  overlooked. 
I  trust  that  these  great  results  will  be  realized,  and  I  hope  at  no 
distant  day  to  see  a  mail  line  established  across  the  continent. 
England  has  very  recently  been  engaged  in  an  experiment 
in  ascertaining  the  shortest  overland  route  across  the  Continent 
to  the  East  Indies,  and  I  believe  the  Oriental  Steam  Company 
has  determined  on  that  through  Germany,  by  Trieste,  but  if 
we  construct  this  railroad  she  will  then  be  dependent  on  us  for 
the  shortest  and  most  expeditious  as  well  as  safest  route  to 
China  and  her  East  India  possessions.  Is  not  the  language  of 
Berkeley  in  progress  of  fulfilment,  when  he  wrote  that  immortal 
line,  '  Westward  the  star  of  empire  takes  its  way '  ?  When 
Oregon  shall  be  in  our  possession,  when  we  shall  have  estab- 
lished a  profitable  trade  with  China  through  her  ports  ;  when 
our  ships  traverse  the  Pacific,  as  they  now  cross  the  Atlantic, 
and  all  the  countless  consequences  of  such  a  state  of  things 
begin  to  flow  in  upon  us,  then  will  be  fulfilled  that  vision  which 
rapt  and  filled  the  mind  of  Nunez,  as  he  gazed  over  the  placid 


I42  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

waves  of  the  Pacific.  I  will  now  address  myself  for  a  moment 
or  two  to  the  moral  aspect  of  this  great  question.  Gentlemen 
have  talked  much  and  eloquently  of  the  horrors  of  war.  I 
should  regret  the  necessity  of  a  war ;  I  should  deplore  its 
dreadful  scenes ;  but  if  the  possession  of  Oregon  gives  us  a 
territory  opening  upon  the  nation  prospects  such  as  I  now 
describe,  and  if  for  the  simple  exercise  of  our  rights  in  regard 
to  it,  Great  Britain  should  wage  upon  us  an  unjust  war,  the 
regret  which  every  one  must  feel  will  have  much  to  counter- 
balance it.  One  of  England's  own  writers  has  said  :  '  The 
possible  destiny  of  the  United  States  of  America,  as  a  nation  of 
one  hundred  millions  of  freemen,  stretching  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific,  living  under  the  laws  of  Alfred,  and  speaking  the 
language  of  Shakespeare  and  Milton,  is  an  august  conception.' 
It  is  an  august  conception,  finely  embodied,  and  I  trust  in  God 
that  it  will  at  no  distant  day  become  a  reality  ;  I  trust  that  the 
world  will  see  through  all  time  our  people  living  not  only  under 
the  laws  of  Alfred,  but  that  they  will  be  heard  to  speak 
throughout  our  widespread  borders  the  language  of  Shake- 
speare and  Milton.  Above  all  it  is  my  prayer  that  as  long 
as  our  posterity  shall  continue  to  inhabit  these  mountains,  and 
plains,  and  hills,  and  valleys,  they  may  be  found  living  under 
the  sacred  institutions  of  Christianity.  Put  these  things 
together,  and  what  a  picture  do  they  present  to  the  mental 
eye !  Civilization  and  intelligence  started  in  the  East ;  they 
have  travelled  and  are  still  travelling  westward,  but  when  they 
shall  have  completed  the  circuit  of  the  earth,  and  reached  the 
extremest  verge  of  the  Pacific  shores,  then,  unlike  the  fabled 
god  of  the  ancients,  who  dipped  his  glowing  axle  in  the  western 
wave,  they  will  there  take  up  their  permanent  abode.  Then 
shall  we  enjoy  the  sublime  destiny  of  returning  these  blessings 
to  their  ancient  seat ;  then  will  it  be  ours  to  give  the  priceless 
benefits  of  our  free  institutions,  and  the  pure  and  healthful 
light  of  the  Gospel  back  to  the  dark  family  which  has  so  long 
lost  both  truth  and  freedom ;  then  may  Christianity  plant 
herself  there,  and  while  with  one  hand  she  points  to  the  Poly- 
nesian isles  rejoicing  in  the  late  recovered  treasure  of  revealed 
truth,  with  the  other  present  the  Bible  to  the  Chinese.     It  is 


CONOR  A  TULA  TIONS.  1 43 

our  duty  to  aid  in  this  great  work.  I  trust  we  shall  esteem  it 
as  much  our  honor  as  our  duty.  Let  us  not,  like  some  of  the 
British  missionaries,  give  them  the  Bible  in  one  hand  and 
opium  in  the  other,  but  bless  them  only  with  the  pure  word  of 
truth.  I  hope  the  day  is  not  distant ;  soon,  soon  may  its  dawn 
arise  to  shed  upon  the  farthest  and  most  benighted  of  nations 
the  splendor  of  more  than  a  tropical  sun." 


I  offered  at  the  close  of  my  remarks  an  amendment, 
such  as  I  had  indicated,  in  regard  to  empowering  the 
President  to  give  the  notice  to  Great  Britain. 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  my  speech,  gentlemen  from 
both  sides  of  the  House  came  forward  and  extended  to 
me  their  congratulations  with  a  warmth  and  generosity 
that  gratified  me  greatly,  and  when  the  space  cleared 
about  my  desk,  Mr.  Adams,  rising  from  his  seat,  advanced 
with  a  beaming  face.  I  rose  to  receive  him,  and,  extend- 
ing his  hand,  he  said  :  "  I  come  to  congratulate  you,  Sir ; 
I  think  you  have  settled  the  question."  I  was  deeply 
touched  by  this  generous  recognition  from  Mr.  Adams, 
whose  long  and  illustrious  career,  at  home  and  abroad, 
crowned  by  the  election  to  the  presidency,  entitled  him 
to  the  highest  consideration,  and  whose  public  sanction 
of  the  views  I  had  just  expressed  in  regard  to  a  great 
question  was  the  highest  possible  tribute  I  could  receive. 

From  that  time  to  the  day  of  his  death  Mr.  Adams 
honored  me  with  his  friendship,  and  extended  to  me 
marks  of  interest  and  consideration. 

From  eminent  men  throughout  the  country,  and  from 
the  press  of  both  parties  I  received  expressions  of  ap- 
proval of  my  course  in  regard  to  a  great  national  ques- 
tion involving  the  rights,  the  honor,  and  the  peace  of  the 
country,  which  greatly  cheered  me  upon  my  entering 
upon  my  service  in  Congress. 

The  excitement  in  regard  to  the  Oregon  question  rose 
to  a  great  height  ;  the  declaration  in  the  inaugural  of  Mr. 


144  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Polk,  asserting  broadly  and  without  qualification  the  title 
of  the  United  States  to  the  territory,  and  the  purpose  of 
the  administration  to  maintain  it,  had  roused  the  British 
government,  and  war  seemed  to  be  inevitable.  The  reso- 
lution to  give  the  notice  to  Great  Britain  was  adopted  in 
the  House  by  a  large  majority,  and  went  to  the  Senate 
for  its  concurrence  ;  it  was  there  amended,  after  a  pro- 
longed discussion,  in  the  way  I  had  proposed  in  the 
House,  and  finally  adopted  by  a  large  majority. 

It  was  then  returned  to  the  House,  and  the  Senate's 
amendment  was  adopted  by  an  increased  vote,  after  the 
Committee  of  Conference  between  the  two  houses  had 
met  and  considered  the  measure,  and  agreed  upon  the 
resolution  to  be  reported  to  both  houses.  I  had  the 
honor  to  be  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Conference 
on  the  part  of  the  House,  and  insisted  upon  giving  the 
resolution  the  form  which  I  had  originally  proposed,  and 
which  was  finally  adopted  by  both  houses. 

The  President  acted  at  once  upon  the  discretion  which 
had  been  given  him,  and  caused  the  notice  for  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  joint-occupancy  article  to  be  given  immediately 
to  the  British  government.  He  at  the  same  time  urged 
Congress  to  the  adoption  of  proper  measures  for  the  pro- 
tection of  American  citizens  in  the  territory. 

This  led  to  a  speedy  adjustment  of  the  question  so  full 
of  danger  to  the  friendly  relations  of  the  two  great  nations. 
Sir  Robert  Peel,  with  the  manliness  and  breadth  of  view 
which  at  all  times  distinguished  that  great  statesman, 
caused  negotiations  to  be  renewed  for  the  adjustment  of 
the  conflicting  claims  ;  and  finally  Mr.  Pakenham,  the 
British  Minister  at  Washington,  under  instructions  from 
his  government,  proposed  the  line  of  forty-nine  degrees. 
It  was  accepted  by  the  administration,  and  a  treaty  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  agreed  on  was  submitted  to 
the  Senate,  and  ratified  in  that  body  by  a  large  majority. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Relations  with  Mexico — Measures  Adopted  by  the  President — War — Battles 
of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma — Supplies  Voted — Views  of 
the  Two  Houses  of  Congress — Archibald  Yell  —  Jefferson  Davis — 
Smithsonian  Institution — Honorable  Charles  J.  Ingersoll's  attack  on 
Mr.  Webster — Hon.  William  L.  Yancey. 

OUR  relations  with  Mexico,  referred  to  by  the  President 
in  his  message,  were  still  unfriendly.  The  annexation  of 
Texas  was  regarded  by  Mexico  as  an  act  of  flagrant  hos- 
tility. An  attempt  to  settle  the  question  by  negotiation 
had  been  made  by  the  administration,  but  it  had  failed. 
Diplomatic  intercourse  had  been  interrupted,  and  Mexico 
declined  to  renew  it.  The  President  informed  Congress 
that  Mexico  was  marshalling  and  organizing  armies, 
issuing  proclamations,  and  avowing  her  intention  of  mak- 
ing war  on  the  United  States,  either  by  open  declaration, 
or  by  invading  Texas.  Both  the  congress  and  conven- 
tion of  the  people  of  Texas  invited  our  government  to 
send  an  army  to  the  western  boundary  of  that  State, 
to  defend  it  against  the  menaced  attack.  The  moment 
the  terms  of  annexation  offered  by  the  United  States 
were  accepted  by  Texas,  the  President  regarded  that 
State  as  a  part  of  our  own  country,  and  he  felt  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  the  government  to  afford  it  protection  and 
defence.  He  therefore  deemed  it  proper,  as  a  precau- 
tionary measure,  to  order  a  strong  squadron  to  the  coast 
of  Mexico,  and  to  concentrate  an  efficient  military  force 
on  the  western  frontier  of  Texas. 

10  I45 


I46  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Our  army  was  ordered  to  take  position  in  the  country 
between  the  Nueces  and  the  Del  Norte,  and  to  repel  any 
invasion  of  the  Texan  territory,  which  might  be  attempted 
by  the  Mexican  forces. 

Our  squadron  in  the  Gulf  was  ordered  to  co-operate 
with  the  army. 

But  though  our  army  and  navy  were  placed  in  a  posi- 
tion to  defend  our  territory  and  to  protect  Texas,  they 
were  instructed  to  commit  no  act  of  hostility  against 
Mexico  unless  she  declared  war,  or  was  herself  the  ag- 
gressor by  striking  the  first  blow.  The  result  had  been 
that  Mexico  had  made  no  aggressive  movements,  and  our 
military  and  naval  commanders  had  executed  their  orders 
with  such  discretion,  that  the  peace  of  the  two  republics 
had  not  been  disturbed. 

This  was  the  status  of  the  session  of  Congress  in  De- 
cember, 1845.  General  Zachary  Taylor  was  in  command 
of  the  first  department  of  the  army  in  the  southwest. 
Congress  having  in  March,  1845,  passed  the  joint  resolu- 
tion annexing  Texas,  General  Taylor  was  directed  by  the 
President  to  defend  it  against  invasion,  then  threatened 
by  Mexico.  In  July  he  embarked  from  New  Orleans 
with  a  small  force,  not  more  than  fifteen  hundred  men, 
and  pitched  his  camp  at  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  where  he 
was  reinforced,  so  that  in  November  his  army  amounted 
to  four  thousand  men.  Here  General  Taylor  awaited 
positive  instructions  from  the  President  to  occupy  the 
disputed  territory  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  and  re- 
ceiving this  order  about  the  1st  of  March,  1846,  he  began 
his  march  toward  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte.  On  the 
28th  of  March  he  took  his  position  on  the  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  opposite  Matamoras,  encamped,  and  erected 
Fort  Brown,  which  commanded  the  Mexican  town,  where 
the  Mexicans  were  already  throwing  up  batteries  and 
redoubts.  It  sheds  light  upon  history  to  observe  the 
events  that  followed  in  the  course  of  a  few  days.     Gen- 


WAR    WITH  MEXICO.  1 47 

eral  Ampudia,  on  the  12th  of  April,  in  command  of  the 
Mexican  forces,  addressed  a  note  to  General  Taylor, 
requiring  him  within  twenty-four  hours  to  break  up  his 
camp,  and  retire  beyond  the  Nueces,  "  while  our  govern- 
ments are  regulating  the  pending  question  in  relation  to 
Texas,"  and  stating  that  a  non-compliance  would  be  re- 
garded as  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war.  We  may 
imagine  how  the  heroic  American  commander  received 
this  communication,  and  the  light  that  came  into  his 
face,  as  into  the  countenance  of  Cromwell,  as  he  dictated 
his  reply.  His  secretary,  Colonel  Bliss,  was  instructed  to 
say  that  General  Taylor  was  acting  under  instructions, 
which  did  not  permit  him  to  return  to  the  Nueces,  and  that 
if  the  Mexican  commander  saw  fit  to  begin  hostilities  he 
should  not  avoid  the  conflict.  Arista  soon  after  took  com- 
mand of  the  Mexican  army,  numbering  some  six  thousand 
men,  and  crossed  the  Rio  Grande.  General  Taylor,  with 
a  part  of  his  troops,  had  gone  down  to  Fort  Isabel  to 
look  after  supplies,  and  on  his  return  march  he  was 
attacked  by  General  Arista  with  his  whole  force  at  Palo 
Alto,  on  the  8th  of  May.  General  Taylor  ranged  his 
twenty-three  hundred  men  in  line  of  battle ;  Arista 
opened  with  an  artillery  fire  and  a  charge  of  lancers,  but 
was  defeated  after  a  conflict  of  five  hours.  The  Ameri- 
cans drove  the  Mexicans  from  their  position,  and  General 
Arista  fell  back  on  Resaca  de  la  Palma. 

A  council  was  called  by  General  Taylor  at  night,  at 
which  the  chief  officers  of  his  command  were  present,  to 
consider  the  situation.  The  disproportion  between  the 
force  of  General  Taylor,  consisting  of  but  little  more 
than  two  thousand  men,  and  that  of  General  Arista,  num- 
bering about  six  thousand,  was  so  considerable  that  some 
of  the  officers,  it  is  related,  thought  it  best  to  strengthen 
their  position,  and  await  the  attack  of  the  enemy  ;  but 
after  the  deliberations  were  ended  General  Taylor  said  : 
"  I  shall  sleep  at  Fort  Brown  to-morrow  night,  if  I  live." 


I48  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  orders  were  issued  to  be  ready  for  an  advance  by 
daylight. 

The  following  morning,  May  9th,  the  Americans  as- 
saulted the  position  of  the  Mexicans  at  Resaca  de  la 
Palma,  and  after  a  severe  contest  routed  them,  and  drove 
them  across  the  Rio  Grande.  General  Taylor  was  imme- 
diately promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  he 
crossed  the  river,  and  took  possession  of  Matamoras. 

An  account  of  these  events  was  transmitted  to  our  gov- 
ernment by  a  courier,  with  extraordinary  rapidity,  and 
the  President  promptly  communicated  the  statement  of 
what  had  taken  place  to  Congress,  in  a  special  message. 
The  President  stated  to  the  two  houses  of  Congress  that 
American  blood  had  been  spilt  on  American  soil,  and  re- 
quested Congress  to  recognize  the  existence  of  war  as  a 
fact,  and  to  provide  for  its  prosecution  ;  widely  different 
opinions  prevailed  in  Congress  as  to  the  responsibility  for 
war,  but  supplies  were  promptly  voted  with  but  few  dis- 
senting voices.  A  war  feeling  pervaded  the  country,  and 
troops  were  soon  sent  to  the  aid  of  General  Taylor,  who 
was  ordered  to  conduct  hostilities  in  the  most  vigorous 
way  against  Mexico.  Several  members  of  the  House  re- 
signed their  seats  to  take  part  in  the  war ;  among  them 
were  Mr.  Archibald  Yell,  of  Arkansas,  and  Mr.  Jefferson 
Davis,  of  Mississippi. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here  that  an  ominous  cloud  ap- 
peared in  the  horizon  before  the  close  of  the  session.  A 
bill  was  before  the  House  authorizing  the  President  to 
use  two  millions  of  dollars  in  negotiating  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  Mexico,  and  Honorable  David  Wilmot,  a  Democratic 
representative  from  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  amend  it  by 
adding  the  proviso  that  "  as  an  express  and  fundamental 
condition  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from  the 
Republic  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States,  by  virtue  of 
any  treaty  to  be  negotiated  between  them,  and  to  the  use 
by  the   Executive   of  the    moneys    herein  appropriated, 


THE   SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION.  1 49 

neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  ever  exist 
in  any  part  of  said  territory,  except  for  crime,  whereof 
the  party  shall  be  first  duly  convicted."  This  proviso 
was  adopted  in  the  House,  being  supported  by  nearly  all 
the  members  from  the  non-slaveholding  States,  but  did 
not  make  its  way  through  the  Senate  because  of  want  of 
time. 

In  the  next  session  of  Congress  it  was  defeated  in  both 
houses.  This  formidable  question  brought  into  Congress, 
in  connection  with  the  war  against  Mexico,  led  subse- 
quently to  momentous  results.  In  both  the  Whig  and 
Democratic  National  Conventions,  subsequently  held, 
there  were  delegates  from  the  Northern  States  who  at- 
tempted to  introduce  into  the  party  platform  resolutions 
prohibiting  the  extension  of  slavery  to  the  territories. 
The  rejection  of  this  resolution  led  to  the  secession  of  a 
considerable  number  of  prominent  men  from  both  parties, 
especially  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  Ohio. 

Mr.  Wilmot  was  a  gentleman  of  pleasing  manners,  fine 
culture,  and  admirable  temper ;  he  was  not  a  fanatic,  and 
it  was  not  his  purpose  to  bring  about  a  conflict  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  then,  or  at  any  future  time. 
His  appearance  was  prepossessing ;  of  middle  height,  a 
face  expressing  intelligence,  and  his  manners  so  genial 
as  to  win  friends  for  him  from  both  parties. 

An  important  measure  was  adopted  by  Congress  during 
the  session,  organizing  the  Smithsonian  Institution.  It 
was  based  upon  a  bequest  of  James  Smithson,  an 
English  gentleman  who  loved  science  and  passed  much 
of  his  time  in  pursuits  which  might  enable  him  to  illus- 
trate it.  At  his  death  he  bequeathed  to  his  nephew, 
,£120,000,  the  whole  of  his  property,  which,  in  case  of  the 
death  of  the  latter  without  heirs,  was  to  go  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  to  found  at  Washington, 
under  the  name  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  an  estab- 
lishment  for  the  increase  and    diffusion    of   knowledge. 


150  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Smithson,  which  occurred  in 
Genoa,  June  27,  1829,  and  the  death  of  the  nephew  of 
the  testator  without  issue,  which  took  place  in  1835,  thus 
giving  the  title  to  the  bequest  to  the  United  States,  the 
Honorable  Richard  Rush  was  sent  to  London  to  present 
the  claim.  In  September,  1838,  he  deposited  in  the 
United  States  mint  the  proceeds  in  English  sovereigns, 
which  amounted  to  $515,169.  The  subject  was  brought 
to  the  attention  of  Congress  by  the  President,  and  in  the 
session  of  1846  an  act  was  adopted,  creating  an  establish- 
ment for  the  increase  and  diffusion  of  knowledge  among 
men,  to  consist  of  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  the  several  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  Commissioner  of  the 
Patent  Office,  with  such  other  persons  as  these  may  elect 
as  honorary  members  of  the  institution.  The  act  provided 
that  the  original  fund  should  be  lent  in  perpetuity  to  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  at  6  per  cent.,  payable  semi- 
annually; appropriated  the  interest  from  September  1,1838, 
when  the  money  was  received,  to  July  1,  1846,  amounting 
to  $242,120,  or  so  much  thereof  as  might  be  necessary,  for 
the  erection  of  buildings,  and  other  current  incidental  ex- 
penses ;  that  all  expenditures  and  appropriations  should 
in  future  be  made  exclusively  from  the  accruing  interest, 
and  not  from  the  principal  of  the  fund.  It  was  also  pro- 
vided that  a  board  of  managers  should  be  constituted, 
under  the  name  of  "  Regents  of  the  Smithsonian  Insti- 
tution," to  be  composed  of  the  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  the  Chief  Justice,  the  Mayor  of  Washing- 
ton, three  members  of  the  Senate,  and  three  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  to  be  selected  by  the  President  and 
Speaker  thereof,  with  six  other  persons,  not  members  of 
Congress,  of  whom  two  shall  be  residents  in  the  city  of 
Washington,  and  the  other  four  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States,  but  no  two  of  the  same  State.  The  last  section  of 
the  act  authorized  the  managers  to  dispose  of  such  por- 


PROFESSOR  JOSEPH  HENRY.  151 

tion  of  the  interest  of  the  fund  as  the  act  had  not  other- 
wise appropriated,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  deem 
best  suited  for  the  promotion  of  the  purpose  of  the  tes- 
tator. The  board  of  regents  met  and  organized  the 
establishment,  and  proceeded  to  elect  a  secretary  to  take 
charge  of  it,  and  to  conduct  it.  An  interesting  discussion 
sprang  up  in  regard  to  a  suitable  building  to  be  erected, 
and  plans  from  several  architects  which  had  been  sub- 
mitted were  examined.  Before  the  selection  of  either  of 
the  plans,  it  was  thought  best  to  elect  the  secretary, 
which  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Joseph  Henry,  an  eminent 
physicist,  at  that  time  Professor  of  Natural  Philosophy 
in  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  at  Princeton.  His  experi- 
ments were  interesting,  and  his  scientific  discoveries  were 
remarkable.  In  1831,  Professor  Henry  explained  the  ap- 
plicability of  the  facts  demonstrated  by  his  experiments 
to  the  instantaneous  conveyance  of  intelligence  between 
distant  points  by  means  of  a  magnetic  telegraph,  several 
years  before  such  a  telegraph  was  brought  into  practical 
operation  by  Professor  Morse.  In  the  choice  of  a  secretary, 
the  Board  could  not  have  made  a  more  fortunate  selection. 
Professor  Henry  continued  his  investigations,  and  con- 
tributed largely  to  the  advancement  of  science.  He  was 
a  man  of  fine  organization  ;  his  intellect,  his  character,  his 
attainments,  all  constituted  him  an  officer  qualified  for  a 
satisfactory  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  important  po- 
sition. He  held  the  place  of  secretary  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution  till  his  death,  which  occurred  in  Washington, 
D.  C,  in  May,  1878.  I  recall  an  interesting  interview 
with  him,  in  the  reception  room  of  Mrs.  Hayes,  in 
Washington,  in  1877.  I  was  standing  and  conversing 
with  some  gentleman,  when  Mrs.  Hayes  came  to  me 
and  said  she  wished  to  present  me  to  some  one  I  ought 
to  know,  and  she  took  me  to  another  part  of  the  room 
where  Professor  Henry  stood,  and  brought  us  face  to 
face.     We  both  exclaimed  to  Mrs.   Hayes  that  we  were 


152  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

old    friends,   having    known    each    other    for    more    than 
thirty  years. 

Of  the  three  members  appointed  by  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  as  regents  of  the  Smithsonian 
Institution,  at  its  first  organization,  I  was  one  of  the  num- 
ber, and  took  part  in  the  interesting  meeting  to  which  I 
have  just  referred.  Among  the  other  members  present 
were  Honorable  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
Honorable  Rufus  Choate,  of  Massachusetts.  Having 
elected  our  secretary  we  proceeded  to  select  a  plan  for 
the  building.  Professor  Henry,  who  was  present,  advised 
the  erection  of  a  simple,  inexpensive  structure,  upon  an 
economical  scale,  suited  to  scientific  investigations.  Some 
of  the  board  concurred  with  him  in  his  view  ;  but  the 
majority  of  the  regents  decided  that  it  was  proper  to  erect 
a  building  of  large  proportions,  impressive  in  its  style,  and 
suitable  to  the  future  of  so  important  an  institution,  and 
we  adopted  the  plans  for  a  building  submitted  by  Mr. 
Renwick,  of  New  York,  an  eminent  architect.  The  pres- 
ent building  was  constructed  upon  that  plan  ;  and  the 
material  selected,  a  red  sandstone,  is  an  illustration  of  the 
success  of  the  board  in  the  exercise  of  its  duties.  We 
then  proceeded  to  discuss  the  plan  upon  which  the  insti- 
tution should  be  conducted.  Some  of  the  regents  agreed 
with  Professor  Henry  that  the  fund  should  be  appropri- 
ated for  the  investigation  of  scientific  subjects  exclusively, 
believing  that  that  was  the  proper  mode  of  carrying  out 
the  bequest  of  Mr.  Smithson  ;  others  of  the  board  believed 
that  it  was  important  to  establish  a  library  upon  the 
largest  plan,  selecting  books  rare  and  expensive,  and 
building  up  in  the  course  of  years  an  establishment  un- 
rivalled in  any  part  of  the  world.  Mr.  Choate  advocated 
this  plan,  and  displayed  his  remarkable  powers,  impressing 
it  upon  the  consideration  of  the  board.  It  was  replied 
that  it  would  hardly  answer  Mr.  Smithson's  expectations 
simply  to   accumulate  a  great  library,  because,  while  it 


ATTACK  ON  MR.     WEBSTER.  1 53 

might  aid  in  the  increase  of  knowledge,  it  certainly  could 
do  little  towards  diffusing  it  among  men.  I  heard  the 
debate  with  great  interest,  and  offered  a  resolution  as  a 
compromise  between  the  conflicting  views  of  the  eminent 
men  about  me,  providing  a  division  of  the  fund  between 
the  two  objects ;  the  resolution  was  adopted.  Immedi- 
ately Mr.  Choate  came  to  me,  and  with  great  warmth  in 
his  manner  said  :  "  Sir,  you  deserve  a  statue  of  marble  for 
having  settled  the  question  in  the  way  you  have  done." 
I  thanked  him  for  his  generous  appreciation  of  my  action, 
and  was  gratified  that  I  had  contributed  in  any  way  to 
the  advancement  of  the  institution. 

I  continued  to  be  a  member  of  the  board  of  regents 
during  my  entire  service  in  Congress,  feeling  at  all  times 
the  deepest  interest  in  its  success,  and  whenever  I  have 
visited  Washington  since,  I  have  always  found  a  warm 
welcome  from  the  officers  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution. 

In  the  course  of  the  session  Honorable  Charles  J.  Inger- 
soll  made  a  statement  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  secret- 
service  money  by  Mr.  Webster  while  he  held  the  position 
of  Secretary  of  State  in  President  Tyler's  Cabinet.  On 
the  9th  of  April,  two  days  after  Mr.  Webster's  speech  in 
the  Senate  in  defence  of  the  treaty  of  Washington,  Mr. 
Ingersoll  arose  in  the  House  and  declared  that  freedom 
of  speech  had  been  grossly  attacked,  through  him,  by  Mr. 
Webster.  He  intended,  he  said,  to  make  no  personal 
defence  but  wished  to  explain  the  object  of  some  resolu- 
tions which  he  was  about  to  offer. 

The  substance  of  the  first  resolution  was  that  a  call  be 
made  upon  the  Secretary  of  State  (subsequently  changed 
to  the  President)  for  an  account  of  all  payments  made 
from  the  fund  for  contingent  expenses  on  the  President's 
certificates  since  March  4,  1841,  with  copies  of  all  entries, 
receipts,  letters,  vouchers,  and  other  evidences  of  pay- 
ment, particularly  all  concerning  the  Northeastern 
Boundary  ;  also  a  communication  made  by  the  Secretary  of 


154  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

State  during  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress  to  Mr.  Cushing 
and  Mr.  Adams  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  re- 
garding the  desire  of  the  President  to  institute  a  special 
mission  to  England  ;  and  copies  of  any  letters  on  the  books 
of  the  State  Department  to  any  officer  of  the  United  States, 
or  person  in  New  York,  concerning  Alexander  McLeod. 

The  second  resolution  called  on  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  for  the  minutes  kept  by 
that  committee  during  the  Twenty-seventh  Congress. 
These  minutes,  Mr.  Ingersoll  said,  would  prove  that  Mr. 
Webster  had  lately  denied  the  rightfulness  of  our  claim 
in  the  Oregon  dispute. 

The  documents  called  for  in  the  first  resolution  would, 
he  said,  furnish  proofs  of  Mr.  Webster's  "  misdemeanors 
in  office,"  his  "  fraudulent  misapplication  and  personal 
use  of  the  public  funds,"  and  his  "  corrupting  party 
presses  with  the  money  appropriated  by  law  for  the  con- 
tingent expenses  of  foreign  intercourse."  He  applied 
severe  terms  to  Mr.  Webster,  and  spoke  of  him  as  having 
been  removed  from  an  office  to  which  he  was  a  disgrace. 
Mr.  Ingersoll  concluded  with  hinting  at  the  impeachment 
of  Mr.  Webster  as  the  result  of  all  this  enlightenment  of 
the  House. 

An  extended  debate  followed  this  extraordinary  speech 
of  Mr.  Ingersoll. 

Mr.  Dromgoole  made  some  remarks  exonerating  the 
Whig  party  from  all  responsibility  in  the  case,  and 
denounced  Mr.  Tyler's  administration  in  severe  terms. 

Mr.  Bayley  opposed  the  resolutions  upon  the  ground 
that  a  certain  fund  should  be  employed  in  secret  service, 
and  the  whole  utility  of  it  would  be  destroyed  by  making 
its  use  a  subject  of  investigation.  No  future  minister 
would  venture  to  employ  it,  nor  would  agents  consent  to 
perform  the  services  necessary.  The  very  nature  and 
object  of  this  service  forbade  any  such  prying  into  the 
employment  of  that  fund. 


DEFENDED  B  Y  HIS  FRIENDS.  1  5  5 

I  took  part  in  the  debate,  and  expressed  my  regret  at 
the  personal  collision  which  had  occurred  between  two  so 
eminent  members  of  Congress  as  Mr.  Ingersoll  and  Mr. 
Webster.  It  must  have  arisen  from  misconception  and 
misunderstanding.  I  defended  Mr.  Webster's  character, 
and  declared  that  his  services  had  contributed  to  the 
advancement  of  the  interests  and  the  glory  of  the  country, 
that  he  was  honored  and  loved  abroad,  and  regarded  as 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  American  statesmen  that  had 
appeared  since  Washington.  I  stated  that  I  regarded 
the  reputation  of  our  statesmen  as  public  property,  and 
that,  in  my  judgment,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Webster  should 
be  the  last  to  place  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of  investiga- 
tion into  charges  made  against  him. 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  of  opinion  that  Mr.  Webster  had 
shown  himself  fully  capable  of  defending  himself ;  he  only 
wished  to  say  a  word  in  defence  of  the  honor  and  dignity 
of  the  House.  A  resolution  ought  not  to  be  entertained 
which  was  offered  by  a  man  in  a  passion  from  the  sting  of 
severe  rebuke.  The  charges  were  made  in  a  spirit  of 
anger  and  revenge.  If  true,  why  had  they  not  been 
brought  forward  before  ?  This  was  an  attempt  to  blacken 
the  character  and  fame  of  one  whose  name  would  live 
after  others  (whom  he  would  not  designate)  were  buried 
in  merited  oblivion  ;  should  they  allow  this  proceeding  in 
order  to  gratify  a  passion  raised  by  personal  rebuke  ? 

Mr.  Seddon  thought  that  after  the  charges  which  had 
been  made  it  was  due  to  Mr.  Webster  himself  that  the  in- 
vestigation should  be  made,  but  it  should  be  strictly  lim- 
ited to  the  object  of  ascertaining  the  foundation  of  the 
charges.     His  wish  was  to  do  justice  to  Mr.  Webster. 

Mr.  Adams  said  that  the  secret-service  fund  was  dis- 
bursed on  the  certificates  of  the  President,  and  was 
frequently  of  great  importance  and  not  necessarily  used 
for  corrupt  purposes.  The  Secretary  of  State  was  in  no 
degree  responsible  for  its  use,  and  it  did  not  necessarily 


156  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

pass  through  his  hands.  The  President  alone  had  power 
to  use  this  money,  but  might  make  the  Secretary  of  State 
his  agent  in  disbursing  it.  If  any  one  was  to  be  im- 
peached for  its  misapplication,  while  Mr.  Webster  was 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Tyler  was  the  man.  Any  expen- 
diture of  the  money  by  the  Secretary  of  State  could  only 
be  by  his  order,  and  it  was  accounted  for  by  his  certifi- 
cate. No  good  could  come  from  bringing  to  light  the 
secret  history  of  the  Northeastern  Boundary  negotia- 
tion, or  of  the  McLeod  case ;  so  far  as  charges  against 
Mr.  Webster  were  concerned  there  could  be  no  objection, 
and  they  would  no  doubt  go  much  farther  towards  jus- 
tifying him  than  proving  the  charges.  So  far  as  concerned 
the  secret-service  fund  the  responsibility  was  wholly  with 
the  President. 

Mr.  Yancey  said  Mr.  Adams  had  intimated  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  had  no  authority  over  the  fund 
devoted  to  the  secret  service,  and  therefore  no  right  to 
institute  these  inquiries.  Mr.  Yancey  differed  with  him  ; 
all  appropriations  of  money,  he  said,  belonged  to  the 
House,  and  it  had  the  right  to  demand  a  full  account  of 
all  expenditures.  Every  person  intrusted  with  the  public 
funds  had  been,  and  should  be  held  to  a  rigid  account. 
Mr.  Ingersoll  had  accused  Mr.  Webster  of  a  corrupt  use 
of  the  public  money,  and  called  for  evidence.  This  he 
had  a  perfect  right  to  do ;  he  (Mr.  Yancey)  did  not  agree 
with  Mr.  Adams  that  the  President  alone  was  responsible 
for  the  use  of  this  fund.  When  the  money  passed  into 
Mr.  Webster's  hands  he  became  responsible  for  the  use 
of  it.  Mr.  Tyler  could  not  be  brought  forward  to  shield 
Mr.  Webster.  Every  officer  was  responsible  for  his  own 
acts,  and  if  these  charges  were  proved  Mr.  Webster 
might  be  impeached  by  the  House.  Mr.  Yancey,  my 
colleague,  was  particularly  offended  by  what  he  called 
my  "  fulsome  eulogy  "  of  Mr.  Webster.  He  thought  it 
outrageous  to  compare  him  with  Washington.     He  knew 


THE  DISCUSSION  CONTINUES.  I  57 

Mr.  Webster  only  from  history,  and  after  what  he  learned 
of  him  there  he  should  "  loathe  a  political  affinity  with 
him."  What  was  the  foundation  of  this  eulogy  ?  What 
had  he  done  to  give  him  so  much  honor  abroad  ?  Was  it 
for  his  conduct  in  the  late  war,  when  he  refused  to  vote 
clothing  and  supplies  for  the  soldiers,  and  did  everything 
in  his  power  to  embarrass  the  government  in  its  hour 
of  peril  ?  Was  it  for  his  course  on  the  French  question, 
when  he  declared  that  he  would  not  vote  a  cent  for 
defence  if  the  enemy  were  battling  down  the  walls  of  the 
Capitol?  Was  it  the  Ashburton  treaty,  when  he  gave 
away  the  land  of  the  country,  left  murder  unavenged,  and 
the  right  of  search  unsettled?  If  Mr.  Hilliard's  eulogy 
was  not  for  these  things,  what  was  it  for  ?  Was  it  be- 
cause he  acted  now  as  a  pensioned  agent  of  the  manufac- 
turing interests  of  Massachusetts  ?  He  protested  against 
the  monstrous  statement  that  Mr.  Webster's  name  made 
the  country  honored  and  respected  abroad.  He  had  no 
doubt  that  Mr.  Webster's  name  would  live,  but  fame 
did  not  always  depend  on  merit.  Benedict  Arnold  was 
famous :  "  The  daring  youth  that  fired  the  Ephesian 
dome  outlives  in  fame  the  pious  fool  that  reared  it." 
With  regard  to  Mr.  Webster's  corruption,  he  had  been 
charged  with  being  the  pensioned  agent  of  the  United 
States  Bank  and  of  Great  Britain,  and  now  he  was 
charged  with  being  the  pensioned  agent  of  the  Manu- 
facturers of  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Yancey  closed  by  reitera- 
ting his  loathing  of  Mr.  Webster's  public  character,  and 
declaring  that  if  not  the  wisest,  he  was  the  "  meanest, 
basest  of  mankind."  All  acknowledged  his  intellectual 
power,  but  intellect  when  not  united  with  integrity  was 
worthy  of  no  respect. 

Others  took  part  in  the  discussion,  and  in  the  course  of 
it  I  reiterated  my  estimate  of  Mr.  Webster's  public  ser- 
vices, and  stated  with  emphasis  that  while  he  had  not 
been  compared  with  Washington,  it  was  still  true  that  he 


I58  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ranked  abroad  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious  Americans 
who  had  ever  appeared  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

Some  account  of  this  appeared  in  the  National  Intelli- 
gencer, a  great  paper,  published  by  Gales  and  Seaton,  the 
organ  of  the  Whig  party,  which  gave  offence  to  Mr.  Yan- 
cey. On  the  morning  it  appeared  I  was  seated  at  my 
desk,  when  a  page  brought  me  a  note  from  Mr.  Yancey, 
covering  a  slip  from  the  Intelligencer,  which  gave  an 
account  of  the  debate  between  us.  I  give  the  note 
literally : 

Dear  Sir  :  I  find  the  following  in  the  Intelligencer 's  report 
of  yesterday's  proceedings  of  the  House  :  "  A  brief  personal 
explanation  then  took  place  between  Mr.  Hilliard  and  Mr. 
Yancey  in  relation  to  a  passage  in  the  speech  of  the  latter,  as 
reported  in  the  Union.  Mr.  Hilliard  warmly  disclaimed  hav- 
ing said  anything  that  could  possibly  derogate  from  the  char- 
acter of  Washington,  and  complained  of  having,  in  that  respect, 
been  misrepresented  by  his  colleague  ;  but  after  mutual  ex- 
planations Mr.  Yancey  made  such  disclaimers  as  were  entirely 
satisfactory  to  Mr.  Hilliard,  and  the  affair  ended  in  the  most 
friendly  manner." 

I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  it  in  a  friendly  spirit,  and 

to  know  if  it  is  correct. 

Yours  respectfully, 

W.  L.  Yancey. 
House  of  Representatives,  June  19th. 

Upon  receiving  this  note  I  walked  over  to  Mr.  Yancey's 
desk  and  took  a  seat  by  him.  I  said  frankly  :  "  Mr.  Yan- 
cey, I  have  not  had  any  interview  with  Mr.  Stansbury 
(the  reporter  for  the  Intelligencer)  in  regard  to  any  remarks 
made  by  either  of  us,  but  his  account  of  the  last  debate 
between  us  is  correct."  Mr.  Yancey  did  not  dissent  from 
my  statement,  but  remarked  :  "  Stansbury  never  liked 
me  any  way,"  or  something  of  that  sort.  After  a  pleas- 
ant conversation  I  returned  to  my  seat,  and  nothing  fol- 
lowed the  incident. 


THE   PRESIDENT'S  MESSAGE:.  I  59 

Some  other  remarks  were  made  touching  the  subject, 
and  Mr.  Ingersoll's  resolutions  were  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  to  twenty-eight. 

The  message  of  President  Polk  in  reply  to  Mr.  Inger- 
soll's resolutions  was  received  on  the  20th  of  April ;  he 
gave  some  account  of  the  fund  for  contingent  expenses, 
a  part  of  which  was  disbursed  solely  on  the  authority  of 
the  President,  no  evidence  being  required  by  the  law  ex- 
cept his  certificate.  Since  1810  this  had  been  expended 
in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  the  present  law,  and  no 
inquiry  had  ever  been  made  as  to  its  use.  The  certificate 
of  the  President  was  in  effect  a  solemn  determination  that 
the  use  of  that  money  should  remain  secret,  and  there 
was  great  doubt  whether  his  successor  could  be  justified 
in  making  it  public  when  there  was  no  means  of  forming 
an  adequate  judgment  of  the  propriety  of  the  objects  for 
which  it  had  been  employed.  If  he  was  authorized  to 
answer  this  call  he  must  answer  all  similar  ones.  It  had 
never  been  attempted  to  make  public  the  use  of  this 
fund,  and  he  (the  President)  greatly  apprehended  the 
consequences  of  such  a  precedent,  for  it  would  entirely 
defeat  its  purpose.  It  was  admitted  to  be  a  necessity 
that  such  resources  should  be  used,  and  they  must  be 
used  in  secret  service,  and  kept,  therefore,  from  the  pub- 
lic. "  While  this  law  exists  in  full  force,"  said  the  Presi- 
dent, "  I  feel  bound  by  a  high  sense  of  public  policy  and 
duty  to  observe  its  provisions  and  the  uniform  practice 
of  my  predecessors  under  it."  The  papers  relating  to 
McLeod  were  submitted.  Some  further  discussion  took 
place  in  regard  to  certain  points  presented  by  Mr.  Inger- 
soll,  and  Mr.  Schenck  then  offered  a  resolution  providing 
for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  five  to  ascertain 
how  the  seal  of  confidence  had  been  broken  with  regard 
to  the  records  and  papers  of  the  State  Department,  and 
how  Mr.  Ingersoll  obtained  the  information  which  he 
claimed  to  have — whether  by  his  own  fancy  or  that  of 


l6o  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

others,  and  whose.  Power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers 
was  conferred.  An  amendment  was  offered  proposing 
the  appointment  of  a  second  committee,  to  inquire  into 
the  truth  of  Mr.  Ingersoll's  charges,  with  a  view  to  found 
an  impeachment  against  Mr.  Webster,  having  power  to 
send  for  persons,  papers,  books,  and  vouchers.  The  reso- 
lution with  the  amendment  was  adopted,  and  the  two 
committees  were  appointed.  The  committees  appointed 
to  make  these  investigations  did  not  report  until  the 
month  of  June.  President  Tyler  came  voluntarily  from 
Virginia  to  vindicate  Mr.  Webster  before  the  committee 
authorized  to  inquire  into  the  use  of  the  secret-service 
fund.  This  committee,  after  stating  the  result  of  their 
investigation,  concluded  their  report  in  these  words  :  "  In 
their  opinion  there  is  no  proof  in  relation  to  any  of  the 
charges  to  impeach  Mr.  Webster's  integrity  or  the  purity 
of  his  motives  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his 
office."  This  report  was  signed  by  Samuel  F.  Vinton, 
Jefferson  Davis,  Daniel  P.  King,  and  Seaborn  Jones.  Mr. 
Brinckerhoff  presented  a  minority  report,  making  some 
statement  as  to  the  amount  involved.  Both  reports  were 
laid  on  the  table  and  ordered  to  be  printed.  Nothing 
came  of  this  matter  which  is  necessary  to  notice,  or  which 
possesses  any  sort  of  interest  for  the  public. 

Some  days  later  Mr.  Ingersoll,  seated  by  my  side,  ex- 
pressed his  regret  at  having  fallen  into  an  error  in  his 
statement  as  to  Mr.  Webster's  course,  and  said  that  he  was 
disposed  to  address  a  note  to  that  gentleman,  and  would 
do  so  promptly  if  he  could  be  assured  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  it  would  be  received  by  him  ;  and  he  requested 
me  to  have  an  interview  with  Mr.  Webster  in  regard  to 
the  matter.  I  said  to  Mr.  Ingersoll  that  I  would  cheer- 
fully see  Mr.  Webster,  and  ascertain  his  views  in  regard 
to  the  subject.  I  walked  over  to  the  Senate-chamber 
and  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Webster,  in  which  I  stated 
that  Mr.  Ingersoll  was  ready  to  address  a  note  to  him 


MR.   WEBSTER'S  SPEECH.  l6l 

expressing  his  regret  as  to  the  statement  made  by  him  in 
the  House  in  regard  to  Mr.  Webster's  course  while  Sec- 
retary of  State,  if  he  could  be  assured  that  it  would  be 
received  kindly  and  replied  to  in  friendly  terms.  Mr. 
Webster  said  :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  if  Mr.  Ingersoll  should  think 
proper  to  address  a  note  to  me  upon  that  subject  I  will 
receive  it,  but  I  must  decline  to  commit  myself  in  ad- 
vance as  to  the  manner  in  which  it  will  be  treated  by  me ; 
Mr.  Ingersoll  must  trust  entirely  to  my  generosity."  After 
some  brief  conversation  with  Mr.  Webster  I  returned 
to  my  seat  in  the  House  and  reported  to  Mr.  Ingersoll 
what  had  occurred.  He  declined  to  send  the  note,  and 
expressed  his  regret  at  Mr.  Webster's  hesitation  to  meet 
his  advance  in  a  friendly  way.  In  the  course  of  a  few 
days  Mr.  Webster  delivered  in  the  Senate  a  speech  in 
vindication  of  his  course  while  holding  the  office  of  Secre- 
tary of  State  in  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Tyler,  in  which  he 
treated  Mr.  Ingersoll's  statements  in  regard  to  himself 
with  extreme  severity,  denouncing  that  gentleman  in 
very  strong  terms  personally.  The  next  day  Mr.  Inger- 
soll, who  seemed  to  be  greatly  angered,  said  to  me  that 
he  would  challenge  Mr.  Webster,  and  that  if  he  refused  to 
meet  him  he  would  pursue  him  with  pistols  to  Boston. 
Nothing  occurred  as  the  result  of  this  incident.  The 
relations  of  the  two  gentlemen  remained  unchanged. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Second  Session  of  the  Twenty-Ninth  Congress — President's  Message  — 
Vigorous  Prosecution  of  the  War  Recommended  —  General  Taylor's 
Victories — Monterey — General  Scott,  Commander-in-Chief — The  Battle 
of  Buena  Vista — General  Scott's  Expedition  against  Vera  Cruz  and  the 
Capture  of  that  City — The  President  Recommends  to  Congress  the 
Appointment  of  a  Lieutenant-General — Action  of  the  House  and  of  the 
Senate  in  Regard  to  this  Recommendation — General  Proceedings  of 
Congress. 

CONGRESS  assembled  at  the  regular  period,  the  first 
Monday  in  December.  The  President's  message  was 
communicated  to  both  houses,  and  dwelt  largely  upon 
the  war  with  Mexico,  and  expressed  great  gratification 
at  the  success  of  our  arms  under  General  Taylor.  Soon 
after  the  adjournment  of  the  first  session  of  Congress 
General  Taylor  proceeded  to  attack  Monterey.  In  Sep- 
tember, being  reinforced,  his  command  numbering  now 
upwards  of  six  thousand  men,  mostly  volunteers,  he 
took  a  position  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Mon- 
terey and  made  his  arrangements  for  an  early  assault 
upon  it.  The  city  was  strongly  fortified  and  occupied  by 
General  Ampudia  with  some  ten  thousand  regular  troops. 
Monterey  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  lofty  mountains  on 
three  sides  and  an  open  valley  on  the  other,  and  was  not 
only  fortified  with  thick  stone  walls,  in  the  old  Spanish 
style,  with  ditches  and  bastions  bristling  with  cannon, 
but  the  flat-roofed  houses  were  all  converted  into  fortifi- 
cations, every  street  was  barricaded,  and  every  house  was 
provided  with  veteran  troops  armed  with  musketry.     On 

162 


THE  BATTLE   OF  MONTEREY.  1 63 

one  side  was  the  bishop's  palace,  an  extremely  strong 
and  well  fortified  fort  on  the  other,  with  redoubts,  and 
in  the  rear  a  river.  Besides  its  garrison  of  ten  thousand 
men  it  contained  a  population  of  fifteen  thousand,  which 
could  supply  nearly  three  thousand  volunteers.  The 
Mexican  force  was  in  reality  about  thirteen  thousand 
men  for  its  defence,  while  the  force  of  General  Taylor  was 
less  than  seven  thousand  men,  a  great  inequality  against 
the  Americans.  It  will  be  seen  then  that  the  American 
force  under  General  Taylor  was  about  to  attack  a  city 
which  seemed  to  defy  assault  from  even  an  equal  force, 
but  General  Taylor,  disregarding  the  overwhelming  dis- 
advantage which  he  had  to  fight  against,  proceeded  to 
assault  the  city.  After  several  days  of  desperate  fighting 
Ampudia  capitulated,  and  General  Taylor  took  possession 
of  the  city.  He  established  his  headquarters  at  Monterey, 
but  without  loss  of  time  proceeded  to  prepare  for  an 
advance  and  sent  a  strong  detachment  to  Saltillo,  a  most 
important  point.  He  was  about  to  march  upon  San 
Luis  Potosi,  when  an  order  was  received  by  him  from  the 
War  Department,  transferring  a  large  part  of  his  force  to 
the  reinforcement  of  General  Scott,  who  was  fitting  out  an 
expedition  against  Vera  Cruz. 

General  Scott  had  been  appointed  by  the  President 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army.  General  Taylor  was  left 
with  barely  five  thousand  men,  nearly  all  of  whom  were 
volunteers  who  had  never  seen  a  battle. 

Upon  receiving  orders  to  repair  to  Mexico,  General 
Scott  wrote  a  letter  to  his  old  friend,  General  Taylor, 
dated  New  York,  November  23,  1846,  in  which  he  assures 
him  of  his  strong  desire  to  meet  him  in  person,  that  he 
felicitated  him  upon  his  many  brilliant  achievements,  but 
would  not  be  able  to  see  him  at  that  time.     He  says  : 

"  I  am  not  coming,  my  dear  General,  to  supersede  you  in  the 
immediate  command  on  the  line  of  operations  rendered  illus- 


164  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

trious  by  you  and  your  gallant  army.  My  proposed  theatre  is 
different.  You  may  imagine  it  ;  and  I  wish  very  much  that  it 
were  prudent  at  this  distance  to  tell  you  all  that  I  expect  to 
attempt  or  hope  to  execute.  .  .  .  But,  my  dear  General,  I 
shall  be  obliged  to  take  from  you  most  of  the  gallant  officers 
and  men  (regulars  and  volunteers)  whom  you  have  so  long  and 
so  nobly  commanded.  I  am  afraid  that  I  shall,  by  imperious 
necessity — the  approach  of  yellow  fever  on  the  Gulf  coast — re- 
duce you,  for  a  time,  to  stand  on  the  defensive.  This  will  be 
infinitely  painful  to  you,  and  for  that  reason  distressing  to  me. 
But  I  rely  upon  your  patriotism  to  submit  to  the  temporary 
sacrifice  with  cheerfulness.  No  man  can  better  afford  to  do  so. 
Recent  victories  place  you  on  the  high  eminence  ;  and  I  even 
flatter  myself  that  any  benefit  that  may  result  to  me  personally 
from  the  unequal  division  of  troops  alluded  to  will  lessen  the 
pain  of  your  consequent  inactivity." 

General  Scott,  in  withdrawing  so  large  a  number  of 
General  Taylor's  forces  from  him,  was  but  carrying  out 
the  wishes  of  the  administration.  General  Taylor  con- 
tinued at  Victoria,  to  which  he  had  proceeded,  until  about 
the  last  of  January,  1847,  when  he  returned  to  Monterey. 
His  force  now  consisted  of  volunteers,  with  the  exception 
of  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  regular  troops,  including 
Colonel  May's  dragoons.  In  the  beginning  of  February 
he  was  reinforced  by  new  volunteers,  which  increased  his 
army  to  about  six  thousand  men.  With  this  small  troop, 
composed  mostly  of  men  who  had  never  faced  an  enemy, 
General  Taylor  had  to  garrison  Monterey  and  hold  in 
check  the  overwhelming  army  of  Santa  Anna,  then  ad- 
vancing upon  him.  Immediately  after  arriving  at  Monte- 
rey, General  Taylor  received  information  that  a  party  of 
observation,  consisting  of  about  one  hundred  picked  men, 
under  Colonel  May,  had  been  surprised  at  Encarnacion 
while  attempting  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  the  enemy, 
and  that  Captain  Cassius  M.  Clay  and  Major  Borland  and 
Major  Gaines  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  a  Mexican  force, 


GENERAL    TAYLOR  AT  BUENA    VISTA.  1 65 

under  General  Minon,  of  fifteen  hundred  men.  This  intel- 
ligence, together  with  the  belief  that  Santa  Anna  might 
make  an  attempt  to  reconquer  some  of  the  possessions  be- 
tween Monterey  and  the  Rio  Grande,  and  thus  cut  off  his 
communication  with  Matamoras,  determined  General  Tay- 
lor to  march  at  once  to  Saltillo  with  the  view  to  give  him 
battle.  He  accordingly  took  up  his  march  from  Monterey 
on  the  31st  of  January,  leaving  a  force  of  about  fifteen 
hundred  men  to  garrison  that  city,  and  arrived  at  Saltillo 
on  the  2d  of  February.  He  had  been  reinforced  in  the 
meantime  by  the  arrival  of  five  hundred  more  volunteers, 
which  made  the  effective  force  under  his  command  five 
thousand  strong.  Two  days  after  he  marched  to  Agua 
Nueva,  a  strong  position  twenty  miles  from  Saltillo  on 
the  San  Luis  side  of  that  city,  and  encamped  there  for 
the  purpose  of  disciplining  his  troops  and  to  observe  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  Here  he  remained  until  the 
2 1st  of  February,  examining  the  situation  of  the  country, 
the  passes  through  the  mountains,  and  the  best  point  at 
which  to  await  an  attack  from  Santa  Anna.  On  the  21st 
information  was  brought  him  that  Santa  Anna  was  ad- 
vancing at  the  head  of  his  whole  army  and  was  then 
within  a  short  distance.  Believing  Buena  Vista,  a  point 
twelve  miles  nearer  to  Saltillo,  and  eight  miles  from  that 
city,  to  be  a  much  more  favorable  position  at  which  to 
make  a  stand  against  such  overwhelming  odds,  he  fell 
back  to  that  place  and  formed  his  army  in  order  of  battle, 
and  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  Nothing 
could  illustrate  General  Taylor's  great  qualities  more 
clearly  than  his  decision  to  stand  in  that  mountain  pass 
with  his  small  force  awaiting  the  attack  of  Santa  Anna 
with  twenty  thousand  disciplined  troops.  He  estimated 
the  full  extent  of  his  danger,  he  felt  the  magnitude  of  his 
responsibility,  but,  undaunted  by  what  confronted  him, 
he  determined  to  make  a  stand.  Comprehending  his 
surroundings  and  all  that  they  involved,  he  wrote  to  a 


l66  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

friend  the  evening  before  the  battle  and  expressed  the 
sentiments  which  filled  his  heart : 

"  This  may  be  the  last  communication  you  will  receive  from 
me.  I  have  been  stripped  by  the  government  of  regular 
troops,  and  reduced  in  volunteers,  and  thus  stripped  and  at 
the  mercy  of  the  foe  I  have  been  expected  by  my  country  to 
retreat  or  resign.  I  care  not  for  myself,  but  I  feel  deeply  for 
the  noble  soldiers  about  to  be  sacrificed  by  their  country.  I 
shall  stand  and  give  them  battle,  relying  on  a  just  Providence 
for  a  right  result." 

He  would  neither  retreat  nor  resign ;  he  would  fight. 
There  flashed  forth  a  great  spirit ;  the  battle  came  ;  the 
odds  were  fearful,  but  who  could  doubt  the  result  when 
American  troops  stood  in  that  modern  Thermopylae,  and 
in  the  presence  of  such  a  leader  ?  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  Mexican  artillery  played  upon  their  ranks,  or  Mexi- 
can infantry  bore  down  with  the  bayonet,  or  Mexican 
lancers  charged.  The  spirit  of  the  great  leader  pervaded 
the  men  who  fought  with  him,  and  a  single  glance  of  his 
eye  could  re-animate  a  wavering  column.  Like  Napoleon 
at  the  Danube  he  held  his  men  under  fire,  because  he  was 
exposed  to  it  himself ;  and  like  him,  wherever  he  rode 
along  the  lines,  mounted  on  a  white  charger,  a  conspicu- 
ous mark  for  balls,  men  would  stand  and  be  shot  down, 
but  they  would  not  give  way.  Of  General  Taylor  on  that 
day  it  may  be  said,  as  it  has  been  said  of  Lannes  at 
Montebello  :  "  He  was  the  rock  of  that  battle-field,  around 
which  men  stood  with  a  tenacity  that  nothing  could  move. 
If  he  had  fallen,  in  five  minutes  that  battle  would  have  been 
a  rout."  That  battle  closed  General  Taylor's  military  car- 
eer, and  that  battle  alone  gives  him  a  title  to  immortality. 

Early  on  the  22d  of  February  the  clouds  of  dust  told 
that  the  Mexican  army  was  on  the  advance.  The  long 
roll  of  the  drum  summoned  the  men  to  the  field,  and 
regiments  were  formed  and   artillery  posted,  and   every 


THE    TWO   ARMIES.  1 67 

possible  advantage  taken  of  the  ground.  The  leading 
columns  of  the  enemy  were  seen  at  a  distance  of  two 
miles,  steadily  advancing  in  the  most  perfect  order.  Some 
two  thousand  lancers  with  the  artillery,  fourteen  pieces, 
of  different  calibre,  from  twenty-fours  down,  composed  the 
leading  division,  and  then  a  host  of  infantry  and  lances  came 
into  view  and  filed  into  position.  The  morning  was  fine,  and 
the  sun  glancing  on  the  lances  and  bayonets  of  the  twenty- 
one  thousand  men,  the  rattling  of  their  artillery  and  car- 
riages, the  treading  of  their  richly  caparisoned  horses,  and 
the  continued  sound  of  their  bugles,  constituted  the  most 
impressive  spectacle.  General  Taylor  had  made  such  a 
disposition  of  his  force  as  would  enable  him  to  receive  the 
attack  of  the  enemy  in  a  way  to  deprive  the  overwhelm- 
ing army  of  Santa  Anna  of  many  of  the  advantages  it 
would  have  possessed  if  the  engagement  had  taken  place 
upon  the  plain.  On  his  right  was  a  deep  ravine,  im- 
practicable to  be  turned  by  cavalry  or  artillery,  while  on 
the  left  the  mountains  of  Sierra  Madre  towered  two  thou- 
sand feet  in  height.  The  spur  of  continuous  hills  running 
from  the  mountains  nearly  to  the  ravine  was  occupied  by 
the  American  troops,  while  the  space  between  the  spur  of 
hills  and  the  ravine,  over  which  the  San  Luis  road  runs, 
was  occupied  by  five  pieces  of  light  artillery,  commanded 
by  Captain  Washington,  overlooking  Washington's  bat- 
tery and  within  near  musket-shot,  on  a  high  hill,  on  the 
crown  of  which  the  First  Regiment  of  Illinois  Volunteers 
was  posted  to  cover  the  battery  and  protect  the  centre. 
As  soon  as  he  received  intelligence  of  Santa  Anna's  ap- 
proach, General  Taylor  moved  forward  with  May's  squad- 
ron of  dragoons ;  Sherman's  and  Bragg's  battalions  of 
artillery  and  the  Mississippi  riflemen,  under  Colonel  Jeffer- 
son Davis,  arrived  at  the  position  which  he  had  selected 
for  awaiting  the  attack  of  the  enemy. 

In  the  choice  of  his  position  General  Taylor  exhibited 
the  same  sagacity  which  characterized  his  dispositions  at 


1 68  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Resaca  de  la  Palma,  and  which  crowned  triumphantly  all 
his  operations  at  Monterey.  Mountains  rose  on  either 
side  of  an  irregular  unbroken  valley,  about  three  miles  in 
width,  dotted  over  with  hills,  ridges,  and  intersected 
with  broad  and  winding  ravines.  The  main  road  ran 
along  the  course  of  an  arroyo,  the  bed  of  which  was  so 
deep  as  to  form  an  almost  impassable  barrier,  while  the 
other  side  was  bounded  by  precipitous  elevations  stretch- 
ing perpendicularly  towards  the  mountain,  and  separated 
by  gullies  until  they  mingled  into  one  at  the  base  of  the 
principal  range.  On  the  right  of  the  narrowest  point  of 
the  roadway  a  battalion  of  the  First  Illinois  regiment 
under  Colonel  Weatherford  was  stationed  in  a  small 
trench,  extending  to  the  ravine,  while  on  the  opposite 
height  the  main  body  of  the  regiment  under  Colonel  Har- 
din was  posted,  with  a  single  piece  of  artillery  from 
Captain  Washington's  battery.  The  post  of  honor,  on 
the  extreme  right,  was  assigned  to  Bragg's  artillery,  his 
left  supported  by  the  Second  regiment  of  Kentucky, 
afterwards  under  McKee,  left  flank  of  which  rested  upon 
the  arroyo.  Washington's  battery  occupied  a  position 
immediately  in  front  of  the  narrow  point  of  the  roadway, 
in  the  rear  of  which,  and  somewhat  to  the  left,  on  another 
height,  the  Second  Illinois  regiment  under  Colonel  Bissel 
was  posted.  Next,  on  the  left,  the  Indiana  brigade,  under 
General  Lane,  was  deployed,  while  on  the  extreme  left 
the  Kentucky  cavalry  under  Colonel  Marshall  occupied  a 
position  directly  under  the  summits  of  the  mountains. 
The  two  squadrons  of  First  and  Second  Dragoons,  and 
the  Arkansas  cavalry,  under  Colonel  Yell,  were  posted  i  i 
the  rear,  ready  for  any  service  which  the  exigencies  of  th  j 
day  might  require.  Some  time  after  these  dispositions 
had  been  made  clouds  of  dust  were  seen  to  roll  up  as  the 
enemy  advanced,  and  showed  that  his  numbers  were  im- 
mense. At  this  moment  the  presence  of  Santa  Anna  was 
indicated  by  a  white  flag  which  was  seen  floating  in  the 


GENERAL    TAYLOR   REFUSES    TO   SURRENDER.      1 69 

breeze,  and  presently  Surgeon  Lindenberg,  of  the  Mexi- 
can army,  arrived,  bearing  a  note  from  his  commander-in- 
chief.  It  was  a  missive  addressed  to  General  Taylor, 
demanding  from  him  terms  of  unconditional  surrender, 
promising  good  treatment,  assuring  him  that  his  force 
amounted  to  upwards  of  twenty  thousand  men  ;  that  the 
defeat  of  the  Americans  was  inevitable,  and  suggested 
that  to  spare  effusion  of  blood,  his  proposition  should  be 
complied  with.  The  messenger  was  received  by  Gen- 
eral Taylor,  who,  with  his  secretary,  Colonel  Bliss,  took 
him  to  a  point  where  they  could  hold  a  conversation. 
Upon  the  contents  of  the  note  being  read  to  General 
Taylor,  he  was  scarcely  able  to  repress  his  indignation, 
and  expressed  himself  in  strong  terms.  Colonel  Bliss  was 
instructed  to  decline  emphatically  the  invitation  of  Santa 
Anna,  in  terms  which  Colonel  Bliss  did  not  write.  He 
wrote,  instead  of  giving  it  literally,  these  words  :  "  Gen- 
eral Taylor  never  surrenders."  The  messenger  returned 
Ko  the  Mexican  commander-in-chief  and  delivered  the 
message.  Hours  rolled  by  without  any  movements  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy,  but  at  length  the  fire  was  opened 
from  a  mortar  throwing  several  shells  into  the  American 
camp  without  execution.  The  Kentucky  cavalry  and 
Arkansas  troops  were  posted  near  the  mountain,  and 
as  skirmishers,  having  been  first  dismounted,  brought  on 
the  action  at  half-past  four  o'clock  on  the  22d,  by  enga- 
ging about  fifteen  hundred  of  the  enemy's  light  troops, 
who  had  been  deployed  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  to 
turn  the  American  left.  The  American  riflemen  advanced 
to  the  side  of  the  mountain,  extending  their  line  to  pre- 
vent the  enemy  from  flanking  them,  and  fighting  as  they 
toiled  up  the  almost  perpendicular  ascent,  until  the  whole 
side  of  the  mountain,  from  the  base  to  the  summit,  was 
a  sheet  of  fire.  The  firing  continued  until  after  dark, 
when  our  riflemen  retired,  the  enemy  remaining  in  pos- 
session of  the  heights.     General  Taylor's  army  slept  on 


170  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

their  arms,  and  awaited  the  renewal  of  the  battle  on  the 
next  day.  The  first  gun  on  the  23d  was  fired  at  daylight, 
and  the  firing  continued  until  darkness  put  an  end  to  the 
engagement.  I  do  not  propose  to  give  a  full  account  of 
the  great  battle  which  followed,  but  only  to  present  some 
of  its  most  striking  features.  Our  regiments,  advancing 
to  attack  five  times  their  numbers,  succeeded  at  times  in 
driving  them  with  great  loss,  until  the  enemy,  reinforced 
by  fresh  troops,  rallied,  and  advancing  with  overwhelming 
numbers,  compelled  our  forces  to  fall  back.  Throughout 
the  varying  fortunes  of  the  day  the  utmost  heroism  was 
displayed  by  our  troops,  and  it  required  the  presence  of 
General  Taylor  at  several  points  to  arrest  the  advance  of 
the  enemy.  He  was  at  times  under  the  hottest  fire  of  the 
enemy ;  the  breast  of  his  coat  was  pierced  by  a  canister 
shot,  when  he  remarked  coolly  :  "  These  balls  are  growing 
excited."  His  horse,  "  Old  Whitey,"  was  once  or  twice 
wounded,  but  bore  General  Taylor  through  all  the  fatigues 
and  perils  of  the  day. 

At  one  time  in  the  course  of  the  battle  the  Mexican  in- 
fantry advanced  in  three  columns,  composed  of  eight 
regiments,  and  opened  a  terrific  fire  upon  the  American 
force.  A  regiment  awaiting  their  advance  was  ordered  to 
open  upon  them,  and  for  thirty  minutes  poured  into  them 
as  galling  a  fire  as  ever  was  witnessed,  our  troops  dischar- 
ging their  pieces  not  less  than  twenty  times  within  point- 
blank.  Here  we  had  about  sixty  officers  and  men  killed 
and  wounded  ;  a  part  of  a  supporting  regiment  having 
given  way,  the  Mexican  lancers  crossed  the  ravine  and 
came  down  on  our  left  flank,  when  the  American  troops 
fell  back  some  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  where  they  rallied, 
halted,  and  formed  again. 

The  Second  Kentucky,  commanded  by  Colonel  McKee, 
was  ordered  up,  as  well  as  Colonel  Hardin's  First  Illi- 
noisians.  Colonel  Hardin,  with  his  gallant  regiment, 
advanced  upon  the  Mexicans  and  drove  them  back.     By 


THE  BATTLE  RAGES.  \J\ 

the  time  the  Second  Kentucky  came  up,  the  regiment 
which  had  borne  the  fierce  attack  of  the  immense  mass  of 
Mexican  troops  rallied,  and  the  combined  force  made  a 
magnificent  charge,  driving  back  four  times  their  number, 
killing  and  wounding  an  immense  number  of  the  enemy, 
and  capturing  the  standard  of  the  battalion  of  Cuanahuoto. 
The  battle  continued  to  rage,  and  the  artillery  was  ad- 
vanced ;  its  front,  extended  at  different  sections,  and 
pieces  under  Sherman,  Bragg,  O'Brien,  and  other  officers, 
were  working  such  carnage  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  as 
to  make  his  columns  reel.  Washington's  battery  on  the 
right  had  now  opened  its  fire  and  driven  back  a  large 
party  of  lancers  advancing  in  that  direction.  Along  the 
entire  line  the  battle  raged  with  great  fury.  The  myriads 
of  Mexican  cavalry  still  pressed  forward  on  Taylor's  left 
and  threatened  a  charge  upon  the  Mississippi  Rifles,  under 
Colonel  Davis,  who  immediately  threw  his  command  into 
the  form  of  a  V,  the  opening  toward  the  enemy,  and 
waited  his  advance.  On  came  the  Mexican  lancers,  dash- 
ing with  all  the  speed  of  Mexican  horses,  but  when  they 
were  at  a  point  from  which  their  eyes  could  be  seen,  both 
lines  poured  forth  a  sheet  of  lead  that  scattered  them  like 
chaff,  killing  many  horses  and  emptying  the  saddles  of 
their  riders.  While  the  dispersed  Mexican  cavalry  were 
rallying,  the  Third  Indiana  regiment,  under  Colonel 
Lane,  was  ordered  to  join  Colonel  Davis,  supported  by  a 
considerable  body  of  horse.  The  Mexican  cavalry,  ob- 
serving about  this  time  our  wagon-train,  which  displayed 
its  length  along  the  Saltillo  road,  made  an  attack  upon  it, 
but  General  Taylor,  observing  it,  ordered  our  cavalry,  led 
by  May's  dragoons,  with  squadrons  of  cavalry,  to  attack 
them,  who  dashed  upon  them  in  the  most  brilliant  style, 
and  effectually  dispersed  them.  Some  time  later  an 
immense  body  of  Mexican  troops  advanced  upon  our 
artillery,  which,  left  unsupported,  its  capture  by  the 
enemy  seemed  inevitable  ;    overwhelming  numbers  were 


1/2  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

driving  back  several  regiments,  who,  with  their  gallant 
colonels,  were  still  resisting  them  ;  and  at  this  moment 
three  of  our  splendid  officers  fell  at  the  head  of  their 
commands — John  J.  Hardin,  Colonel  McKee,  and  Lieut.- 
Col.  Henry  Clay.  But  at  this  crisis  Bragg  and  Thomas 
distinguished  themselves,  winning  fame,  surpassing  that 
which  they  acquired  at  Monterey,  while  Sherman,  O'Brien, 
and  Bryan  proved  themselves  worthy  of  the  alliance. 
Every  horse  with  O'Brien's  battery  was  killed,  and  the 
enemy  had  advanced  to  within  range  of  grape,  sweeping 
all  before  him.  General  Taylor  describes  this  scene  in 
his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War  : 

"  In  the  meantime  the  firing  had  partially  ceased  upon  the 
principal  field.  The  enemy  seemed  to  confine  his  efforts  to  the 
protection  of  his  artillery.  I  had  left  the  plateau  for  a  moment 
when  I  was  recalled  thither  by  a  very  heavy  musketry  fire.  On 
regaining  that  position  I  discovered  that  our  infantry  (Illinois 
and  Second  Kentucky)  had  engaged  a  greatly  superior  force  of 
the  enemy  (evidently  his  reserve),  and  that  they  had  been  over- 
whelmed by  numbers.  The  moment  was  most  critical.  Cap- 
tain O'Brien  with  two  pieces  had  sustained  this  heavy  charge  to 
the  last,  but  was  finally  obliged  to  leave  his  guns  on  the  field, 
his  infantry  being  entirely  routed.  Captain  Bragg,  who  had 
just  arrived  from  the  left,  was  ordered  at  once  into  battery  ; 
without  any  infantry  to  support  him,  and  at  the  imminent  risk 
of  losing  his  guns,  this  officer  came  rapidly  into  action,  the 
Mexican  lines  being  but  a  few  yards  from  the  muzzles  of  his 
pieces.  The  first  discharge  of  canister  caused  the  enemy  to 
hesitate,  the  second  and  the  third  drove  him  back  in  disorder, 
and  saved  the  day.  The  Second  Kentucky  regiment,  which 
had  advanced  beyond  supporting  distance  in  this  affair,  was 
driven  back,  and  closely  pressed  by  the  enemy's  cavalry. 
Taking  a  ravine  which  led  in  the  direction  of  Captain  Wash- 
ington's battery,  their  pursuers  became  exposed  to  his  fire, 
which  soon  checked  and  drove  them  back  with  loss.  In  the 
meantime  the  rest  of  our  artillery  had  taken  position  on  the 
plateau  covered  by  the  Mississippi  and  Third  Indiana  regi- 


REPORT    TO    THE    SECRETARY  OF    WAR.  1 73 

ments,  the  former  of  which  had  reached  the  ground  in  time  to 
pour  fire  into  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  and  thus  contribute 
to  his  repulse.  In  this  last  conflict  we  had  the  misfortune  to 
sustain  a  very  heavy  loss  ;  Col.  Hardin,  First  Illinois,  Col. 
McKee,  and  Lieutenant-Col.  Clay,  Second  Kentucky  regiment, 
fell  at  this  time  while  gallantly  leading  their  commands.  No 
further  attempt  was  made  by  the  enemy  to  force  our  position, 
and  the  approach  of  night  gave  an  opportunity  to  pay  proper 
attention  to  the  wounded,  and  also  to  refresh  the  soldiers  who 
had  been  exhausted  by  incessant  watchfulness  and  combat. 
Though  the  night  was  severely  cold  the  troops  were  compelled 
for  the  most  to  bivouac  without  fires,  expecting  that  morning 
would  renew  the  conflict.  During  the  night  the  wounded  were 
removed  to  Saltillo  and  every  preparation  made  to  receive  the 
enemy  should  he  again  attack  our  position.  Seven  fresh  com- 
panies were  drawn  from  the  town,  and  Brigadier-General 
Marshall,  with  a  reinforcement  of  Kentucky  cavalry,  and  four 
heavy  guns  under  Captain  Prentice,  First  Cavalry,  was  near  at 
hand,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned 
his  position  during  the  night.  Our  scouts  soon  ascertained 
that  he  had  fallen  back  upon  Agua  Nueva.  .  .  .  The 
American  force  engaged  in  the  action  of  Buena  Vista  is  shown 
by  the  accompanying  field  report  to  have  been  334  officers,  and 
4,425  men,  exclusive  of  the  small  command  left  in  and  near 
Saltillo.  Of  this  number  two  squadrons  of  cavalry  and  three 
batteries  of  light  artillery,  making  not  more  than  453  men,  com- 
posed the  only  force  of  regular  troops.  The  strength  of  the 
Mexican  army  is  stated  by  General  Santa  Anna  in  his  summons 
to  be  twenty  thousand  ;  and  that  estimate  is  confirmed  by  all 
the  information  since  obtained.  .  .  .  Our  loss  has  been 
especially  severe  in  officers,  twenty-eight  having  been  killed 
upon  the  field.  I  perform  a  grateful  duty  in  bringing  to  the 
notice  of  the  government  the  general  good-conduct  of  the 
troops.  .  .  .  The  services  of  the  light  artillery,  always 
conspicuous,  were  more  than  usually  distinguished.  Moving 
rapidly  over  the  roughest  ground  it  was  always  in  action  at  the 
right  place  and  the  right  time,  and  its  well-directed  fire  dealt 
destruction  in  the  masses  of  the  enemy.     While  I  recommend 


1/4  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

to  particular  favor  the  gallant  conduct  and  valuable  services  of 
Major  Munroe,  Chief  of  Artillery,  and  Captains  Washington, 
Fourth  Artillery,  and  Sherman  and  Bragg,  Third  Artillery, 
commanding  batteries,  I  deem  it  no  more  than  just  to  mention 
the  subordinate  officers.  .  .  .  The  Mississippi  riflemen 
under  Col.  Davis  were  highly  conspicuous  for  their  gallantry 
and  steadiness,  and  sustained  throughout  the  engagement  the 
reputation  of  veteran  troops.  Brought  into  action  against  an 
immensely  superior  force  they  maintained  themselves  for  a  long 
time  unsupported,  and  with  heavy  loss,  and  held  an  important 
part  of  the  field  until  reinforced.  Colonel  Davis  was  severely 
wounded,  but  remained  in  the  saddle  until  the  close  of  the 
action.  His  distinguished  coolness  and  gallantry  at  the  head 
of  his  regiment  on  this  day  entitled  him  to  a  particular  notice 
of  the  government. 

This  brilliant  victory  of  General  Taylor  not  only  roused 
the  enthusiasm  of  our  own  people  throughout  the  nation, 
but  it  attracted  notice  from  the  leading  military  men  of 
other  countries.  There  are  strong  points  of  resemblance 
between  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  and  that  of  Agincourt, 
where  the  English  troops  under  Henry  V.  won  a  great 
victory  against  overwhelming  numbers  on  the  plains  of 
France.  Some  short  time  after  the  account  of  General 
Taylor's  victory  reached  Washington,  I  was  writing  a 
paper  for  publication,  pointing  out  the  resemblance  be- 
tween the  great  battle  which  he  had  won  and  that  of 
Agincourt,  when,  meeting  Sir  Henry  Lytton  Bulwer,  the 
English  Minister — who  had  just  returned  from  New  York, 
where  he  had  made  a  speech  at  a  dinner  given  by  the 
New  England  Society  in  that  city,  in  which  he  had 
stated  his  own  idea  in  glowing  terms  as  to  that  fact, — I 
said  to  him  :  "  Sir  Henry,  you  have  anticipated,  in  your 
speech  in  New  York,  what  I  was  about  to  say  in  a  paper 
which  I  am  writing,  pointing  out  the  strong  lines  of 
resemblance  between  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  and  that 
of  Agincourt."     "  Well,  Mr.  Hilliard,"  he  replied,  play- 


HENRY    V.   AT  AGINCOURT.  1 75 

fully,  "  it  is  another  instance  of  fine  minds  thinking 
alike."  I  was  gratified  in  having  my  own  impressions 
approved  by  the  observation  of  so  distinguished  a  gentle- 
man. In  Shakespeare's  "  King  Henry  V."  a  scene  is 
described  as  occurring  in  an  English  camp  at  Agincourt, 
which  may  enable  us  to  understand  the  emotions  of 
General  Taylor  when  he  looked  over  the  small  force  with 
which  he  was  about  to  receive  the  attack  of  overwhelming 
numbers. 

Westmoreland  exclaims  : 

' '  O  that  we  now  had  here 

{Enter  KING  HENRY. 
But  one  ten  thousand  of  those  men  in  England 
That  do  no  work  to-day  ! 

' '  K.  Hen.  What  's  he  that  wishes  so  ? 

My  cousin  Westmoreland  ? — No,  my  fair  cousin  : 
If  we  are  mark'd  to  die,  we  are  enow 
To  do  our  country  loss  ;  and  if  to  live, 
The  fewer  men  the  greater  share  of  honor. 
God's  will  !     I  pray  thee,  wish  not  one  man  more." 

Some  time  after  General  Taylor's  return  to  the  country 
and  his  election  to  the  presidency,  I  held  a  conversation 
with  him  in  the  White  House,  in  which  he  expressed  to 
me  in  terms  of  perfect  frankness  his  own  view  of  the  sur- 
roundings at  Buena  Vista ;  and  the  night  before  the  battle 
occurred,  he  said  : 

"  I  comprehended  the  danger  of  the  situation,  and  wrote 
two  letters,  one  to  a  friend  at  home,  and  another  to  my  wife. 
In  them  I  stated  that  it  might  be  the  last  communication  they 
would  ever  receive  from  me  ;  a  battle  was  about  to  open  where 
I  should  have  to  meet  overwhelming  numbers,  but  that  my 
sense  of  duty  did  not  permit  me  to  avoid  it,  and  that  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  to  stand.  I  felt  when  I  went  into  action  the 
next  day  that  I  fought  with  a  rope  about  my  neck." 

The  conduct  of  the  war  was  now  assumed  by  General 
Scott,  commanding-in-chief.     On  March  9,  1847,  ne  landed 


176  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

near  Vera  Cruz  with  about  twelve  thousand  men  ;  that  city 
was  immediately  besieged,  and  before  the  end  of  the 
month  it  was  surrendered.  General  Scott  advanced,  and, 
after  a  series  of  hard-fought,  brilliant,  and  successtul 
battles,  entered  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  14th  day  of 
September.  General  Scott  with  his  army  occupied  the 
Mexican  capital  until  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  which  was  negotiated  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo, 
February  2,  1848,  by  Honorable  Nicholas  P.  Trist,  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States. 

A  message  was  received  from  the  President  recom- 
mending the  appointment  of  a  lieutenant-general  to  take 
command  of  the  whole  army  of  the  United  States,  and  it 
was  understood  that  Mr.  Benton,  the  United  States  Sena- 
tor from  Missouri,  was  to  be  named  for  that  important 
place.  The  bill  for  the  creation  of  the  office  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  was  defeated  in  the  Senate. 
It  was  understood  that  three  of  President  Polk's  Cabinet 
Ministers  were  opposed  to  the  measure — Mr.  Marcy,  Mr. 
Walker,  and  Mr.  Buchanan  throwing  the  full  weight  of 
their  influence  against  it. 

A  protracted  and  heated  debate  arose  in  the  Senate, 
growing  out  of  the  resolutions  introduced  by  Mr.  Cal- 
houn on  the  19th  of  February,  asserting  in  clear  and 
comprehensive  terms  the  following  propositions  :  That 
the  territories  of  the  United  States  belonged  to  the 
several  States  composing  this  Union,  and  are  held  by 
them  as  their  joint  and  common  property ;  and  that  Con- 
gress has  no  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in  a  territory ; 
and  that  the  exercise  of  such  a  power  would  be  a 
breach  of  the  Constitution,  and  leading  to  the  subversion 
of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Calhoun  made  a  speech  in  support  of  his  resolutions, 
asserting  that  the  slave-holding  States  should  support 
them  by  their  action,  in  the  event  that  the  Senate  should 
not  sustain  them.     Mr.  Calhoun  said  : 


MR.    CALHOUN'S   "FIREBRAND."  1 77 

u  It  is  a  question  for  our  constituent  slave-holding  States. 
A  solemn  and  a  great  question.  If  the  decision  should  be 
adverse,  I  trust,  and  do  believe,  that  they  will  take  under  con- 
sideration what  they  ought  to  do.  I  give  no  advice.  It  would 
be  hazardous  and  dangerous  for  me  to  do  so.  But  I  am 
speaking  as  an  individual  member  of  that  section  of  the  Union. 
There  I  drew  my  first  breath.  There  are  my  hopes.  There 
are  my  family  and  connections.  I  am  a  planter — a  cotton 
planter.  I  am  a  Southern  man — and  a  slave-holder  ;  a  kind 
and  merciful  one  I  trust — and  none  the  worse  for  being  a  slave- 
holder. I  say  for  one  that  I  would  rather  meet  any  extremity 
on  earth  than  give  up  one  inch  of  our  equality — one  inch  of 
what  belongs  to  us  as  members  of  this  great  republic.  What, 
acknowledge  inferiority  !  The  surrender  of  life  is  nothing  to 
sinking  down  into  acknowledged  inferiority. 

"  I  have  examined  this  subject  largely — widely.  I  think  I  see 
the  future  if  we  do  not  stand  up  as  we  ought.  In  my  humble 
opinion,  in  that  case  the  condition  of  Ireland  is  happy,  the 
condition  of  Hindostan  is  prosperous  and  happy,  the  condi- 
tion of  Jamaica  is  prosperous  and  happy,  to  what  the  Southern 
States  will  be  if  they  do  not  now  stand  up  manfully  in  defence 
of  their  rights." 

When  these  resolutions  were  read  Mr.  Benton  rose  in 
his  place  and  called  them  "firebrand."  Mr.  Calhoun  said 
he  had  expected  the  support  of  Mr.  Benton,  "  as  a  repre- 
sentative of  a  slave-holding  State."  Mr.  Benton  answered 
that  it  was  impossible  that  he  could  have  expected  such  a 
thing.  Then,  said  Mr.  Calhoun,  "  I  shall  know  where  to 
find  the  gentleman."  To  which  Mr.  Benton  replied  :  "  I 
shall  be  found  in  the  right  place — on  the  side  of  my  coun- 
try and  the  Union. 

Mr.  Calhoun  demanded  the  prompt  consideration  of  his 
resolutions ;  giving  notice  that  he  would  call  them  up  the 
next  day  and  press  them  to  a  speedy  and  final  vote.  He 
did  call  them  up,  but  never  called  for  the  vote ;  nor  was 
any  ever  had.     The  condition  had  not  happened  on  which 


178  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

they  were  to  be  taken  up  by  the  slave  States  ;  but  they 
were  sent  out  to  all  such  States,  and  adopted  by  some  of 
them.  A  great  slavery  agitation  followed,  founded  upon 
the  proposition  of  "  No  power  in  Congress  to  legislate 
upon  slavery  in  the  territories,"  which  led  later  to  mo- 
mentous results.  The  slavery  agitation  throughout  the 
United  States  rose,  and  before  a  great  while  a  great  sec- 
tional antagonism  resulted  from  it.  The  Wilmot  proviso 
still  hung  over  the  South  as  a  menace,  and  the  action  of 
some  of  the  Northern  States,  repealing  the  slave-sojourn- 
ment  law  within  their  limits  and  obstructing  the  recovery 
of  fugitive  slaves,  displayed  the  animus  of  the  leaders  of 
the  anti-slavery  sentiment  against  the  institution  of 
slavery. 

Before  the  adjournment  of  Congress  an  incident  oc- 
curred of  unusual  interest,  growing  out  of  hot  words  spoken 
by  two  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  a 
debate  upon  some  question  touching  the  action  of  the 
administration.  General  Bayley,  of  Virginia,  a  leading 
Democrat  and  a  gentleman  of  great  ability,  in  a  discussion 
with  Hon.  Garrett  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  uttered  some 
words  of  marked  discourtesy,  to  which  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  made  a  brief  reply  and  took  his  seat.  Mr. 
Davis  was  well  known  not  only  as  a  man  of  ability  but 
of  high  spirit,  and  it  was  supposed  something  serious 
might  grow  out  of  the  collision  in  debate.  After  the 
adjournment  of  the  House  Mr.  Davis  saw  Senator  Barrow, 
of  Louisiana,  and  induced  him  to  bear  a  message  to 
General  Bayley,  inviting  that  gentleman  to  meet  him  at 
Baltimore  for  an  explanation  of  his  offensive  words. 
Senator  Barrow,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  called  at  the 
residence  of  Mrs.  Wise,  where  General  Bayley  had  apart- 
ments, and  delivered  Mr.  Davis'  note.  General  Bayley 
stated  that  he  would  send  a  friend  to  Senator  Barrow  with 
a  reply  to  his  communication.  General  Bayley  invited 
Honorable  Mr.  Seddon,  one  of  his  colleagues  from  Vir- 


A    DUEL   A  VEX  TED.  \JQ 

ginia,  to  call  at  his  apartments.  He  did  so,  and  General 
Bayley  informed  him  of  what  had  occurred,  and  requested 
him  to  bear  his  reply  to  the  note  of  Mr.  Davis,  accepting 
the  invitation  to  meet  that  gentleman.  It  seems  that 
Mrs.  Bayley  overheard  this  conversation,  which  startled 
and  distressed  her  to  such  a  degree  that,  without  consul- 
tation with  General  Bayley,  she  came  immediately  to  call 
on  me  at  my  apartments,  in  Mrs.  Latimer's  house,  Presi- 
dent's Square.  In  my  interview  with  her  she  entreated 
me  to  save  her  husband,  stating  that  he  was  about  to 
meet  Mr.  Davis  to  arrange  the  terms  of  a  duel.  I  assured 
Mrs.  Bayley  of  my  readiness  to  serve  her  if  I  could  do  so, 
but  I  explained  that  I  did  not  see  how  I  could  intervene 
to  prevent  a  meeting  between  the  gentlemen.  Her  emo- 
tion was  uncontrollable,  and  she  reiterated  to  me,  in  lan- 
guage showing  her  deep  distress,  the  request  that  I  would 
take  some  step  to  prevent  General  Bayley's  engaging  in  a 
duel  with  Mr.  Davis.  I  explained  to  her  that  there  was 
but  one  thing  to  be  done,  that,  yielding  to  her  entreaty,  I 
should  proceed  to  have  General  Bayley  arrested  and  put 
under  a  bond  to  keep  the  peace.  I  promptly  sent  for  an 
officer  of  police  to  come  to  my  house,  and  instructed  him 
to  arrest  General  Bayley  upon  my  statement  that  he  was 
about  to  leave  the  city  to  arrange  for  a  hostile  meeting 
with  Mr.  Davis.  I  accompanied  the  officer  to  General 
Bayley's  residence,  who  was  greatly  surprised  at  our  intru- 
sion, but  who  consented  to  give  himself  up,  and  we 
proceeded  to  the  police  office,  where  General  Bayley 
made  his  bond,  upon  which  I  placed  my  name  also. 
Meanwhile  a  rumor  of  what  had  occurred  reached  Mr. 
Davis.  He,  with  Senator  Barrow,  and  Senator  Critten- 
den, of  Kentucky,  who  was  about  to  accompany  his  friend, 
Mr.  Davis,  to  Baltimore,  found  that  to  obtain  seats  in  the 
train  about  to  leave  for  Baltimore  they  would  have  to 
make  a  detour  of  a  mile  or  two  around  the  station,  which 
they  did  and  arrived  in  Baltimore.     Mr.  Davis  and  his 


l8o  POLITICS  AND    PEN  PICTURES. 

friends  were  promptly  informed  of  the  detention  of  Gen- 
eral Bayley,  and  were  about  to  return  to  Washington 
when  Senator  Barrow  was  taken  seriously  ill,  and  in  the 
course  of  a  day  or  two  died.  His  disease  resulted,  it  is 
supposed,  from  exposure  on  the  night  of  his  departure 
from  Washington. 

This  sad  occurrence,  of  course,  terminated  the  affair,  and 
was  deeply  regretted  by  all  parties.  Mr.  Benton  in  the 
Senate,  and  Mr.  Hannegan,  with  others,  delivered  appro- 
priate and  touching  eulogies  over  the  dead  senator,  and 
his  death  was  also  noticed  in  the  House  in  terms  which 
showed  the  great  respect  with  which  he  was  regarded  by 
Congress,  and  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Congress,  after  a  prolonged  and  important  session, 
adjourned. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

Re-election  to  Congress — Opening  of  the  Session — Organization  of  the 
House  of  Representatives — Mr.  Winthrop  Elected  Speaker — Abraham 
Lincoln  Takes  his  Seat  in  the  House — New  Members  of  the  Senate — 
President's  Message — Death  of  Mr.  Adams — Circumstances  Attending 
it. — Marks  of  Respect  to  his  Memory — Treaty  of  Peace  with  Mexico — 
General  Taylor's  Return  Home — Nomination  to  the  Presidency. 

AFTER  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I  returned  to 
Alabama  and  was  warmly  welcomed  by  my  friends.  In 
the  course  of  a  few  weeks  I  was  nominated  by  a  Whig 
convention  for  re-election  and  accepted  the  nomination. 
The  Democratic  party  brought  out  no  opposing  candi- 
date, and  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  elected  to  repre- 
sent the  people  of  the  whole  district  without  regard  to 
party  lines. 

The  opening  of  the  session  of  Congress  in  December 
presented  some  features  of  unusual  interest,  some  mem- 
bers of  both  houses  having  disappeared  and  others  hav- 
ing been  elected  to  take  their  places. 

The  House  of  Representatives  was  organized  by  the 
election  of  the  Honorable  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, as  Speaker,  the  House  having  a  Whig  majority. 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  eminently  qualified  to  fill  the  im- 
portant position  to  which  he  was  chosen  ;  his  personal 
appearance  was  impressive,  tall,  with  a  face  expressive  of 
intellect  and  character,  and  with  a  bearing  that  would 
have  distinguished  him  in  any  assembly  ;  his  attainments 
were  large ;  he  was  a  statesman  and  a  scholar,  and  his 
accomplishments  made  him  a  very  pleasing   person   in 

181 


1 82  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

social  life;  his  election  was  received  with  great  satisfac- 
tion throughout  the  country  ;  a  Northern  man  but  with  a 
breadth  of  view  and  a  liberality  of  sentiment  that  inspired 
confidence  everywhere. 

Among  the  new  members  of  the  House  there  was  one 
who  not  only  attracted  attention  at  the  time  but  rose  to 
great  distinction  in  the  country  afterwards — Abraham 
Lincoln,  of  Illinois. 

In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Dallas,  the  Vice-President,  presided 
with  his  accustomed  dignity,  his  appearance  imparting  a 
charm  to  the  position  which  he  filled.  Several  new  sena- 
tors appeared,  among  them  was  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  of 
Mississippi.  He  had  recently  returned  from  Mexico, 
where  he  had  rendered  such  important  services  in  the 
army  and  had  won  great  distinction. 

Mr.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  had  been  elected  to  the  Senate 
from  Illinois,  and  his  distinguished  services  in  the  House 
made  him  at  once  a  conspicuous  senator. 

Mr.  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  who  had  won  great  distinction 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  his  services,  and 
having  been  at  one  time  Speaker  of  the  House,  had  been 
elected  as  a  senator  from  Virginia. 

President  Polk's  message,  which  was  promptly  delivered 
to  both  Houses,  recommended  several  subjects  for  con- 
sideration, but  treated  chiefly  of  the  military  events  which 
had  occurred  in  Mexico.  He  spoke  in  glowing  terms  of 
the  brilliant  victories  which  had  been  won  by  our  arms, 
and  urged  still  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  Gen- 
eral Winfield  Scott  occupied  the  city  of  Mexico  with  his 
splendid  army  and  was  a  conspicuous  figure  at  home 
and  abroad.  The  President  referred  to  the  triumphs  of 
our  arms  under  both  the  great  military  commanders, 
General  Taylor  and  General  Scott,  and  made  some  sug- 
gestions as  to  the  policy  of  conducting  the  war  with  a 
view  to  securing  certain  advantages  upon  the  conclusion 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico. 


LAST    WORDS    WITH  MR.   ADAMS.  1 83 

In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  an  important  and  sad 
event  occurred — the  death  of  Honorable  John  Quincy 
Adams.  The  circumstances  attending  it  were  remarkable. 
On  the  2 1st  February,  a  resolution  had  been  offered  by  a 
Whig  member  of  the  House  expressing  appreciation  of 
the  services  of  General  Winfield  Scott  and  tendering  him 
the  thanks  of  Congress ;  immediately  a  Democratic  mem- 
ber moved  to  amend  the  resolution  by  inserting  the  name 
of  General  Gideon  Pillow,  and  also  moved  the  previous 
question,  which  of  course  cut  off  debate.  It  was  well 
known  that  General  Pillow  had  been  appointed  by  the 
President  to  his  position  in  General  Scott's  army,  and 
had  conducted  himself  in  a  way  so  offensive  to  that  com- 
mander as  to  make  himself  an  object  of  criticism,  and  at 
length  he  was  ordered  to  appear  before  a  court-martial 
for  trial.  The  clerk  was  proceeding  to  call  the  roll  when 
I  rose  from  my  seat  and  walked  to  the  desk  of  Mr. 
Adams  to  pay  my  respects  to  him  ;  I  had  just  returned 
from  a  visit  to  Alabama,  where  I  had  been  called  to 
argue  a  cause  before  the  Supreme  Court,  at  Montgomery, 
and  my  relations  with  Mr.  Adams  made  it  proper  that  on 
the  first  day  I  entered  the  House  after  my  return  I  should 
call  and  speak  to  him.  After  exchanging  a  word  or  two  with 
Mr.  Adams  he  said :  "  Mr.  HilHard,  is  not  General  Pillow 
under  arrest  at  this  time?"  I  replied  that  it  was  under- 
stood that  he  had  been  ordered  before  a  court-martial  on 
charges  preferred  against  him  as  an  officer.  "  And  yet," 
said  Mr.  Adams,  "  they  propose  to  include  his  name  in  a 
resolution  giving  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  General  Scott. 
Of  course  the  previous  question  cuts  off  debate,  and  I 
cannot  address  myself  to  the  House,  but  when  the  call  is 
ended  I  shall  rise  and  ask  the  Speaker  if  General  Pillow 
is  not  ordered  before  a  court-martial  for  investigation  of 
his  conduct  in  Mexico."  I  saw  that  Mr.  Adams  was 
much  excited,  and  I  returned  to  my  seat  to  observe  the 
result. 


1 84  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  National  Intelligencer   accurately    describes    what 
occurred  : 

"  Just  after  the  yeas  and  nays  were  taken  on  a  question,  and 
the  Speaker  had  risen  to  put  another  question  to  the  House,  a 
sudden  cry  was  heard  on  the  left  of  the  chair.  *  Mr.  Adams  is 
dying  ! '  Turning  our  eyes  to  the  spot,  we  beheld  the  vener- 
able man  in  the  act  of  falling  over  the  left  arm  of  his  chair, 
while  his  right  arm  was  extended,  grasping  his  desk  for  support. 
He  would  have  dropped  upon  the  floor  had  he  not  been 
caught  in  the  arms  of  the  member  sitting  next  to  him.  A 
great  sensation  was  created  in  the  House  ;  members  from  all 
quarters  rushing  from  their  seats  and  gathering  round  the 
fallen  statesman,  who  was  immediately  lifted  into  the  area  in 
front  of  the  clerk's  table.  The  Speaker  instantly  suggested 
that  some  gentleman  move  an  adjournment,  which  being 
promptly  done,  the  House  adjourned.  A  sofa  was  brought, 
and  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  state  of  perfect  helplessness,  though  not 
of  entire  insensibility,  was  gently  laid  upon  it.  The  sofa  was 
then  taken  up  and  borne  out  of  the  Hall  into  the  Rotunda, 
where  it  was  set  down,  and  the  members  of  both  houses  and 
strangers,  who  were  fast  crowding  around,  were  with  some 
difficulty  repressed,  and  an  open  space  cleared  in  its  immediate 
vicinity  ;  but  a  medical  gentleman,  a  member  of  the  House 
(who  was  prompt,  active,  and  self-possessed  throughout  the 
whole  painful  scene),  advised  that  he  be  removed  to  the  door 
of  the  Rotunda,  opening  on  the  east  portico,  where  a  fresh 
wind  was  blowing.  This  was  done  ;  but  the  air  being  chilly 
and  loaded  with  vapor,  the  sofa  was,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr. 
Winthrop,  once  more  taken  up  and  removed  to  the  Speaker's 
apartment,  the  doors  of  which  were  forthwith  closed  to  all  but 
professional  gentlemen  and  particular  friends.  While  lying 
in  this  apartment,  Mr.  Adams  partially  recovered  the  use  of 
his  speech,  and  observed,  in  faltering  accents  :  *  This  is  the 
end  of  earth  '  ;  but  quickly  added  :  '  I  am  composed.'  Mem- 
bers had  by  this  time  reached  Mr.  A.'s  abode  with  the  melan- 
choly intelligence,  and  soon  after  Mrs.  Adams  and  his  nephew 
and  niece  arrived  and  made  their  way  to  the  appalling  scene. 


HIS  SAD   DEATH.  1 85 

Mrs.  A.  was  deeply  affected,  and  for  some  moments  quite 
prostrated  by  the  sight  of  her  husband,  now  insensible,  the 
pallor  of  death  upon  his  countenance,  those  sad  premonitories 
fast  making  their  appearance,  which  fall  with  such  a  chill  upon 
the  heart." 

Soon  after  being  taken  into  the  Speaker's  room,  Mr. 
Adams  sank  into  a  state  of  apparent  insensibility,  gradu- 
ally growing  weaker  and  weaker,  until,  on  Wednesday 
evening,  February  23d,  at  a  quarter  past  7  o'clock,  he  ex- 
pired without  a  struggle. 

While  he  was  lying  in  the  Speaker's  room,  all  business 
was  suspended  in  the  Capitol.  On  Tuesday  morning  the 
House  came  together  at  the  usual  hour.  The  Speaker, 
on  taking  the  chair,  announced  in  a  feeling  manner  that 
his  venerable  colleague  was  still  lingering  in  a  state  of 
insensibility  in  the  adjoining  apartment ;  whereupon  the 
House,  in  solemn  stillness,  immediately  adjourned.  The 
same  thing  occurred  on  the  following  morning.  The 
Senate  also  and  the  Supreme  Court  testified  their  grief 
by  suspending  all  business. 

At  the  usual  hour  of  meeting  of  the  two  houses  of 
Congress,  on  Thursday,  February  24th,  a  full  attendance  of 
members  and  crowded  audiences  attested  the  deep  interest 
of  the  occasion  which  called  the  two  houses  to  offer 
public  testimonials  of  their  profound  respect  for  the 
memory  of  the  Honorable  John  Quincy  Adams,  who 
breathed  his  last  on  the  preceding  evening,  and  whose 
mortal  remains  yet  lay  within  the  walls  of  the  Capitol. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  soon  as  the  House 
was  called  to  order,  the  Speaker  (Honorable  Robert  C. 
Winthrop)  rose  and  paid  a  feeling  and  affecting  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  Mr.  Adams. 

When  the  Speaker  concluded,  Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, rose,  and  after  making  some  appropriate  remarks, 
moved  several  resolutions,  expressing  the  deep  sensibility 
of  the   House  upon  the  occasion  of    the  death  of  Mr. 


1 86  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Adams,  and  moved  that  a  committee  of  thirty  be  appointed 
to  superintend  the  funeral  obsequies. 

Several  other  members  of  the  House  rose  in  their 
places  and  paid  eloquent  and  touching  tributes  to  the 
memory  of  the  departed  statesman. 

Mr.  Newell,  of  New  Jersey,  rose  and  moved  the  follow- 
ing as  an  additional  resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  the  seat  in  this  Hall,  just  vacated  by  the 
death  of  the  late  John  Quincy  Adams,  be  unoccupied  for 
thirty  days  ;  and  that  it,  together  with  the  Hall,  remain 
clothed  with  the  symbol  of  mourning  during  that  time. 

Mr.  Tallmadge,  of  New  York,  rose  and  moved  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Speaker  appoint  one  member  of  this 
House  from  each  State  and  Territory  as  a  committee  to  escort 
the  remains  of  our  venerable  friend,  the  Honorable  John 
Quincy  Adams,  to  the  place  designated  by  his  friends  for  his 
interment. 

All  the  above  resolutions  were  unanimously  agreed  to. 

In  the  Senate,  after  the  formal  announcement  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Adams  had  been  made,  beautiful  and 
impressive  tributes  were  paid  to  him  by  several  senators. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  the  following 
resolutions ; 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  has  received  with  deep  sensibility 
the  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  announcing 
the  death  of  the  Honorable  John  Quincy  Adams,  a  repre- 
sentative from  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 

Resolved,  That  in  token  of  respect  for  the  memory  of 
the  deceased,  the  Senate  will  attend  his  funeral  at  the  hour 
appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  will  wear  the 
usual  badge  of  mourning  for  thirty  days. 

Resolved,  That  as  a  further  mark  of  respect  for  the  memory 
of  the  deceased,  the  Senate  will  now  adjourn  until  Saturday 
next,  the  time  appointed  for  the  funeral. 


IMPRESSIVE  FUNERAL   SERVICES.  1 87 

The  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted,  and  the 
Senate  adjourned  until  Saturday. 

Impressive  funeral  services  were  conducted  on  Satur- 
day, in  the  Hall  of  Representatives,  in  the  presence  of  a 
great  audience,  after  which  a  large  procession  attended 
the  mortal  remains  of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  Congressional 
burying-ground,  where  they  were  placed  in  a  vault  as  a 
temporary  resting-place. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  the  following  Monday, 
the  Speaker  appointed  the  committee  of  one  from  each 
State  and  Territory,  under  Mr.  Tallmadge's  resolution,  to 
escort  the  remains  to  Quincy. 

I  had  the  honor  of  being  chosen  to  represent  the  State 
of  Alabama  on  that  occasion.  Some  days  after,  the 
remains  of  Mr.  Adams  were  removed  to  Quincy,  Massa- 
chusetts, escorted  by  the  committee  appointed  by  the 
Speaker.  The  services  at  Quincy  were  very  impressive, 
and  were  witnessed  by  a  large  concourse  of  people. 

Upon  our  return  to  Boston  a  public  dinner  was  ten- 
dered to  the  committee,  at  which  a  number  of  distin- 
guished persons  were  present :  among  them,  Honorable 
Harrison  Gray  Otis,  who  had  for  years  been  in  retire- 
ment. The  brilliant  career  of  this  gentleman  made  his 
attendance  on  this  occasion  a  conspicuous  and  splendid 
compliment  to  the  committee,  and  gave  a  great  charm  to 
the  banquet.  Several  speeches  were  delivered,  and  among 
them  was  one  from  Mr.  Otis,  which  was  received  with 
great  applause.  In  speaking  of  the  committee,  he  referred 
to  me  as  the  representative  of  Alabama  in  terms  which 
gratified  me  greatly.  At  the  proper  time  I  was  called  on 
for  a  speech,  and  paid  a  tribute  to  Mr.  Otis  and  to  Massa- 
chusetts, which  was  well  received.  I  give  a  paragraph  or 
two  of  my  opening  remarks  : 

"  Mr.  President,  the  very  handsome  tribute  to  Alabama,  to 
which  we  have  just  listened,  calls  for  some  reply  on  my  part. 


1 88  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  I  should  be  insensible  too,  Sir,  to  generous  emotions  if  I 
could  remain  silent  after  the  allusion  which  has  been  made  to 
the  State  of  which  I  am  the  only  representative  present,  by 
the  very  eloquent  and  distinguished  gentleman  (Hon. 
Harrison  Gray  Otis)  to  whose  speech  we  have  just  listened 
with  so  much  pleasure.  If  there  were  nothing  else  to  make 
this  evening  remarkable — if  we  could  forget  that  every  State 
of  the  Union  has  her  representative  here — if  we  could  forget 
the  dignified  character  of  that  national  mission  which 
assembles  us  in  this  city — if  we  could  overlook  the  number  of 
other  distinguished  persons  who  are  here  this  evening,  the 
presence  of  that  gentleman  alone  would  impart  to  it  a  peculiar 
interest. 

"  His  illustrious  career  is  already  historical.  He  stands 
before  us  a  noble  impersonation  of  the  great  qualities 
which  rendered  the  earlier  period  of  our  country's  history  so 
renowned. 

"  Belonging  to  a  younger  generation,  I  think  myself  most 
fortunate  in  being  present  on  this  occasion  ;  I  have  heard 
one  whose  fame  long  since  inspired  the  wish  to  meet  him,  and 
whose  eloquence  gave  him  the  pre-eminence  in  Congress  in 
those  days  when  that  was  regarded  as  the  highest  distinction 
in  this  country.  In  his  speech  this  evening  he  has  shed  light 
upon  an  eventful  period  in  our  history,  and  has  shown  that 
New  England  felt  her  full  share  of  patriotic  ardor  even  at  the 
commencement  of  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain. 

"  He  speaks  of  Alabama  as  she  was  when  the  savage  roamed 
through  her  native  forests,  and  when  the  beauty  of  her  scenery 
might  have  induced  the  adventurous  traveller  to  penetrate  far 
into  the  green  and  pathless  wilderness,  or  to  explore  her  noble 
streams,  if  the  Indian,  in  his  untamed  ferocity,  had  not  driven 
him  away  from  bowers  hardly  less  beautiful  than  those  of  Eden. 

"  If  he  were  now  to  visit  Alabama  he  would  find  the  wilder- 
ness had  been  made  glad  ;  the  Indian  has  followed  in  the 
track  of  the  setting  sun  ;  civilization,  wealth,  and  refinement 
would  meet  his  view,  and  the  gentleman  would  find  himself 
welcomed  to  homes  whose  hospitality  might  tempt  him  to  lin- 
ger long  under  her  Southern  skies. 


TRIBUTE    TO   MASSACHUSETTS.  189 

"  It  is  quite  true,  Mr.  President,  that  I  am  strongly  attached 
to  the  Union  ;  my  sentiments  are  not  misunderstood  by  the 
gentleman  who  has  done  me  the  honor  to  refer  to  them  ;  and 
I  know,  Sir,  that  the  people  of  Alabama  are  faithful  to  the 
Union. 

"  A  more  patriotic  people  cannot  be  found  anywhere  ;  they 
will  stand  by  the  government  and  the  Constitution.  With  pecu- 
liar interests  it  is  but  natural  that  they  should  exhibit  some 
sensibility  in  regard  to  the  legislation  of  Congress,  and  the  spirit 
manifested  by  other  States.  Indeed  they  must  have  lost  all 
Revolutionary  recollections  if  they  did  not  watch  with  jeal- 
ousy the  encroachments  of  the  government,  and  demand  from 
it  an  ample  protection  for  all  their  property  and  all  their 
rights.  They  have  confided  in  the  good  faith  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  and  in  the  just  action  of  the  government 
which  they  trust  will  never  transcend  the  limits  of  the  Con- 
stitution. 

"  I  think,  Sir,  1  may  promise  for  Alabama  that  she  will 
stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  Massachusetts  in  upholding 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  Massachusetts  has  been  true 
to  the  Union  throughout  her  whole  history,  and  she  will  be 
loyal  to  it  while  her  granite  hills  stand.  How  could  she  be 
otherwise  ?  She  is  covered  all  over  with  monuments  which 
mark  the  spots  where  the  battles  of  freedom  were  fought ;  the 
blood  of  martyrs  consecrates  her  soil,  and  the  American  of  all 
future  times  will  tread  her  plains,  and  visit  her  heights  with 
such  emotions  as  swelled  the  bosom  of  the  Athenian  when  he 
stood  upon  Marathon  and  Thermopylae. 

"  This  very  city  was  the  cradle  of  American  liberty,  and  the 
convulsion  which  rocked  it  was  the  Revolution.  Yonder  har- 
bor witnessed  the  first  resistance  of  the  American  people  to 
the  tyranny  of  the  British  government. 

M  That  granite  column  which  rises  in  its  noble  proportions, 
not  far  from  the  spot  where  we  are  now  assembled,  marks  the 
place  where  American  valor  first  resisted  and  repelled  British 
troops. 

"  But  a  little  way  from  us  is  the  spot  where  Washington 
rode  out  to  take  command  of  the  army  of   the  Revolution. 


I90  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  Faneuil  Hall  yet  rings  with  the  tones  of  indignant  and 
heroic  men  who  defied  the  colossal  power  of  Great  Britain. 

"  The  house  of  Hancock  yet  stands,  recalling  the  early 
struggles  of  that  eventful  period,  and  bringing  vividly  be- 
fore us  the  man  whose  bold  signature  first  graced  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence. 

"  The  ashes  of  the  elder  Adams  are  mingling  with  your  soil, 
and  we  have  just  borne  the  remains  of  his  illustrious  son  to 
the  family  tomb  at  Quincy." 

I  passed  a  day  or  two  in  Boston,  and  was  invited  to 
meet  a  party  of  gentlemen  at  a  dinner  by  Mr.  William 
H.  Prescott,  the  scholar  and  historian.  Several  eminent 
scholars  and  distinguished  statesmen  and  enterprising 
merchants  were  present,  and  the  conversation  at  the  table 
was  unusually  agreeable.  Some  one  said  something 
about  conundrums,  and  one  or  two  were  given  for  so- 
lution. I  remarked  that  I  had  recently  seen  one  some- 
where that  pleased  me,  and  I  was  called  upon  to  give  it. 
I  did  so  in  these  words  :  "  Why  is  a  promissory  note  like 
a  blade  of  grass  ?  "  Several  attempted  an  answer  without 
success ;  among  the  number  was  Honorable  Mr.  Holmes 
of  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  I  was  compelled  to  solve 
the  question,  and  gave  the  answer  :  "  Because  it  matures 
by  falling  due."  Great  satisfaction  was  expressed  by  the 
company,  and  the  conundrum  was  pronounced  to  be  one 
of  the  finest  that  had  been  heard. 

Some  days  after  my  return  to  Washington  a  member 
from  Massachusetts  came  to  my  seat  in  the  House,  saying 
that  he  observed  that  I  had  dined  with  Mr.  Prescott,  in 
Boston.  I  replied  that  I  had  enjoyed  that  honor.  He 
held  in  his  hands  a  paper  published  at  Cambridge  which 
he  handed  to  me,  and  I  observed  a  paragraph  noticing  my 
presence  at  Mr.  Prescott's  table,  saying  that  I  had  given 
on  the  occasion  a  conundrum  of  great  beauty,  quoting  it. 
I  said  to  my  friend  from  Massachusetts  that  I  did  not 
intend  to  be  understood  as  claiming  the  authorship  of  the 


THE    TREATY    WITH  MEXICO.  191 

conundrum,  but  simply  gave  it  as  one  I  had  read  some- 
where. 

The  President  sent  a  message  to  Congress  stating  that 
a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  concluded  with  Mexico,  on  the 
2d  of  February,  1848.  By  the  treaty  New  Mexico  and 
Upper  California  were  ceded  to  the  United  States,  and 
the  lower  Rio  Grande,  from  its  mouth  to  the  El  Paso, 
taken  for  the  boundary  of  Texas.  These  were  our  acqui- 
sitions. On  the  other  hand  the  United  States  agreed  to 
pay  to  Mexico  fifteen  millions  of  dollars,  in  five  install- 
ments, annually  after  the  first,  which  first  installment  was 
to  be  paid  down  in  the  City  of  Mexico  as  soon  as  the  arti- 
cles of  pacification  were  signed  and  ratified  there.  The 
claims  of  American  citizens  against  Mexico  were  all 
assumed,  limited  to  three  and  a  quarter  millions  of 
dollars.  This  acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico,  while 
it  added  largely  to  the  possessions  and  resources  of  the 
United  States,  was  the  cause  of  momentous  events,  which 
will  be  noticed  hereafter.  The  question  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  slavery  into  the  territories  acquired  from  Mexico, 
and  into  California,  about  to  be  organized  into  a  State, 
was  one  not  only  of  great  interest  at  the  time,  but  grew 
into  such  proportions  as  to  array  parties  against  each  other 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  to  inflame  the  passions 
of  men,  both  North  and  South,  to  a  degree  which  soon 
threatened  the  existence  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Polk's  term  of  office  was  about  to  expire,  and  can- 
didates were  to  be  chosen  by  different  parties  for  the 
presidency.  The  greatest  activity  prevailed  throughout 
the  ranks  of  the  Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  and  an- 
other party  was  organized  independently  of  these,  draw- 
ing into  its  ranks  leading  men  from  both  the  former 
parties.  This  new  organization  named  itself  the  Free- 
Soil  party.  It  was  founded  upon  the  principle  of  non- 
extension  of  slavery  to  the  Territories.  It  was  an  out- 
growth of  the  Liberty  party  in  1846;  it  was  merged  into 


I92  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  Republican  party  in  1856.  The  immediate  cause  of  its 
establishment  was  the  acquisition  of  territory  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Mexican  war.  The  compromise  measures 
of  1850,  and  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  in 
1854  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  with  the  political  agi- 
tation following,  for  a  time  gave  great  prominence  to  the 
platform  and  principles  of  the  Free-Soil  party.  It  formed 
the  nucleus  of  the  Republican  party  which  was  founded 
in  1856,  chiefly  from  the  ranks  of  the  Whig  party.  The 
adoption  by  the  Republican  party  of  the  Free-Soil  plat- 
form in  respect  to  slavery,  ended  the  Free  Soilers  as  a 
distinctive  party. 

General  Taylor  was  now  at  home,  and  was  the  object 
of  universal  interest.  He  was  named  as  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency  throughout  the  country  by  ardent  friends, 
and  especially  by  some  of  the  leading  men  of  the  Whig 
party.  His  party  affiliations  were  understood,  but  in 
order  to  make  them  still  clearer,  some  correspondence 
was  had  with  him  upon  the  subject.  He  replied  that  he 
was  a  Whig,  but  did  not  belong  to  that  class  which  might 
be  called  ultra.  Soon  a  strong  sentiment  grew  up  in 
favor  of  his  nomination  to  the  presidency.  I  strongly 
advocated  it,  and  lost  no  occasion  for  expressing  my 
appreciation  of  his  public  services  and  of  his  fitness  for 
the  great  office  to  which  his  friends  proposed  to  elevate 
him.  At  a  festival  held  in  the  Chinese  Museum  in  Phila- 
delphia, in  the  spring  of  1848,  I  delivered  a  speech,  pre- 
senting the  claims  of  General  Taylor  upon  the  country, 
in  which  I  spoke  of  him,  not  only  as  a  great  military  com- 
mander, but  a  man  whose  qualities  entitled  him  to  the 
consideration  of  the  whole  country.  I  said  in  behalf  of 
the  Whig  party : 

"We  present  General  Taylor  as  a  candidate,  not  merely 
because  of  his  great  strength  with  the  American  people,  but 
because  of  the  great  qualities  which  belong  to  him.  To  a 
mind  clear  and  vigorous  he  adds  a  good  heart.     His  enlight- 


GENERAL    TAYLOR    THE  PEOPLE'S  CHOICE.         193 

ened  judgment,  his  self-possession  in  the  midst  of  danger,  his 
keen  foresight,  his  love  of  truth,  his  independence,  his  un- 
selfishness, his  modesty ;  these  all  proclaim  him  great.  His 
whole  character  is  admirably  balanced,  displaying  a  rare  com- 
bination of  high  endowments.  .  .  .  Gentlemen,  at  this 
hour  we  must  look  to  our  cause  ;  we  must  give  up  men.  I 
have  stood  by  Mr.  Clay  with  unshaken  fidelity.  .  .  .  We 
are  practical  men.  We  shall  not  indulge  the  wild  enthusiasm 
which  would  impel  us  into  a  desperate  conflict  for  the  eleva- 
tion of  a  favorite  leader.  Men  must  give  way  that  the  cause 
may  triumph.  Under  General  Taylor's  banner  we  fear  no 
defeat.  He  stood  upon  the  field  of  Buena  Vista  supported 
mainly  by  volunteers — the  regular  troops  had  been  withdrawn 
from  him  ;  and  yet  when  Santa  Anna  with  his  twenty  thou- 
sand men  rushed  down  upon  him,  they  recoiled  from  the  shock, 
covered  with  inglorious  defeat.  So  it  is  now.  General  Tay- 
lor stands  out  the  candidate  of  the  people — he  is  sustained 
only  by  volunteers.  The  regular  forces  have  not  yet  come 
into  the  field.  But  he  cannot  be  driven  from  his  position  ; 
and  if  attacked  by  any  force,  under  any  leader,  he  will  give 
them  another  Buena  Vista.  I  see  around  me  gallant  spirits, 
and  I  know  that  when  General  Taylor's  name  is  brought  for- 
ward they  will  spring  to  their  guns,  as  Bragg  and  Washington 
did  to  their  batteries." 

Party  conventions  for  the  nomination  of  presidential 
candidates  were  soon  called.  The  Democratic  Conven- 
tion met  at  Baltimore  in  the  month  of  May,  and  was 
numerously  attended  by  members  of  Congress,  and  per- 
sons holding  office  under  the  federal  government,  which 
really  held  supreme  power  over  the  selection  of  a  candi- 
date for  the  presidency.  The  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted, 
and  that  put  the  nomination  into  the  hands  of  the 
minority,  and  of  men  accustomed  to  the  manipulation  of 
such  bodies.  Every  State  was  allowed  to  give  the  whole 
number  of  its  electoral  votes,  although  it  was  well  known 
that  there  were  many  of  them  which  could  not  give  the 
Democratic  electoral  vote  at  the  election.     The  State  of 


194  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

New  York  was  excluded  from  voting;  two  sets  of  dele- 
gates appeared  from  that  State,  each  claiming  to  repre- 
sent the  true  Democracy ;  the  Convention  settled  the 
question  by  excluding  both  sets.  Massachusetts,  which 
had  never  given  a  Democratic  vote  gave  twelve  votes,  and 
they  were  for  the  exclusion  of  New  York,  whose  vote  had 
often  decided  the  fate  of  the  election.  After  four  days' 
work  a  nomination  was  produced.  General  Lewis  Cass, 
of  Michigan,  for  President ;  General  William  O.  Butler,  of 
Kentucky,  for  Vice-President.  The  construction  of  the 
platform  was  next  entered  upon,  and  one  was  produced 
which  was  supposed  embodied  the  creed  of  the  party. 
The  principle  of  squatter  sovereignty — that  is  to  say,  the 
right  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Territories  to  decide  the 
question  of  slavery  for  themselves — was  then  repudiated, 
and  by  a  vote  virtually  unanimous.  Mr.  Yancey,  of  Ala- 
bama, submitted  this  resolution  as  an  article  of  Demo- 
cratic faith  to  be  inserted  in  the  creed  :  "  That  the  doc- 
trine of  non-interference  with  the  rights  of  property  of  any 
portion  of  this  Confederation,  be  it  in  the  States  or  in  the 
Territories,  by  any  other  than  the  parties  interested  in 
them,  is  the  true  Republican  doctrine  recognized  by  this 
body."  This  article  of  faith  was  rejected,  246  against 
36,  so  that  up  to  the  month  of  May,  in  the  year  1848, 
squatter  sovereignty,  or  the  right  of  the  inhabitants  of  a 
Territory  to  determine  the  question  of  slavery  for  them- 
selves, was  rejected  and  ignored  by  the  Democratic 
party. 

In  accordance  with  usage  the  Whigs  throughout  the 
country  prepared  for  the  call  of  a  Convention  to  nominate 
candidates  for  the  presidency  and  the  vice-presidency ; 
it  was  decided  to  hold  the  Convention  in  Philadelphia, 
and  the  month  of  June  was  selected  as  a  proper  time  for 
its  meeting.  Mr.  Clay  still  aspired  to  the  nomination, 
and  his  friends  urged  his  claims  with  their  accustomed 
ardor.     Mr.  Webster  was  regarded  by  some  of  the  lead- 


CONTEST  IN   THE   CONVENTION.  195 

ing  men  of  the  party  as  entitled  to  the  nomination.  Gen- 
eral Scott  had  many  friends  who  appreciated  his  great 
services  in  the  late  war  with  Mexico,  and  his  command- 
ing abilities  as  a  statesman,  and  who  believed  that  he  was 
the  strongest  man  in  the  ranks  of  the  party  to  present  to 
the  people.  General  Taylor's  friends  were  strong  in  num- 
bers, and  were  enthusiastic  in  their  support  of  him.  I 
was  appointed  as  a  delegate  to  the  Convention  by  the 
Whigs  of  Alabama,  and  was  upon  the  ground  early.  I 
was  a  guest  of  Honorable  Josiah  Randall,  a  distinguished 
statesman  and  an  ardent  Whig,  whose  hospitality  was 
profuse  and  elegant. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Convention  it  was  found  that  a 
serious  contest  would  arise  between  the  friends  of  i.he 
several  aspirants  to  the  presidency.  I  from  the  first 
pressed  the  claims  of  General  Taylor  with  ardor.  Some 
of  my  colleagues  from  Alabama  urged  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Clay,  one  of  them  being  Honorable  C.  C.  Langdon, 
editor  of  the  Mobile  Advertiser,  which  was  conducted  with 
so  much  ability  as  to  exert  a  wide  influence.  The  result  of 
the  first  balloting  was  awaited  with  the  greatest  interest, 
and  the  votes  were  divided  between  the  several  candi- 
dates, no  one  having  the  majority  of  the  whole  number. 
There  were  22  for  Mr.  Webster,  43  for  General  Scott,  97 
for  Mr.  Clay,  and  1 1 1  for  General  Taylor.  Several  ballots 
were  taken  without  the  choice  of  a  candidate,  and  night 
coming  on,  the  Convention  adjourned  until  the  next  day. 
Upon  the  reassembling  of  the  body  the  next  day,  the 
balloting  proceeded,  and  eventually  General  Taylor  re- 
ceived the  requisite  majority,  171,  making  his  gains  from 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  whose  vote  was  reduced  to  32. 
Honorable  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  was  nominated 
for  the  vice-presidency,  and  the  Convention  adjourned. 
The  nomination  was  received  with  enthusiasm  throughout 
the  country.  General  Taylor  accepted  the  nomination  in 
a  letter  characterized  by  his  usual  modesty  and  fine  sense. 


I96  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

Mr.  Fillmore  accepted  his  nomination  in  a  statesmanlike 
style  and  manner. 

In  the  Whig  National  Convention,  by  which  General 
Taylor  was  nominated,  were  several  delegates  from  the 
Northern  States,  representing  what  were  called  "  free- 
soil"  opinions.  On  the  rejection  of  a  resolution  com- 
mitting the  party  against  the  introduction  or  existence 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  several  of  these  Northern 
representatives  withdrew,  and  subsequently  separated 
themselves  from  the  Whig  party.  The  result  of  the 
nominations  made  by  the  Democratic  and  Whig  Conven- 
tions led  to  the  formal  organization  of  those  who  were 
opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  A  Convention  was 
held  at  Buffalo,  August  9,  1848,  which  was  attended  by 
delegates  from  all  the  non-slaveholding  States,  and  from 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia. In  this  Convention  Martin  Van  Buren  was  nomi- 
nated for  President,  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  for 
Vice-President.  A  platform  was  adopted,  declaring  that 
the  new  party  was  formed  : 

"  To  maintain  the  rights  of  free  labor  against  the  aggres- 
sions of  the  slave  power,  and  to  secure  free  soil  to  a  free 
people  ;  that  slavery  in  the  several  States  of  this  Union,  which 
recognized  its  existence,  depends  upon  the  State  laws  alone, 
which  cannot  be  repealed  or  modified  by  the  general  govern- 
ment, and  for  which  laws  that  government  is  not  responsible  ; 
we  therefore  propose  no  interference  by  Congress  with  slavery 
within  the  limits  of  any  State  ;  that  the  only  safe  means  of 
preventing  an  extension  of  slavery  into  Territory  now  free,  is 
to  prohibit  its  extension  in  all  such  Territory  by  an  act  of 
Congress  ;  that  we  accept  the  issue  which  the  slave  power  has 
forced  upon  us,  and  to  their  demand  for  more  slave  States 
and  more  slave  Territory,  our  calm,  but  final  answer  is  :  no 
more  slave  States  and  no  more  slave  Territory." 

The  canvass  proceeded  with  steadily  increasing  interest ; 
the  great  questions  presented  by  the  several  conventions, 


THE    WHIG   CANDIDATES  ELECTED.  197 

and  the  claims  of  the  respective  candidates,  were  argued 
before  the  people  with  unprecedented  energy  and  vehe- 
mence. The  Democratic  candidates,  Cass  and  Butler, 
received  127  electoral  votes;  and  the  Whig  candidates, 
Taylor  and  Fillmore,  163  electoral  votes.  Van  Buren 
and  Adams  did  not  secure  a  single  electoral  vote. 

Taylor  and  Fillmore,  the  Whig  candidates,  were  elected. 
It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  the  popular  vote  for  Tay- 
lor was  1,360,099.  For  Cass  1,220,544.  The  popular  vote 
for  Van  Buren  was  291,263,  but  he  failed  to  carry  a  single 
State. 

So  the  result  of  the  war  with  Mexico  was  the  elevation 
to  the  presidency  of  a  great  soldier,  who  had  exhibited 
during  its  progress  the  highest  qualities  of  mind  and 
character,  and  who  commanded  the  respect  and  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 


^^j^^^^^^^ 

wM^SM^w 

^^*^^^^^^^&L^m 

^^^W^^^P^^^ 

/v^^i^ri^/vx; 

S^(^^^^f^^)# 

^^^j\!)\P^rz^^0^^\ 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Closing  Scenes  of  Mr.  Polk's  Administration — Meeting  of  the  Southern 
Members — Visit  to  Boston — Adjournment  of  Congress — Inauguration 
of  President  Taylor — Members  of  his  Cabinet — Renomination  for  Con- 
gress— Canvass — Election — Triumph  of  the  Whig  Party. 

The  last  message  of  Mr.  Polk,  which  was  sent  to  Con- 
gress upon  the  assembling  of  that  body  in  December,  dwelt 
with  much  satisfaction  upon  the  results  of  the  war  with 
Mexico,  and  paid  a  glowing  tribute  to  the  citizens  who 
volunteered  for  service  in  the  army  which  had  achieved 
such  brilliant  victories.  In  reference  to  the  large  acquisi- 
tion of  territory  as  a  result  of  the  war,  he  congratulated 
the  country,  and  proceeded  to  recommend  a  great  measure 
in  regard  to  its  government,  which,  he  believed,  would 
afford  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  controversy  in  regard 
to  slavery.  The  President  recommended  the  extension 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  to  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
saying :  "  This  is  the  middle  line  of  compromise  upon 
which  the  different  sections  of  the  Union  may  meet  as 
they  have  hitherto  met." 

This  recommendation  for  the  adjustment  of  a  great 
and  dangerous  question  was  eminently  wise,  and  if  it  had 
been  adopted  by  Congress  would  have  given  tranquillity 
to  the  country.  But  the  recommendation  met  with  but 
little  favor  in  Congress,  and  was  not  adopted. 

At  this  time,  under  the  influence  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  the 
members  of  Congress  from  the  slave-holding  States,  includ- 
ing senators  and  representatives,  held  a  meeting  at  night 

198 


SOUTHERN  MEMBERS  AGITATED.  1 99 

to  consider  the  state  of  the  country,  and  to  agree  upon  some 
measure  for  the  protection  of  the  South.  The  meeting 
was  held  with  closed  doors,  it  being  thought  proper  to 
exclude  reporters  until  the  deliberations  of  this  grave  and 
important  assemblage  could  be  matured. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  always  impressive,  was  never  so  impas- 
sioned and  vehement  as  on  that  occasion.  He  was  the 
lion  roused.  His  manner  in  the  Senate  always  displayed 
earnestness,  occasionally  great  animation ;  his  splendid 
eyes  sometimes  blazed,  but  his  action  was  limited  to  a 
quick,  decided  raising  of  the  right  hand. 

When  he  addressed  the  meeting  of  the  Southern  mem- 
bers, urging  them  to  the  adoption  of  a  strong  appeal  to 
the  people  of  the  South  to  prepare  for  a  firm  resistance 
to  the  aggressions  of  the  North,  he  rose  to  the  height  of 
Demosthenian  ardor ;  his  gestures  were  bold,  and  for  the 
first  time  that  I  ever  observed  it  in  him,  he  stamped  the 
floor  with  his  foot.  He  depicted  in  indignant  terms  the 
growing  aggressions  of  the  non-slaveholding  section  upon 
the  people  of  the  South,  and  declared  that  a  great  crisis 
existed  which  must  be  relieved  by  some  decisive  action. 

Some  of  the  gentlemen  present  were  in  full  sympathy 
with  this  great  statesman,  who  had  so  long  led  the  South  ; 
while  others  were  disposed  to  address  themselves  to  the 
people  of  the  country  at  large,  rather  than  to  make  an 
inflammatory  appeal  to  their  constituents  of  one  section 
only. 

A  committee  of  fifteen  was  appointed,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  Mr.  Calhoun,  to  prepare  an  address  to  the 
slave-holding  States,  and  to  report  it  at  a  subsequent 
meeting.  At  this  meeting  it  was  agreed  that  the  report 
of  the  committee,  after  some  consideration,  should  be 
recommitted  for  amendments.  Meanwhile,  a  sentiment 
was  growing  in  favor  of  sending  out  an  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  stating  the  grave  condition 
of   affairs,  pointing  out  the    encroachments  which    had 


200  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

been  made  from  time  to  time  upon  the  rights  of  the 
Southern  people,  and  appealing  to  the  broad  patriotic 
sentiment  of  the  country  to  arrest  this  movement.  This 
address  had  been  prepared  by  a  committee,  of  which  Mr. 
Berrien,  a  senator  from  Georgia,  was  the  chairman,  and  when 
reported  was  received  with  much  favor.  It  was  under- 
stood that  in  sending  out  such  important  papers  for  con- 
sideration the  address  should  be  signed  by  the  members 
from  the  Southern  States  who  approved  it ;  and  a  large 
number,  believing  that  Mr.  Berrien's  address  was  the 
wiser  measure  of  the  two,  put  their  names  to  it.  I  signed 
it  promptly.  Mr.  Calhoun's  address,  with  some  amend- 
ments which  had  been  agreed  upon  in  committee  at  a 
meeting  attended  by  some  of  the  members,  was  adopted 
and  signed  by  several  leading  men  of  the  South,  com- 
posed of  both  parties.  The  paper  had  been  left  with  the 
secretary  of  the  meeting  for  the  signature  of  such  mem- 
bers as  were  disposed  to  attach  their  names  to  it.  Of  the 
gentlemen  from  my  own  State,  Alabama,  who  signed  it, 
were  Senator  Fitzpatrick  and  Representatives  Bowden, 
Gayle,  and  Harris.  I  declined  to  attach  my  name  to  the 
paper,  upon  the  ground  that  I  did  not  think  it  proper  in 
the  existing  state  of  things  to  appeal  to  the  sentiments  of 
the  South  alone,  believing  that  we  should  draw  to  the 
support  of  our  cause  many  of  the  leading  statesmen  of 
the  North  by  a  proper  representation  of  the  state  of  the 
country. 

This  meeting  of  the  representatives  in  Congress  from  the 
slave-holding  States  attracted  great  attention  throughout 
the  country.  It  indicated  the  height  to  which  the  agita- 
tion in  regard  to  the  slavery  question  had  risen,  just  as 
when  a  sea-bird  is  seen  far  inland  it  is  recognized  as  a 
sign  that  a  great  storm  is  sweeping  the  ocean. 

Having  been  invited  to  deliver  a  lecture  before  the 
Merchants'  Library  Association  at  Boston,  I  passed  sev- 
eral days  in  that  city.     Hon.  Nathan  Appleton,  learning 


FRIENDSHIP    WITH  LONGFELLOW.  201 

of  my  intended  visit,  wrote  me  in  advance  and  gave  me  a 
cordial  invitation  to  be  his  guest  during  my  stay.  In  his 
charming  home  I  was  entertained  delightfully.  Mrs.  Ap- 
pleton  gave  me  a  warm  welcome,  and  by  her  gracious 
attentions  imparted  an  indescribable  charm  to  my  visit. 
Mr.  Tom  Appleton,  too,  who  had  passed  much  of  his 
time  in  Europe,  was  at  home,  and  with  him  I  saw  a  great 
deal  of  Boston  in  out-of-door  excursions.  I  found  him 
very  bright  and  agreeable. 

Professor  Longfellow  had  married  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Ap- 
pleton, who  was  a  lovely  woman.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Appleton 
took  me  to  Cambridge  to  call  upon  Professor  Longfellow, 
and  the  acquaintance  formed  with  that  gentleman  ripened 
into  a  friendship  which  continued  to  the  day  of  his  death. 
Professor  Longfellow  lived  in  a  fine  old  mansion  where 
General  Washington  had  made  his  headquarters  when  in 
command  of  the  army  at  that  place.  When  some  years 
since  Professor  Longfellow's  exquisite  lines,  "  Morituri 
Salutamus,"  appeared,  I  wrote  to  assure  him  of  my  thor- 
ough appreciation  of  the  poem.  He  wrote  me  a  beautiful 
letter  in  reply,  dated  Cambridge,  August  25,  1875,  in 
which,  after  referring  to  his  feeble  health,  he  said  : 

11  But  I  will  let  no  more  days  and  weeks  go  by  without  thank- 
ing you  for  your  sympathetic  words. 

"  I  am  heartily  glad  that  you  like  *  Morituri  Salutamus,'  and 
that  you  were  prompted  by  your  friendly  feelings  to  write  to 
me  on  the  subject. 

"  This  adds  a  new  charm  to  the  pleasant  memories  I  retain 
of  you  out  of  the  past." 

I  passed  an  evening  with  Mr.  Prescott,  whose  books 
had  already  interested  me,  and  found  him  as  entertaining 
in  conversation  as  he  was  as  a  writer.  He  had  a  beautiful 
home,  and  Mrs.  Prescott  received  her  guests  with  a  cordial 
grace  that  made  it  very  attractive.  We  sat  in  the  library, 
which,  beside  books,  contained  many  objects  of  rare  interest. 


202  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Mr.  Prescott  did  not  spare  himself  in  scholarly  pur- 
suits, but  his  eyes  were  in  such  a  state  that  he  would  not 
use  them  in  every-day  work.  One  eye  had  been  injured 
when  he  was  a  student  at  college,  and  after  some  time  he 
found  that  the  other  was  becoming  affected  by  sympathy 
with  it.  To  preserve  his  vision  he  engaged  a  reader,  and 
in  writing  used  a  frame  which  he  had  brought  from  Lon- 
don, that  enabled  him  to  accomplish  his  literary  tasks 
without  using  his  eyes.  In  the  course  of  the  evening  he 
showed  me  into  his  working  room,  where  he  explained 
the  construction  of  his  writing  frame.  It  was  simple,  but 
constructed  in  a  way  to  enable  the  writer  to  use  a  stylus 
and  trace  the  lines  on  a  sheet  of  paper  placed  on  a  car- 
bonated one,  so  as  to  give  accurately  the  words  written. 
It  was  a  small  iron  frame  to  which  a  number  of  brass  wires 
were  attached,  sufficient  to  cover  a  paper  of  the  size  de- 
sired for  the  manuscript.  Mr.  Prescott  said  that  he  had 
found  it  invaluable  to  him. 

He  showed  me  Washington  Irving's  autograph  manu- 
script of  "  The  Wife,"  published  in  his  "  Sketch  Book," 
which  he  prized  highly.  He  called  my  attention  to  a 
piece  of  the  shroud  of  Cortez,  which  was  of  black  lace. 
Returning  to  the  library,  the  evening  was  passed  in  con- 
versation with  the  family,  and  when  I  took  leave  I  bore 
with  me  an  impression  of  Mr.  Prescott's  home  which  is 
still  vivid. 

There  was  another  home  in  Boston  where  I  enjoyed  an 
evening  greatly — that  of  Mr.  George  Ticknor,  whose 
scholarly  researches  and  literary  labors  had  won  for  him 
distinction  at  home  and  abroad.  His  later  book,  "  His- 
tory of  Spanish  Literature,"  has  added  greatly  to  his 
reputation,  and  is  regarded,  not  only  in  England,  but  in 
Spain,  as  the  finest  and  most  authentic  work  on  that  sub- 
ject that  has  appeared. 

I  found  Mr.  Ticknor  one  of  the  most  agreeable  men  I 
had  ever  met,  and  with  him,  too,  I  formed  a  friendship 


THEODORE  PARKER.  203 

that  was  never  interrupted  during  his  life.  His  daughter, 
Miss  Ticknor,  a  young  lady  of  rare  culture,  attainments, 
and  genius,  who,  a  little  while  before  the  close  of  Mr. 
Webster's  life,  accompanied  her  father  on  a  visit  to  Marsh- 
field,  and  wrote  a  most  interesting  account  of  those 
autumnal  days  of  that  great  statesman,  was  present. 
After  my  return  to  Washington  this  lady  accorded  to  me 
the  privilege  of  a  correspondence  which  pleased  and  inter- 
ested me.  In  the  course  of  the  evening  Mr.  Ticknor 
spoke  of  Hon.  Hugh  S.  Legar£,  who  had  visited  Boston 
with  President  Tyler  some  years  before,  being  at  that  time 
Secretary  of  State,  for  whom  he  expressed  his  great 
admiration.  Mr.  Legar£  was  taken  ill,  and  Mr.  Ticknor 
brought  him  to  his  house,  where  he  received  every  atten- 
tion, and  where  he  expired.  Mr.  Ticknor  said :  "  Mr. 
Legare  died  in  my  arms  ;  I  was  supporting  him  on  the 
bed  when  he  breathed  his  last." 

On  Sunday  morning  Mrs.  Appleton  asked  me  where  I 
proposed  to  attend  divine  service.  I  said  that  it  was  my 
wish  to  hear  the  famous  Theodore  Parker.  She  said  : 
"  Mr.  Hilliard,  we  cannot  accompany  you  ;  we  do  not  go 
to  hear  Mr.  Theodore  Parker  in  Boston."  I  begged  her 
to  excuse  me,  for  a  man  of  genius  always  interested  me. 
Young  Mr.  Appleton  was  standing  by  and  said  that  he 
would  undertake  to  accompany  me,  as  he  was  so  much 
from  home  that  he  might  venture  to  do  so. 

So  in  company  with  Mr.  Appleton  I  made  my  way  to 
the  Melodeon,  a  building  whose  architectural  adaptation 
to  public  speaking  was  admirable.  Upon  taking  our  seats 
I  observed  that  a  large  platform  was  constructed,  upon 
which  a  number  of  persons  were  seated  awaiting  the  ap- 
pearance of  Mr.  Parker.  When  he  entered  I  observed 
him  with  interest.  His  face  was  strikingly  intellectual, 
and  his  bearing  that  of  a  scholar  and  a  man  of  the  world, 
who  bore  himself  easily  in  the  presence  of  a  large  and 
cultured  audience.     His  discourse  was  upon  Christ,  and 


204  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

in  the  treatment  of  his  theme  he  expressed  himself  in 
terms  which  showed  his  utter  independence  of  recognized 
thought  in  the  Christian  world.  He  seemed  to  have  no 
regard  for  creeds,  not  disregarding  the  authority  of  the 
Bible,  but  giving  its  teachings  such  an  interpretation  as 
pleased  him,  accepting  the  narrative  given  of  our  Lord  in 
the  New  Testament,  but  stripping  it  of  the  supernatural. 
He  presented  Christ  with  His  wonderful  human  endow- 
ments, placing  Him  at  the  head  of  all  teachers,  and 
drawing  to  Him  by  His  matchless  discourses  the  intellect 
and  the  learning  of  the  world.  One  passage  in  his  dis- 
course was  beautiful.     He  said  : 

"  This  wonderful  Being  was  in  advance  of  His  times,  His 
people  did  not  comprehend  Him,  and  as  He  offended  their 
deep-seated  sentiment,  and  held  Himself  free  from  the  bondage 
of  those  who  claimed  the  right  to  speak  of  God  and  all  things 
pertaining  to  Him,  He  roused  their  hatred  to  Him  to  such  a 
height  that  they  determined  to  destroy  Him  ;  just  as  we  have 
sometimes  seen  swine  wallowing  in  the  mire  where  a  butterfly 
alights,  and  one  of  these  coarse  animals  with  its  ugly  head 
crushes  the  exquisite  organization  out  of  existence." 

The  whole  service  was  beautiful,  bright,  attractive,  but 
there  was  not  a  touch  of  divine  grace  about  it,  not  the 
whisper  of  an  angel's  voice,  not  a  ray  of  divine  love  to 
illumine  any  part  of  it. 

Returning  to  Washington  I  resumed  my  seat  in  the 
House,  where  I  continued  to  take  part  in  public  affairs 
until  the  close  of  the  session.  When  the  day  came  for 
the  final  adjournment  of  Congress  the  Civil  and  Diplo- 
matic Bill,  commonly  called  the  General  Appropriation 
Bill,  which  provides  annually  for  the  support  of  the  gov- 
ernment, was  sent  from  the  House  to  the  Senate.  While 
under  consideration  there,  an  amendment  was  proposed, 
providing  a  temporary  government  for  the  Territories 
which  we  had  acquired  from  Mexico.     This  amendment 


RECEPTION   TO   GENERAL    TA  YLOR.  205 

was  extraordinary,  having  no  connection  whatever  with 
the  General  Appropriation  Bill,  and  was  therefore  ex- 
traneous matter.  It  led  to  an  immediate  contest,  which 
delayed  and  endangered  the  passage  of  this  important 
bill,  and  the  contention  over  it  was  not  ended  until  long 
after  midnight,  when  the  hour  had  struck  for  the  dissolu- 
tion of  Congress.  The  amendment  was  finally  defeated, 
and  the  bill  was  ready  for  the  President's  signature.  It 
is  customary  for  the  President  to  be  present  in  a  room 
set  apart  for  his  use  in  the  Capitol  on  the  last  day  of  the 
session  of  Congress,  that  he  may  receive  up  to  the  latest 
hour  the  bills  that  have  been  prepared  for  his  approval 
and  signature.  On  this  occasion  Mr.  Polk  had  for  several 
hours  previous  to  the  passage  of  this  bill  left  the  Capitol 
and  returned  to  the  Executive  Mansion,  so  that  it  had  to 
be  taken  to  the  President  for  his  signature  when  the  hour 
had  gone  by  for  the  exercise  of  that  appropriate  and 
essential  act.  Mr.  Polk  attached  his  signature  to  the  bill, 
and  it  became  a  law.  When  the  two  houses  adjourned 
the  approaching  dawn  of  day  was  almost  visible,  and  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Polk  had  closed. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  General  Taylor  in  Washington, 
towards  the  close  of  February,  he  was  received  with 
demonstrations  of  respect.  His  reception  was  so  cordial 
as  to  rise  into  enthusiasm  upon  the  part  of  his  friends ; 
the  gratulations  were  due  to  him,  alike  for  his  qualities  as 
a  man,  his  brilliant  military  career,  and  his  elevation  to 
the  great  office  to  which  he  had  been  chosen  by  the 
nation.  Unusual  and  extensive  arrangements  were  made 
for  his  inauguration,  and  citizens  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union  hastened  to  Washington  to  welcome  and  to  honor 
the  new  President.  Many  saw  him  for  the  first  time,  and 
pressed  eagerly  forward  to  catch  a  view  of  his  person. 
Called  out  by  the  cheers  of  the  people,  he  came  to  the 
portico  of  the  hotel,  and  stood  for  a  few  moments  return- 
ing the  salutations  which    came  to  him  from    the   vast 


2o6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

throng  assembled  to  welcome  him.  General  Taylor's 
appearance  was  prepossessing  ;  his  head  was  fine,  and  his 
face  expressed  intellectual  force  and  beamed  with  a 
blended  look  of  kindliness  and  dignity.  His  stature  was 
somewhat  above  the  medium  height,  and  was  solid  and 
strong,  while  his  bearing  was  soldierly  and  self-possessed. 
Every  one  who  saw  him  recognized  him  as  a  man. 

The  day  fixed  for  the  inauguration  of  the  new  Presi- 
dent, March  4th,  falling  on  Sunday,  the  ceremony  did 
not  take  place  until  Monday,  the  5th,  when  General  Tay- 
lor, standing  in  the  great  portico  of  the  Capitol,  delivered 
his  inaugural  address,  and  took  the  oath  of  office.  An 
unprecedented  multitude  of  people  had  assembled  on  the 
occasion,  having  been  drawn  to  Washington  to  witness 
a  spectacle  of  higher  interest  than  had  for  some  time 
occurred  on  such  an  occasion.  The  address  was  charac- 
terized by  the  fine  sense  which  always  distinguished 
General  Taylor  in  his  public  addresses,  and  breathed  a 
patriotic  spirit  which  awakened  the  sympathy  of  all  who 
heard  him.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  address  the  oath  of 
office  was  administered  by  Chief-Justice  Taney.  Peals  of 
artillery  announced  that  a  new  President  had  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  that  great  place,  and  General  Taylor 
entering  a  carriage  with  his  predecessor,  President  Polk, 
drove  to  the  White  House,  and  took  formal  possession  of  it. 

Meanwhile,  Hon.  Millard  Fillmore,  the  Vice-President 
elect,  was  installed  as  President  of  the  Senate,  and 
delivered  a  fine  address  on  taking  the  chair.  The  Senate 
had  assembled  in  extraordinary  session  to  receive  the 
nominations  which  the  President  might  make  for  his 
Cabinet ;  they  were  promptly  delivered  and  confirmed. 
Hon.  John  M.  Clayton,  a  senator  from  Delaware,  a 
distinguished  and  able  statesman,  was  appointed  Secretary 
of  State.  Hon.  William  M.  Meredith,  of  Pennsylvania, 
an  eminent  lawyer,  and  a  man  of  great  abilities,  but  little 
known  at  that  time  to  the  country,  was  made  Secretary 


PARTY  FEELING  AROUSED.  207 

of  the  Treasury.  Ex-Governor  George  W.  Crawford,  of 
Georgia,  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War  ;  W.  B.  Preston, 
of  Virginia,  Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  Hon.  Jacob  Colla- 
mer,  of  Vermont,  Postmaster-General.  Hon.  Thomas 
Ewing,  of  Ohio,  a  distinguished  statesman  of  marked 
ability,  who  had  previously  been  a  member  of  General 
Harrison's  Cabinet,  took  charge  of  the  new  department, 
as  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson,  of 
Maryland,  took  the  office  of  Attorney-General. 

Returning  to  Alabama  I  visited  my  constituents 
throughout  the  district,  and  received  everywhere  expres- 
sions of  regard  and  confidence.  In  the  course  of  a  few 
weeks  I  was  unanimously  nominated  for  re-election  to 
Congress.  Some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  at  my  course  in  Congress. 
They  criticised  my  want  of  sympathy  with  the  action  of 
Mr.  Calhoun  and  a  number  of  other  representatives  of 
the  slave-holding  States  in  making  an  appeal  to  the 
people  of  the  South,  and  advising  them  not  only  to 
vigilance  in  the  protection  of  their  rights,  but  the  adop- 
tion of  decided  measures,  and  of  resistance  to  the 
encroachments  of  the  North.  I  thought  it  proper  at  this 
time  to  notice  these  criticisms  of  my  course,  and  made  a 
speech  in  Montgomery  in  vindication  of  my  opinions. 
There  was  a  full  meeting  of  the  people,  and  I  stated  in 
decided  terms  that  it  seemed  to  me  the  occasion  called 
for  the  exhibition  of  a  broad,  patriotic,  national  spirit  on 
the  part  of  the  Southern  people,  rather  than  the  utter- 
ance of  a  menace  against  any  section  of  the  Union.  I 
stated  that  without  any  disposition  to  censure  the 
motives  of  gentlemen  who  expressed  extreme  opinions  in 
regard  to  the  policy  of  the  South,  and  recommended 
precipitate  action,  it  seemed  to  me  that  a  conservative 
course  would  bring  into  sympathy  with  us  the  true  men 
of  the  North.  While  the  speech  was  well  received  by 
my  friends,  it  seemed  to  inflame  the  opposition,  and  an 


208  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

attack  was  opened  upon  me  through  the  columns  of  the 
Democratic  press,  insisting  that  my  want  of  co-operation 
with  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  great  Southern  leader,  was  hurtful 
to  our  cause.  The  opposition  to  me  gathered  force,  and 
there  was  a  systematic  attempt  to  induce  the  people  to 
oppose  my  re-election ;  meetings  were  held  in  Mont- 
gomery by  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party 
who  expressed  themselves  as  hostile  to  my  return  to 
Congress,  and  insisted  that  some  gentleman  should  be 
chosen  to  oppose  me  at  the  coming  election. 

Upon  my  call  a  great  meeting  of  the  people  was  held, 
and  I  addressed  them  at  length,  treating  the  whole  ques- 
tion in  its  largest  relations,  not  only  to  the  people  of  the 
South,  but  to  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  I  took 
my  position  firmly,  and  stated  that  I  was  loyal  to  the 
South — that  no  man  could  question  that — and  was  at  the 
same  time  true  to  the  Union.  I  stated  that  my  objection 
to  Mr.  Calhoun's  address  was,  that  it  was  an  appeal  to  a 
section ;  that  it  would  rouse  an  opposition  to  the  Union 
that  could  result  in  no  good,  while  it  would  limit  the 
action  of  the  statesmen  representing  the  Southern  people 
within  narrow  lines.  I  declared  my  emphatic  opposition 
to  any  step  of  that  kind ;  I  could  not  be  induced  to  take 
my  place  with  any  body  of  gentlemen,  however  able,  dis- 
tinguished, and  influential,  who  would  advise  the  Southern 
people  to  sectional  organization  in  defence  of  their  rights. 
True  to  the  South  where  I  had  been  born,  reared,  and 
educated,  where  all  my  interests  lay,  where  all  my  hopes 
were  centred,  and  in  whose  bosom  I  was  to  sleep  when 
my  career  was  ended,  still  I  believed  that  our  true 
interest  was  to  be  advanced  in  a  continued,  cordial,  and 
patriotic  co-operation  with  the  people  of  the  whole 
country  to  uphold  the  Constitution  and  to  preserve  the 
Union.  As  to  the  menaces  directed  against  me  person- 
ally, stating  that  I  had  faltered  in  my  loyalty  to  the  South, 
and  advising  that  I  should  not  be  indorsed  by  a  re-election 


A    SPIRITED   OPPOSITION.  200, 

to  Congress  I  defied  them  to  defeat  me.  "  These  self- 
constituted  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party,  who  professed 
to  be  the  truest  friends  of  the  South,  say  that  at  the  last 
election  they  allowed  me  to  return  to  Congress  without 
opposition ;  I  say  to  these  gentlemen  to-day,  I  intend  to 
return  to  Congress,  and  I  defy  you  to  prevent  it.  The 
heart  of  the  people  of  this  great  district  beats  in  full 
sympathy  with  me,  and  they  will  stand  by  me  while  I 
uphold  the  standard  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union." 
This  vindication  of  my  course  inflamed  the  opposition 
still  more,  and  they  proceeded  to  make  preparations 
upon  an  extensive  scale  for  my  defeat.  A  candidate  was 
not  selected  from  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party,  but 
James  L.  Pugh,  Esquire,  a  member  of  the  Eufaula  bar, 
who  had  attained  distinction  in  his  profession,  and  who 
had  been  an  earnest  Whig,  still  professing  to  be  loyal  to 
his  party,  but  who  was  in  sympathy  with  Mr.  Calhoun, 
and  who  insisted  upon  the  adoption  of  energetic  measures 
for  the  protection  of  the  South,  was  induced  to  enter  the 
field  against  me.  An  animated  canvass  opened,  and  was 
conducted  throughout  the  district.  Gentlemen  prominent 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party  took  part  in  it, 
exerting  their  influence,  and  travelling  through  the 
several  counties  of  the  district  appealing  to  the  people  to 
defeat  me.  So,  too,  gentlemen  of  the  Whig  party  wrote 
and  spoke,  and  exerted  themselves  actively  in  support  of 
me.  The  whole  political  field  throughout  the  district 
presented  an  animated  spectacle,  the  people  turned  out 
largely  to  hear  the  great  debates  from  both  sides,  and  the 
conflict  continued  up  to  the  last  day.  The  joint  dis- 
cussions between  my  opponent  and  myself  were  heard  by 
great  assemblages  of  the  people,  and  were  conducted 
throughout  the  canvass  with  ardor,  but  our  personal 
relations  at  the  end  of  the  canvass  were  undisturbed. 

The  result  was  my  election  by  an  increased  majority, 
and  a  large  accession  to  the  ranks  of  the  Whig  party. 


2IO  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

This  spirited  canvass  attracted  the  attention  not  only  of 
the  people  of  Alabama,  but  had  been  observed  with 
interest  by  the  great  political  parties  throughout  the 
United  States.  The  American  Review,  a  Whig  journal, 
published  in  New  York,  gave  the  following  notice  of  me 
in  its  December  number  : 

"  His  recent  election  is  the  most  brilliant  triumph  of  his  life. 
One  of  the  first  to  discover  in  General  Taylor  those  great 
qualities  that  fit  him  for  places  of  high  trusts  in  the  service  of 
the  country,  he  was  conspicuous  in  giving  impulse  to  the 
movement  which  resulted  in  his  triumphant  election.  In  the 
Philadelphia  Convention  he  did  his  utmost  to  secure  his  nomi- 
nation, and  on  the  adjournment  of  Congress  he  threw  his 
energies  into  the  contest  in  Alabama,  and  contributed  his 
efforts  towards  bringing  that  State  so  nearly  to  the  support 
of  the  Whig  candidates.  After  General  Taylor's  election  Mr. 
Hilliard,  having  unbounded  confidence  in  his  character  and 
principles,  was  willing  to  confide  to  his  administration  the 
settlement  of  all  open  questions,  including  that  of  providing 
governments  for  the  new  Territories.  Hence  he  refused  to 
participate  in  any  mode  of  action  that  seemed  to  imply  dis- 
trust ;  and  he  declined  to  put  his  name  to  the  address  prepared 
by  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  issued  by  a  portion  of  the  Southern 
members  to  their  constituents.  Faithful  as  a  Southern  repre- 
sentative, steadfastly  opposed  as  he  had  shown  himself  to 
be  to  any  encroachment  on  the  rights  of  the  section  from 
which  he  comes,  he  did  not,  it  seems,  think  it  his  duty  to  co- 
operate in  that  movement.  He  had,  besides,  expressed  it  as 
his  firm  purpose  to  exert  whatever  power  he  possessed  for 
effecting  a  settlement  of  the  important  question  which  so 
deeply  interested  the  country,  and  threatened  its  tranquillity, 
so  as  to  secure  the  rights  of  the  South  without  impairing  the 
strength  of  the  Union.  This  course  subjected  him  to  the 
fiercest  assaults  on  his  return  to  Alabama,  and  a  canvass 
ensued,  which  is  described  as  far  the  most  excited  ever  wit- 
nessed in  that  State,  or  perhaps  in  the  Union.  The  most 
formidable  opposition  was  organized  against  him — an  opposi- 


TRIUMPHANT  RE-ELECTION    TO    CONGRESS.       211 

tion  to  which  talent,  energy,  and  money  were  freely  contributed 
as  elements,  and  unparalleled  efforts  were  made  to  ensure  his 
defeat.  The  press  and  the  stump  teemed  with  the  most  vio- 
lent denunciations  against  him.  His  speeches  and  votes  were 
misquoted  and  misinterpreted  to  make  him  odious  to  the 
people.  His  refusal  to  sign  the  address  sent  out  by  some  of 
the  Southern  members  was  represented  to  be  conclusive  proof 
that  he  was  faltering  in  the  vindication  of  Southern  rights, 
while  certain  appeals  which  he  had  made  in  Congress  in  behalf 
of  the  Union — appeals  which  were  intended  to  rouse  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  representatives  from  every  part  of  the  Union — were 
tortured  into  open  renunciations  of  the  section  which  had 
given  him  birth,  and  which  had  advanced  him  to  honors.  The 
contest,  relentless,  implacable,  and  heated,  drew  the  attention 
of  the  whole  State,  and  was  observed  with  interest  in  other 
parts  of  the  Union.  Eloquent  and  influential  gentlemen  of 
both  parties  entered  the  lists,  and  extraordinary  exertions 
were  made  on  either  side.  Mr.  Hilliard  is  described  as  hav- 
ing borne  himself  throughout  the  protracted  and  trying  con- 
test with  the  most  determined  manliness,  never  for  a  moment 
yielding  a  principle,  or  asking  a  concession — staking  every- 
thing upon  the  open  field.  He  met  the  opposition  in  the  most 
fearless  spirit  ;  defied  the  combination  against  him  ;  entered 
the  arena  in  person  ;  appealed  to  the  people  throughout  his 
extensive  district,  and  addressed  them  in  mass  meetings  ; 
brought  the  question  before  them  in  all  its  relations,  involving 
in  its  ultimate  settlement  the  honor  of  the  South,  the  safety 
of  the  Union,  and  the  glory  of  the  Nation  ;  and  insisted  that 
under  General  Taylor's  administration  we  should  be  able 
to  maintain  the  '  Rights  of  the  States  and  the  Union  of  the 
States.'  He  emerged  from  the  contest  with  a  triumphant 
majority,  and  he  returns  to  his  seat  in  Congress,  which  he 
has  filled  with  such  distinguished  ability,  and  with  the  in- 
creased confidence  of  his  constituents  and  his  country,  to 
employ  his  powers  still  further  in  the  service  of  both." 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Opening  Session  of  the  New  Congress — President's  Message — Angry  Aspect 
of  the  Slavery  Question  in  Congress — Mr.  Clay — Mr.  Webster — Mr. 
Calhoun's  Last  Speech — His  Last  Appearance  in  the  Senate — Mr.  Cal- 
houn's Death — President  Taylor's  Plan  of  Settlement  of  the  Slavery 
Question  under  Discussion — President's  Death — Mr.  Fillmore's  Acces- 
sion to  the  Presidency — Interview  with  Mr.  Webster — Success  of  the 
Compromise  Measures — Scenes  in  Washington. 

CONGRESS  assembled  on  Monday,  the  third  day  of  De- 
cember, with  a  full  attendance  of  the  members  of  both 
houses.  Everything  indicated  that  the  opening  session 
was  to  be  one  of  momentous  interest.  A  great  conflict 
was  impending  ;  not  only  was  the  tranquillity  of  the 
country  to  be  disturbed,  but  the  stability  of  the  govern- 
ment was  to  be  tested.  The  discussions  involving  the 
relations  of  the  North  and  the  South,  which  were  to  take 
place,  would  be  as  important  as  battles  which  decide  the 
fate  of  an  empire. 

The  Senate  assembled,  under  the  rules  which  governed 
it,  with  its  accustomed  decorum.  Mr.  Fillmore,  the  Vice- 
President,  presided  ;  his  appearance  was  impressive  ;  of 
large  stature  ;  a  face  beaming  with  intelligence,  and  a 
generous  spirit ;  his  manner  full  of  quiet  dignity  ;  and  his 
voice  pleasing  and  sonorous. 

The  Senate-chamber  presented  a  picture  of  rare  interest. 
Mr.  Calhoun  was  in  his  seat,  the  touches  of  time  being 
now  visible  in  the  outlines  of  his  face  and  in  his  form, 
which  had  lost  something  of  its  activity  and  vigor. 


THE  NEW   CONGRESS. 


213 


Mr.  Clay  was  there,  displaying  the  energy  and  the  ardor 
of  his  mature  manhood  ;  still  there  were  to  be  seen  upon 
his  face  and  his  person  traces  of  advancing  age. 

Mr.  Webster  occupied  his  seat  with  undiminished  im- 
pressiveness.  He  had  not  lost  his  old  grandeur ;  the  face, 
even  in  repose,  expressing  power,  and  his  whole  bearing 
displaying  dignity. 

These  three  great  senators,  who  had  so  long  filled  their 
places  in  that  chamber,  serving  their  country  with  unflag- 
ging patriotism,  and  attracting  the  attention  of  the  nation, 
forming  a  constellation  of  unrivalled  splendor,  were  but 
little  above  the  horizon  which  they  illumined,  and  behind 
which  they  were,  at  no  distant  day,  to  disappear  forever 
from  human  view. 

There  too  was  Mr.  Benton,  who  for  so  many  years  had 
filled  his  seat  with  the  dignity  of  a  senator,  the  learning 
of  a  statesman,  and  a  bearing  which  gave  him  at  all  times 
a  distinguished  appearance. 

General  Cass,  whose  long  career  as  a  statesman  and 
whose  services  to  the  country  were  well  known,  still  filled 
his  place  with  unswerving  dignity  and  patriotic  constancy. 

Honorable  William  R.  King,  of  Alabama,  was  there 
too,  stately,  elegant,  accomplished,  and  exhibiting  few 
signs  of  approaching  age. 

Mr.  Berrien,  of  Georgia,  an  eminent  lawyer,  who  had 
held  the  place  of  Attorney-General  in  General  Jackson's 
Cabinet,  and  who  had  earned  the  distinction  of  an  emi- 
nent statesman,  one  of  the  purest  and  truest  of  public 
men,  still  graced  his  place. 

Mr.  Badger,  of  North  Carolina,  who  had  been  a  member 
of  President  Harrison's  Cabinet,  and  whose  splendid  abili- 
ties had  distinguished  him  in  every  department  of  the 
service  to  which  he  had  been  called,  was  there  too,  his 
classical  head  and  dignified  bearing  giving  him  an  air  of 
great  distinction. 

A  new  senator  was   observed — Honorable  Salmon  P. 


214  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Chase,  of  Ohio,  already  distinguished,  and  destined  to  still 
greater  eminence. 

Another  senator  'attracted  attention — Mr.  Seward,  of 
New  York,  whose  abilities  were  already  recognized,  and 
who  was  to  figure  conspicuously  a  few  years  later. 

There  too  was  seen  for  the  first  time  Mr.  Soule,  of 
Louisiana,  a  man  of  splendid  abilities,  and  a  manner  so 
full  of  grace  as  to  win  for  him  universal  attention. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  an  extraordinary 
spectacle  was  exhibited.  No  Speaker  had  yet  been 
elected  ;  a  protracted  struggle  had  been  going  on,  which 
continued  for  nearly  three  weeks.  Hon.  Robert  C.  Win- 
throp  had  been  presented  by  his  friends  as  a  candidate 
for  re-election,  but  there  had  been  some  falling  off  in  those 
who  had  previously  supported  him.  Hon.  Howell  Cobb,  of 
Georgia,  had  been  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  of 
the  House  for  Speaker,  and  was  warmly  supported  in  the 
contest.  The  clerk  of  the  House  had  from  day  to  day 
called  the  roll  of  members,  and  while  the  two  gentlemen 
just  named  held  steadily  the  greatest  number  of  the  votes 
cast,  neither  of  them  had  obtained  a  majority,  and  it 
became  necessary  to  proceed  until  that  end  should  be 
accomplished.  Finding,  at  length,  that  it  was  impractica- 
ble to  give  to  either  of  the  leading  candidates  the  number 
requisite  for  his  election,  the  rule  of  the  House  was  aban- 
doned, and  it  was  determined  that  a  plurality  should  elect. 
More  than  sixty  ballotings  had  been  given  in  this  pro- 
longed contest  before  a  resort  was  had  to  the  plurality 
rule.  Under  that  rule  Mr.  Cobb  received  102  votes  ;  Mr. 
Winthrop  received  99  votes ;  some  20  votes  being  scat- 
tered. Mr.  Cobb  was  declared  elected,  and  was  escorted 
to  the  chair  by  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Hon.  James  McDowell,, 
of  Virginia. 

The  organization  of  the  House  having  been  accomplished, 
a  committee  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  President, 
and   inform  him  that  Congress  was  ready  to   receive  a 


PRESIDENT    TAYLOR'S  MESSAGE,  21 5 

message  from  him  ;  and  it  was  promptly  delivered.  The 
President  was  confronted  with  extraordinary  difficulties, 
and  he  felt  the  full  weight  of  the'  responsibility  which 
rested  upon  him.  He  believed  that  the  stability  of  the 
government  was  imperilled ;  that  a  protracted  discussion 
of  the  slavery  question  would  inflame  the  passions  of 
parties,  and  that  the  safety  of  the  Union  required  a  prompt 
settlement  of  the  existing  questions.  He  was  without 
experience  as  a  statesman,  but  he  had  the  manliness  and 
the  courage,  so  important  at  that  time  to  be  displayed  in 
the  great  place  which  he  filled,  and  he  spoke  with  the 
same  decision  that  had  distinguished  him  on  the  battle- 
field. He  was,  of  course,  largely  influenced  by  those 
about  him  in  the  counsels  which  he  gave  as  to  the  reme- 
dies which  should  be  applied  to  the  surrounding  dangers. 
He  believed  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  would  be  the 
greatest  of  calamities,  stating  in  his  message  :  "  Upon  its 
preservation  must  depend  our  own  happiness,  and  that  of 
countless  generations  to  come  ;  whatever  dangers  may 
threaten  it,  I  intend  to  stand  by  it  and  maintain  it  in  its 
integrity  to  the  full  extent  of  the  obligations  imposed, 
and  the  power  conferred,  upon  me  by  the  Constitution." 
The  President  recommended  to  Congress  to  admit 
California  as  a  State,  and  leave  the  other  Territories  as 
they  were  until  they  had  formed  themselves  into  States 
and  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union  in  that  capacity. 
This  was  the  President's  plan,  and  he  hoped  that  its 
adoption  would  avoid  the  discussion  of  topics  of  a  sec- 
tional character  which  were  likely  to  lead  to  sectional 
divisions.  The  plan  was  an  impracticable  one  ;  it  satisfied 
neither  the  North  nor  the  South,  and  a  number  of  the 
best  friends  of  the  President  in  Congress  declined  to  sup- 
port it.  There  were  several  important  questions  involved. 
Not  only  must  the  claim  of  California  to  be  admitted  as 
a  State  be  passed  upon,  and  governments  be  provided  for 
the  Territories,  but  the  boundary    between  Texas  and 


2l6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

New  Mexico  was  to  be  adjusted.  The  slavery  agitation 
was  rising  to  a  great  height,  and  the  two  opposite  sections 
of  the  Union  stood  confronting  each  other;  the  North 
insisting  upon  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  Terri- 
tories, and  the  South  indignant  at  this  threatened  indig- 
nity and  aggression. 

The  state  of  the  country  at  this  time  was  described  by 
Mr.  Clay  in  the  following  words :  "  In  the  legislative 
bodies  of  the  Capitol  and  of  the  States,  twenty  odd 
furnaces  in  full  blast,  emitting  heat,  passion,  and  intem- 
perance, and  diffusing  them  throughout  the  whole  extent 
of  this  broad  land." 

Never  did  a  thunder-cloud  exhibit  an  angrier  aspect ; 
it  touched  every  part  of  the  horizon,  and  threatened  the 
destruction  of  the  Union.  In  this  perilous  condition  of 
public  affairs  there  was  a  touching  exhibition  of  solicitude 
for  the  country  displayed  by  Mr.  Clay.  He  was  now 
more  than  seventy-two  years  of  age  ;  his  health  breaking, 
and  his  frame  shaken  by  a  cough  that  threatened  a  speedy 
termination  of  his  life.  Still  there  was  no  decline  in  his 
intellectual  power,  and  his  spirit  was  as  strong,  and  his 
will  as  unconquerable  as  ever.  Undismayed  by  the 
magnitude  of  the  crisis,  he  resolved  to  put  out  his  full 
strength  in  the  accomplishment  of  a  settlement  of  the 
great  quarrel  between  the  North  and  the  South.  Never 
had  his  statesmanship  at  any  period  of  his  life  shone  with 
greater  splendor  than  when  he  sat  down  to  prepare  a 
series  of  measures  which  he  hoped  would  restore  tranquil- 
lity to  the  country.  Since  Mr.  Clay's  death,  I  have 
reviewed  his  career ;  I  have  observed  the  drama  of  his 
life ;  I  have  viewed  him  co-operating  with  other  great 
men  in  the  service  of  the  country  ;  I  have  seen  him  striv- 
ing against  opposing  forces  with  a  courage  and  a  will  that 
never  for  a  moment  faltered.  But  in  this  latest  of  his 
efforts  to  bring  about  a  settlement  of  the  mighty  quarrel 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  and  to  save  the  Union, 


MR.    CLAY    VISITS  MR.    WEBSTER.  2\*J 

his  form  stands  out  against  the  sky  of  the  past  in  grander 
proportions  than  it  had  ever  previously  exhibited. 

Before  introducing  the  measures  which  he  had  prepared 
for  the  settlement  of  the  great  controversy  before  the 
country,  Mr.  Clay  decided  to  submit  them  to  Mr.  Web- 
ster. For  many  years  these  great  statesmen  had  been 
regarded  as  aspirants  to  the  presidency,  and  their  relations 
had  not  been  cordial.  Since  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Tyler,  in  which  Mr.  Webster  held  the  place  of  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  where  he  had  achieved  a  brilliant 
success  in  conducting  negotiations  with  Lord  Ashburton 
for  the  settlement  of  important  questions  affecting  the 
relations  between  the  United  States  and  England,  and  at 
which  time  great  questions  of  financial  interest  proposed 
by  Mr.  Clay  had  been  defeated  by  the  President,  there 
had  been  something  like  an  estrangement  between  them. 
Still  their  intercourse  had  never  been  interrupted,  though 
it  continued  to  be  little  more  than  formal.  But  now 
when  both  were  deeply  concerned  in  regard  to  the  state 
of  the  country,  Mr.  Clay  felt  that  he  might  confer  with 
Mr.  Webster  without  reserve  in  regard  to  the  measures 
which  he  was  about  to  propose  for  the  settlement  of  exist- 
ing troubles.  Ordering  his  carriage  on  an  inclement 
evening,  in  January,  Mr.  Clay  drove  to  Mr.  Webster's 
house,  without  giving  him  any  previous  intimation  of  his 
visit.  Mr.  Webster,  it  is  understood,  gave  him  a  cordial 
reception,  and  the  scene  that  followed  is  one  of  such 
historical  importance  that,  if  painted  by  a  great  artist, 
would  interest  the  country  through  all  coming  time.  Mr. 
Clay  submitted  his  plan  to  Mr.  Webster,  and  they  both 
considered  it  with  an  earnestness  that  was  deepened  by 
the  desire  of  both  to  adopt  some  measure  that  would 
settle  forever  the  questions  which  disturbed  the  country. 
A  memorandum  made  at  the  time  by  a  gentleman  who 
was  at  Mr.  Webster's  house  during  the  interview  is  so  full 
of  interest  that  I  quote  it  at  length : 


2l8  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  Monday  Evening,  January  21,  1850. 

u  At  seven  o'clock  this  evening  Mr.  Clay  came  to  Mr. 
Webster's  house  and  held  a  long  interview  with  him  concern- 
ing the  best  mode  of  action  to  settle  the  difficulties  growing 
out  of  slavery  and  the  newly  acquired  Territories.  I  heard 
a  part  of  the  conversation.  Mr.  Clay  retired  after  an  interview 
of  about  an  hour.  Mr.  Webster  called  me  to  his  side,  and 
spoke  to  me  of  Mr.  Clay  in  words  of  great  kindness.  He  said 
he  agreed  in  substance  with  Mr.  Clay  ;  that  he  thought  Mr. 
Clay's  objects  were  great  and  highly  patriotic  ;  Mr.  Clay 
seemed  to  be  very  feeble,  had  a  very  bad  cough,  and  became 
quite  exhausted  during  the  interview  ;  that  he  had  no  doubt 
that  it  was  Mr.  Clay's  anxious  desire  to  accomplish  something 
for  the  good  of  the  country  during  the  little  time  he  had  left 
upon  earth.  That  perhaps  Providence  had  designed  the 
return  of  Mr.  Clay  to  the  Senate  to  afford  the  means  and  the 
way  of  averting  a  great  evil  from  our  country. 

"  Mr.  Webster  said  further  that  he -regarded  Mr.  Clay's  plan 
as  one  that  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to  the  North,  and  to  the 
reasonable  men  of  the  South  ;  that  he  had  not  reflected  enough 
upon  any  part  of  it,  but  his  first  impression  was  that  he  could 
adopt  the  whole  of  it,  and  if,  upon  further  consideration,  he 
should  hold  his  present  opinion  he  would  devote  himself  to 
this  cause  in  the  Senate,  no  matter  what  might  befall  himself 
at  the  North  ;  that  as  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  that  was  no  shib- 
boleth for  him  ;  that  from  Niblo's  Garden,  in  1837,  to  this 
day  he  had  declared  his  purpose  not  to  assist  in  giving  slavery 
a  new  home  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States.  But,  he 
added,  if  New  Mexico  be  let  alone  she  will  be  no  more  for 
slavery  than  California  ;  that  it  is  useless  and  more  than  use- 
less to  be  interdicting  slavery  where  it  could  not  exist,  with  the 
sole  effect  of  needlessly  irritating  the  South.  He  said  that  Mr. 
Clay  had  told  him  that  some  of  the  Democratic  senators,  and 
most  of  the  Whigs,  except  those  from  the  North,  would  approve 
his  purpose,  though  it  would  not  suit  the  violent  disposition  of 
Georgia." 

Mr.  Clay's  plan  was  exhibited  in  eight  resolutions:  1. 
To  admit  California  as  a  State,  with  suitable  boundaries, 


MR.    CLAY'S  PLAN  OF   COMPROMISE.  219 

without  the  imposition  by  Congress  of  any  condition  in 
regard  to  slavery.  2.  That  as  slavery  did  not  exist  by  law, 
and  was  not  likely  to  be  introduced  in  any  of  the  terri- 
tory acquired  by  the  United  States  from  Mexico,  Territo- 
rial governments  should  be  established  for  those  countries 
without  any  restriction  against,  or  declaration  in  favor  of, 
slavery.  3.  That  the  western  boundary  of  Texas  be  fixed 
at  the  Rio  del  Norte  up  to  the  southern  boundary  of  New 
Mexico,  and  thence  eastwardly  to  the  line  as  established 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain.  4.  That  the 
United  States  provide  for  the  payment  of  all  that  portion 
of  the  public  debt  of  Texas  contracted  before  its  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States,  for  which  its  duties  on  imports 
were  pledged,  and  upon  the  condition  that  Texas  relin- 
quish her  claim  to  any  part  of  New  Mexico.  5.  That 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  be  left  undisturbed 
until  the  adjoining  State  of  Maryland  should  consent  to 
its  abolition,  and  that  when  such  consent  and  the  consent 
of  the  people  of  the  District  should  be  obtained,  compen- 
sation should  be  given  to  the  owners  of  the  slaves.  6. 
That  the  trade  in  slaves  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
brought  there  for  sale  be  prohibited.  7.  That  some 
financial  provision  be  made  by  law  for  executing  that 
clause  of  the  Constitution  which  required  the  extradition 
of  fugitive  slaves  escaping  from  one  State  into  another. 
8.  That  it  be  declared  that  Congress  has  no  power  over 
the  subject  of  the  trade  in  slaves  between  States  in  which 
slavery  obtained  by  the  local  law. 

The  resolutions  embodying  Mr.  Clay's  plan  of  compro- 
mise were  submitted  to  the  Senate  January  29th,  and 
their  effect  upon  the  controversy  still  going  on  in  both 
houses  of  Congress  was  not  visible.  Shortly  after  these 
resolutions  had  been  offered,  President  Taylor  submitted 
the  proposed  constitution  of  California,  and  this  added  to 
the  complication  of  affairs. 

While  the  question  in  regard  to  California  was  before 
the  Senate,  and  a  discussion  was  going  on  that  deepened 


220  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

in  interest  every  day,  an  event  occurred,  so  full  of  interest 
as  to  impress  the  whole  country.  For  some  time  Mr. 
Calhoun's  health  had  been  failing  and  it  was  understood 
that  he  intended,  while  he  had  yet  strength  enough  to 
be  able  to  address  the  Senate,  to  deliver  a  well  con- 
sidered speech  touching  upon  the  state  of  the  country. 
On  the  4th  of  March  Mr.  Calhoun  rose  in  the  Senate  and, 
addressing  the  Vice-President,  stated  that  he  had  prepared 
a  speech  which  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  deliver,  but  finding 
that  his  strength  had  declined  so  much  as  to  make  it  im- 
possible for  him  to  do  so  he  proposed  to  call  upon  his 
friend,  Mr.  Mason,  a  senator  from  Virginia,  to  read  it  for 
him.  Of  course  there  was  no  objection  to  this,  and  Mr. 
Calhoun,  handing  his  written  speech  to  Mr.  Mason,  took 
his  seat.  I  was  present  at  the  time  and  observed  the 
effect  produced.  The  Senate  seemed  to  be  stilled,  almost 
awed,  by  what  had  taken  place,  and  as  Mr.  Mason  pro- 
ceeded to  read  this  last  speech  of  Mr.  Calhoun  there  was 
an  unbroken  silence,  and  the  attention  of  all  present  was 
riveted  to  the  words  which  were  uttered. 

In  this  speech  the  great  statesman  exhibited  in  the 
strongest  terms  the  nature  of  the  sentiment  in  the 
Southern  States  in  regard  to  the  existing  controversy, 
and  stated  that  it  was  their  settled  conviction  that  in 
view  of  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  North,  and  of  the 
measures  which  proposed  to  exclude  them  from  the  full 
possession  of  their  rights  under  the  government,  they 
ought  not  to  remain  in  the  Union — that  to  do  so  would 
sacrifice  both  their  honor  and  safety.  The  great  practical 
question  was  whether  the  North  would  admit  the  equal 
right  of  the  slave-holding  section  to  occupy  the  new  Terri- 
tory, and  thus  restore  and  preserve  the  political  equilib- 
rium of  the  Union.  In  this  great  speech,  which  so 
clearly  exhibited  the  status  of  the  South,  and  which  so 
powerfully  affected  Congress  at  the  time,  and  the  people 
of  the  whole  country,  when  they  became  acquainted  with 


MR.    CALHOUN'S   GREAT  SPEECH.  221 

its  terms,  Mr.  Calhoun  seemed  to  stand  forth  as  an  arbiter 
of  the  fate  of  the  Union.  His  conclusion  was  as  emphatic 
and  far-reaching  in  its  effect  as  any  speech  ever  delivered 
in  ancient  or  modern  times.     He  said  : 

"  It  is  time,  senators,  that  there  should  be  an  open  and 
manly  avowal  on  all  sides  as  to  what  is  intended  to  be  done. 
If  the  question  is  not  now  settled  it  is  uncertain  whether  it 
ever  can  be  hereafter  ;  and  we  as  the  representatives  of  the 
States  of  this  Union  regarded  as  governments  should  come  to 
a  distinct  understanding  as  to  our  respective  views  in  order  to 
ascertain  whether  the  great  questions  at  issue  can  be  settled 
or  not.  If  you  who  represent  the  stronger  portion  cannot 
agree  to  settle  them  on  the  broad  principle  of  justice  and 
duty,  say  so  ;  and  let  the  States  that  we  both  represent  agree 
to  separate  and  part  in  peace.  If  you  are  unwilling  we  should 
part  in  peace  tell  us  so,  and  we  shall  know  what  to  do  when 
you  reduce  the  question  to  submission  or  resistance.  If  you 
remain  silent  you  will  compel  us  to  infer  by  your  acts  what 
you  intend.  In  that  case  California  will  become  the  test 
question.  If  you  admit  her  under  all  the  difficulties  that 
oppose  her  admission,  you  compel  us  to  infer  that  you  intend 
to  exclude  us  from  the  whole  of  the  acquired  Territory,  with 
the  intention  of  destroying  irretrievably  the  equilibrium  be- 
tween the  two  sections.  We  would  be  blind  not  to  perceive 
in  that  case  that  your  objects  are  power  and  aggrandizement, 
and  infatuated  not  to  act  accordingly." 

Another  great  statesman  was  now  to  appear  upon  the 
scene.  Mr.  Webster  had  not  yet  expressed  himself  fully 
in  regard  to  the  important  questions  affecting  the  country. 
He  was  obtaining  information  which  would  satisfy  him  as 
to  what  it  might  be  proper  to  say  in  this  great  conjuncture. 
It  is  stated  from  an  authentic  source  that  he  had  learned 
some  two  months  previously  from  President  Taylor  and 
the  members  of  his  administration  what  convinced  him 
that  a  dangerous  policy  was  likely  to  be  pursued  by  the 
Executive  in  regard  to  these  sectional  controversies,  and 


222  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

that  a  different  and  more  comprehensive  plan  of  pacifica- 
tion must  be  pursued.  Before  General  Taylor's  death 
Mr.  Webster  had  made  up  his  mind  to  give  his  support 
to  such  a  plan ;  he  was  strongly  disposed  to  take  a  stand 
with  Mr.  Clay  in  the  advancement  of  his  measures.  In 
a  letter  to  an  eminent  minister  of  Philadelphia,  dated 
Washington,  February  15,  1850,  and  which  has  since  been 
given  to  the  public,  he  said,  towards  its  conclusion : 

"  In  my  opinion  it  is  the  mild  influence  of  Cristianity,  the 
softening  and  melting  power  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness,  and 
not  the  storms  and  tempests  of  heated  controversy,  that  are  in 
the  course  of  those  events  which  an  all-wise  Providence  over- 
rules to  dissolve  the  iron  fetters  by  which  man  is  made  the 
slave  of  man. 

"  The  effect  of  moral  causes  though  sure  is  slow.  In  two 
thousand  years  the  doctrines  and  miracles  of  Jesus  Christ 
have  converted  but  a  very  small  part  of  the  human  race  ; 
and  among  Christian  nations  even,  many  gross  and  obvious 
errors,  like  that  of  the  lawfulness  of  slavery,  have  still  held 
their  ground.  But  what  are  two  thousand  years  in  the  great 
work  of  the  progress  of  the  regeneration  and  redemption  of 
mankind  ? 

"If  we  say  that  the  course  is  onward  and  forward,  as  it 
certainly  is  in  regard  to  the  final  abolition  of  human  slavery, 
while  we  give  to  it  our  fervent  prayers,  and  aid  it  by  all  the 
justifiable  influences  which  we  can  exercise,  it  seems  to  me 
we  must  leave  both  the  progress  and  the  result  in  His  hands 
who  sees  the  end  from  the  beginning,  and  in  whose  sight  a  few 
years  are  but  as  a  single  day." 

Whatever  might  be  Mr.  Webster's  sentiments  in  regard 
to  slavery,  however  ardently  he  might  desire  its  abolition, 
he  would  do  nothing  to  hasten  it  by  any  act  of  his  as  a 
senator  of  the  United  States  ;  he  would  not  contribute  his 
influence  to  the  support  of  any  measure  that  was  unjust 
to  the  South,  or  that  would  wound  the  sensibilities  of  her 
people.     He  knew  no  law  under  which  he  could  perform 


MR.   WEBSTER'S   GREAT  SPEECH.  223 

an  act  superior  to  the  Constitution,  to  which  he  gave  his 
steady  support.  No  appeal  to  a  higher  law  found  any 
favor  with  him.  He  was  a  statesman  in  the  noblest  sense 
of  the  word  ;  the  North  and  the  South  could  alike  trust 
him  under  all  exigencies  ;  he  would  uphold  the  Constitu- 
tion, he  would  maintain  the  Union.  When,  therefore, 
it  was  understood  that  he  was  about  to  deliver  a  speech 
in  regard  to  the  great  controversy  which  had  inflamed 
the  country,  and  which  seemed  to  defy  a  pacific  solution, 
every  one  was  eager  to  hear  him.  Mr.  Clay  had  already 
spoken  at  length,  when  he  introduced  his  resolutions; 
Mr.  Calhoun,  in  the  speech  just  referred  to,  had  delivered 
himself  fully  upon  that  subject ;  and  on  the  7th  of  March 
the  third  of  that  great  trio  of  statesmen,  who  have  disap- 
peared from  our  view,  but  whose  influence  is  still  felt 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  country,  rose 
in  the  Senate,  and  delivered  a  speech  which  will  take 
rank  through  all  the  coming  periods  of  American  history 
as  one  of  the  most  patriotic  and  powerful  ever  delivered 
in  this  country.  He  spoke  that  day,  not  for  the  North, 
nor  for  the  South,  but  for  the  whole  land,  bounded  on 
the  one  side  by  the  Atlantic,  and  on  the  other  by  the 
Pacific,  and  stretching  from  the  extremest  borders  of  the 
North  down  to  the  farthest  State  washed  by  the  Mexican 
Sea.  When  he  spoke  the  Senate-chamber  was  thronged, 
every  seat  occupied,  every  foot  where  one  could  stand 
was  filled,  every  senator  was  in  his  place,  and  among 
them  was  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  was  seen  there  for  the  last 
time.  But  three  days  before,  he  caused  his  speech  to  be 
read  in  the  Senate,  in  which  he  made  his  final  utterance 
in  behalf  of  the  South,  which  he  loved  so  well.  He  was 
there  to-day  to  hear  Mr.  Webster,  for  whom  he  always 
entertained  a  profound  personal  regard,  deliver  a  speech 
which  must  powerfully  affect  the  fortunes  of  the  country. 
He  occupied  his  seat  until  it  was  concluded. 

In  this   great   speech    Mr.    Webster   declared    himself 


224  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

utterly  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  any  measure  for  the 
exclusion  of  slavery  by  the  government  from  the  Terri- 
tories acquired  from  Mexico.  He  recognized  the  validity 
of  the  resolutions  under  which  Texas  had  been  admitted 
into  the  Union.  He  insisted  that  all  laws  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  property  of  the  people  of  the  whole  coun- 
try should  be  fully  executed;  and  he  believed  that  a 
measure  of  general  pacification  would  relieve  the  country 
from  all  apprehension  in  regard  to  the  existing  contro- 
versy upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  would  inspire  new 
hope  and  confidence  in  the  Constitution,  which  embraced 
the  whole  country  under  its  broad  aegis. 
In  conclusion  he  said  : 

"  And  now,  Mr.  President,  instead  of  speaking  of  the  utility 
of  secession,  and  instead  of  dwelling  in  those  caverns  of  dark- 
ness, instead  of  groping  with  those  ideas  so  full  of  all  that  is 
horrid  and  horrible,  let  us  come  out  into  the  light  of  day,  let 
us  enjoy  the  fresh  air  of  liberty  and  union  ;  let  us  cherish 
those  hopes  which  belong  to  us  ;  let  us  devote  ourselves  to 
those  great  objects  that  are  fit  for  our  consideration  and  our 
action ;  let  us  raise  our  conceptions  to  the  magnitude 
and  importance  of  the  duties  devolving  upon  us  ;  let  our 
comprehension  be  as  broad  as  the  country  for  which  we 
act ;  our  aspirations  as  high  as  its  certain  destiny ;  let 
us  not  be  pigmies  in  a  cause  that  calls  for  men.  Never  did 
there  devolve  on  any  generation  of  men  higher  trusts  than 
now  devolve  upon  us  for  the  preservation  of  this  Constitution 
and  the  harmony  and  the  peace  of  all  who  are  destined  to  live 
under  it.  Let  us  make  our  generation  one  of  the  strongest  and 
brightest  links  in  that  golden  chain  which  is  destined,  I  fondly 
believe,  to  grapple  the  people  of  all  the  States  to  this  Con- 
stitution for  ages  to  come.  We  have  a  popular,  constitutional 
government,  guarded  by  law  and  judicature,  and  defended  by 
the  affections  of  the  whole  people.  No  monarchical  throne 
presses  these  States  together  ;  no  iron  chain  of  military  power 
encircles  them  ;  they  live  and  stand  under  a  government  popu- 
lar in  its  form,  representative  in  its  character,  founded  upon 


MR.  CALHOUN'S  REMARKS.  22$ 

principles  of  equality,  so  constructed,  we  hope,  as  to  last  for- 
ever. In  all  its  history  it  has  been  beneficent ;  it  has  trodden 
down  no  man's  liberties  ;  it  has  crushed  no  state.  Its  daily  res- 
piration is  liberty  and  patriotism  ;  its  yet  youthful  veins  are  full 
of  enterprise,  courage,  and  honorable  love  of  glory  and  renown. 
"  Large  before,  the  country  has  now,  by  recent  events,  become 
vastly  larger.  This  Republic  now  extends  with  a  vast  breadth 
across  the  whole  continent.  The  two  great  seas  of  the  world 
wash  the  one  and  the  other  shore.  We  realize  on  a  mighty 
scale  the  beautiful  description  of  the  ornamental  border  of 
the  buckler  of  Achilles  : 

"  '  Now,  the  broad  shield  complete  the  artist  crowned 
With  his  last  hand,  and  poured  the  ocean  round  ; 
In  living  silver  seemed  the  waves  to  roll, 
And  beat  the  buckler's  verge,  and  bound  the  whole.'  " 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Webster's  speech  a  scene 
of  dramatic  interest  and  of  great  historical  importance 
followed.  Mr.  Calhoun  had  not  appeared  in  his  seat 
since  the  delivery  of  his  speech  three  days  previously, 
but,  ill  and  enfeebled,  and  needing  repose,  he  left  his 
apartments  and  came  to  the  Senate-chamber  that  he 
might  hear  Mr.  Webster,  who,  it  was  understood,  would 
speak  that  day.  When  Mr.  Webster  took  his  seat  Mr. 
Calhoun  rose  and  said  : 

"  I  cannot  agree  with  the  senator  from  Massachusetts  that 
this  Union  cannot  be  dissolved.  Am  I  to  understand  him 
that  no  degree  of  oppression,  no  outrage,  no  broken  faith  can 
produce  the  destruction  of  this  Union  ?  Why,  Sir,  if  that 
becomes  a  fixed  fact,  it  will  itself  become  the  great  instrument 
of  producing  oppression,  outrage,  and  broken  faith.  No,  Sir, 
the  Union  can  be  broken.  Great  moral  causes  will  break  it  if 
they  go  on  ;  and  it  can  only  be  preserved  by  justice,  good 
faith,  and  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  Constitution." 

He  resumed  his  seat.    Mr.  Webster  then  rose  and  said  : 

"  The  honorable  member  asks  me  if  I  hold  the  breaking  up 
of  the  Union  by  any  such  thing  as  a  voluntary  secession  of 


226  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

States  as  an  impossibility  ?  I  know,  Sir,  that  this  Union 
can  be  broken  up — every  government  can  be — and  I  admit 
there  may  be  such  a  degree  of  oppression  as  will  warrant 
resistance  and  a  forcible  severance.  That  is  Revolution — that 
is  Revolution  !  Of  that  ultimate  right  of  revolution  I  have  not 
been  speaking,  I  know  that  that  law  of  necessity  does 
exist.  I  forbear  from  going  further  because  I  do  not  wish  to 
go  into  a  discussion  of  the  nature  of  this  government.  The 
honorable  member  and  myself  have  broken  lances  sufficiently 
often  before  on  that  subject." 

Mr.  Calhoun  :     "  I  have  no  desire  to  do  it  now/' 
Mr.  Webster  :     "  I  presume  the  gentleman  has  not,  and  I 
have  quite  as  little." 

Mr.  Calhoun  rose  from  his  seat  and,  walking  erectly, 
passed  out  of  the  Senate-chamber,  which  he  was  never  to 
enter  again. 

Mr.  Calhoun  died  March  31st,  and  a  shadow  passed  over 
the  whole  country.  It  was  the  end  of  a  great  career. 
Never  in  ancient  or  modern  times  had  any  man  figured 
in  public  affairs  who  had  so  distinctly  impressed  his  time 
with  his  personal  qualities.  His  love  of  country  was  un- 
questioned, his  sincerity  clear  as  the  noonday  ;  his  earnest- 
ness rose  sometimes  to  a  height  which  was  warmed  with 
passion.  His  imperial  intellect  comprehended  every  sub- 
ject that  it  touched,  and  in  all  the  eventful  periods  of  our 
history  his  counsels  were  given  with  perfect  frankness, 
and  his  form  was  seen  standing  in  the  most  difficult 
exigencies  ready  to  meet  every  comer.  He  stood  for  the 
South,  not  with  the  hope  of  claiming  for  her  any  exclusive 
advantages  under  the  government,  but  asserting  her  rights 
under  the  Constitution.  In  the  vigor  of  his  manhood  his 
power  was  felt  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  and  when,  in 
his  last  days,  he  saw  the  great  combination  of  forces 
against  the  South,  he  laid  down  his  life  in  appealing  to 
the  whole  country  to  do  her  justice.  The  light  that  gilds 
the   lofty  column   of  his  fame  will  grow  brighter   with 


MR.  CALHOUN'S  DEATH  AND  FUNERAL.  227 

advancing  years,  and  coming  generations  will  look  back 
to  it  with  glowing  admiration  and  with  sincere  homage. 

The  funeral  services  in  honor  of  Mr.  Calhoun  were 
imposing.  His  remains  were  placed  in  a  receiving  vault 
until  proper  arrangements  could  be  made  for  removing 
them  to  South  Carolina. 

The  occasion  will  be  forever  associated  with  memories 
that  still  affect  me  profoundly.  My  son,  named  for  myself, 
then  in  his  seventeenth  year,  had  just  been  appointed  a 
cadet  at  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  by  President 
Taylor,  from  the  country  at  large.  He  was  just  recover- 
ing from  a  prolonged  indisposition,  and  had  not  regained 
his  strength,  but  he  desired  to  be  present  in  the  pro- 
cession that  attended  the  remains  of  Mr.  Calhoun  to  the 
cemetery,  and  he  did  so  on  horseback,  riding  a  spirited 
horse,  and  exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  a  raw  and  gusty 
day.  Returning  from  the  funeral  he  still  exerted  himself, 
and  going  to  the  Capitol  he  returned  a  book  which  he 
had  read,  a  volume  of  Prescott's  "  Conquest  of  Mexico," 
and  brought  back  another.  The  exposure  and  the  fatigue 
were  too  great  for  him  ;  he  lingered  for  nearly  three  weeks, 
and  died  before  my  eyes.  I  decided  to  take  his  remains 
to  Montgomery,  and  it  so  happened  that  on  Monday 
morning  when  I  was  ready  to  proceed  on  my  journey 
I  found  the  committee  of  Congress  escorting  the  remains 
of  Mr.  Calhoun  at  the  boat,  and  they  manifested  their 
sympathy  with  me  by  taking  charge  of  the  remains  of  my 
son  at  the  same  time.  I  comprehended  what  Cromwell 
meant  when,  in  speaking  of  the  death  of  his  son,  he  said : 
u  It  went  as  a  dagger  to  my  heart,  indeed  it  did."  I  was 
able  to  read  too,  with  deep  sympathy,  Mr.  Burke's  remarks 
in  regard  to  the  death  of  his  own  son,  which  occurred 
while  he  was  in  the  midst  of  the  tumult  of  political  life. 
While  he  lamented  his  loss,  he  said : 

"But  the  Disposer  whose  power  we  are  little  able  to  resist, 
and  whose  wisdom  it  behooves  us  not  at  all  to  dispute,  has 


228  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ordained  it  in  another  manner,  and,  whatever  my  querulous 
weakness  may  suggest,  a  far  better.  The  storm  has  gone  over 
me  ;  I  lie  like  one  of  those  old  oaks  which  the  late  hurricane 
has  scattered  about  me.  I  am  stripped  of  all  my  honors  ;  I  am 
torn  up  by  the  roots,  and  lie  prostrate  on  the  earth  !  There, 
prostrate  there  I  must  unfeignedly  recognize  the  Divine  jus- 
tice, and  in  some  degree  submit  to  it.  .  .  I  live  in  an 
inverted  order.  They  who  ought  to  have  succeeded  me  have 
gone  before  me.  They  who  ought  to  have  been  to  me  as 
posterity  are  in  the  place  of  ancestors." 

My  son  had  already  made  large  attainments,  and  was 
full  of  promise.  The  Alabama  Journal  of  Montgomery 
said  of  him,  in  May,  1850  : 

"  His  mind  was  of  the  first  order — clear,  quick,  vigorous,  and 
comprehensive.  His  attainments  were  large  and  various  in  an 
extraordinary  degree  for  one  of  his  years.  He  was  a  companion 
for  the  most  intelligent  and  cultivated. 

"  His  character  was  of  the  noblest  style.  He  was  full  of 
courage,  fond  of  manly  exercises,  yet  gentle,  affectionate, 
entering  gladly  into  social  enjoyments.  The  lofty  nature 
of  even  his  youthful  years  never  stooped  to  anything  low, 
nor  ever  compromised  his  dignity  in  the  slightest  degree. 
His  sentiments  were  always  pure,  always  noble,  always 
generous. 

"  His  tastes  were  highly  cultivated.  He  examined  with  just 
discrimination  books  and  works  of  art,  and  was  accomplished 
in  drawing  and  painting. 

"  His  religious  views  and  habits  were  peculiarly  satisfactory. 
He  prayed  habitually,  recognized  the  Providence  of  God  with 
humility  and  resignation,  looked  to  the  Redeemer  for  salva- 
tion, and  in  his  last  illness  had  his  mind  fixed  upon  his 
acceptance  with  God. 

"  His  appearance  was  striking.  No  one  could  observe  him 
without  being  struck  with  his  nobly  developed  head  and  intel- 
lectual face,  impressing  all  who  knew  him  with  a  high  sense  of 
his  young  yet  finished  character." 


/ 


SUDDEN  DEATH   OF    THE   PRESIDENT.  229 

Returning  to  Washington  I  resumed  my  duties  in 
Congress.  In  an  interview  with  President  Taylor  he 
spoke  of  my  son,  expressing  his  deep  sympathy  with 
me,  and  his  regret  at  the  death  of  one  so  full  of  promise. 

President  Taylor's  plan  in  regard  to  California  and  the 
Territories  was  still  under  discussion.  A  committee  of 
thirteen  was  appointed  in  the  Senate  to  consider  the 
whole  question.  Their  report  led  to  a  prolonged,  able, 
and  important  discussion  ;  before  it  was  concluded  an 
event  occurred  which  at  once  arrested  the  whole  current 
of  public  business,  and  produced  the  profoundest  sensa- 
tion throughout  the  country. 

President  Taylor  attended  the  celebration  of  the  anni- 
versary of  American  Independence,  on  the  morning  of 
the  4th  of  July,  in  company  with  his  family,  and  several 
of  the  heads  of  departments,  conducted  by  the  Washing- 
ton National  Monument  Association.  The  day  was  of 
unusual  heat,  and  the  services  were  of  great  length. 
President  Taylor  was  in  fine  health  and  spirits  through- 
out the  morning,  but  upon  returning  to  the  Executive 
Mansion  he  complained  of  some  indisposition  ;  this  deep- 
ened into  extreme  illness,  which  neither  the  skill  of 
physicians  nor  the  unceasing  attentions  of  those  about 
him  could  relieve.  .  He  expired  on  the  9th  of  July, 
conscious  to  the  last,  after  having  uttered  the  words  : 
"  I  have  endeavored  to  do  my  duty  ;  I  am  prepared  to 
die.  My  one  regret  is  in  leaving  behind  me  the  friends 
I  love." 

Mr.  Fillmore's  accession  to  the  presidency  occurred  the 
next  day  with  brief  but  impressive  ceremonies,  which  took 
place  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Fillmore,  with 
the  fine  sense  of  propriety  that  always  distinguished  him, 
did  not  proceed  to  the  great  eastern  portico  of  the  Capi- 
tol, but  in  the  presence  of  both  houses  of  Congress,  in 
conformity  to  his  wishes,  previously  expressed,  he  took 
the  oath  of   office  without    any   inaugural   address,  and 


230  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

bowed  and  retired.     The  whole  scene  was  a  noble  illus- 
tration of  our  system  of  government. 

The  next  day  President  Fillmore  sent  a  message  to  the 
two  houses  recommending  suitable  measures  to  be  taken 
on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral  of  his  predecessor. 

"  I  recommend  to  the  two  houses  of  Congress  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  in  their  discretion  they  may  deem  proper  to  per- 
form with  due  solemnities  the  funeral  obsequies  of  Zachary 
Taylor,  late  president  of  the  United  States,  and  thereby  to 
signify  the  great  and  affectionate  regard  of  the  American 
people  for  the  memory  of  one  whose  life  had  been  devoted  to 
the  public  service  ;  whose  career  in  arms  has  not  been  sur- 
passed in  usefulness  or  brilliancy  ;  who  has  been  so  recently 
raised  by  the  unsolicited  voice  of  the  people  to  the  highest 
civil  authority  in  the  government,  which  he  administered  with 
so  much  honor  and  advantage  to  his  country  ;  and  by  whose 
sudden  death  so  many  hopes  of  future  usefulness  have  been 
blighted  forever." 

In  accordance  with  the  President's  message,  the  two 
houses  of  Congress  proceeded  to  make  preparations  for  a 
solemn  and  appropriate  funeral.  It  took  place  on  Saturday, 
the  13th  day  of  July.  A  more  impressive  spectacle  had 
never  been  witnessed  in  Washington  on  such  an  occasion. 
Eight  gray  horses  were  attached  to  the  car  which  bore  the 
coffin,  covered  with  black  silk  velvet,  each  horse  led  by  a 
youth  habited  in  a  white  frock  with  crape  around  the 
waist,  and  a  white  turban  upon  the  head.  General  Scott, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  military,  in  full  uniform, 
mounted  on  a  fine  horse,  rode  in  the  procession.  Behind 
the  funeral  car,  "  Old  Whitey,"  the  faithful  war-horse, 
who  had  borne  General  Taylor  in  the  great  battles  of 
Mexico,  and  who  had  been  a  conspicuous  object  at  Buena 
Vista,  where  he  had  received  a  wound,  was  led,  and  was 
on  this  occasion  an  object  of  universal  interest.  Arriving 
at  the  cemetery,  the  remains  were  placed  in  the  receiving 
vault,  where  the  impressive  funeral  service  was  pronounced, 


INTERVIEW    WITH  MR.   WEBSTER.  23 1 

followed  by  triple  volleys  fired  by  a  portion  of  the  in- 
fantry and  the  light  artillery.   There  the  ceremonies  ended. 

Some  few  days  later  I  had  an  interesting  interview  with 
Webster;  we  met  in  the  Rotunda  of  the  Capitol,  where  we 
entered  into  a  conversation  in  regard  to  the  state  of  the 
country.  Walking  the  floor  he  expressed  to  me  with 
perfect  frankness  his  views  of  the  still  unsettled  questions. 
In  speaking  of  President  Taylor  he  expressed  his  great 
respect  for  him,  but  thought  that  his  want  of  experience 
as  a  statesman  unfitted  him  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
momentous  questions  which  he  would  have  found  it 
necessary  to  dispose  of  in  the  course  of  his  administration. 
He  said  to  me :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  if  General  Taylor  had 
lived  we  should  have  had  civil  war."  He  believed  that 
the  contest  between  Texas  and  New  Mexico,  in  regard  to 
a  boundary  line,  would  have  risen  to  such  a  height  as  to 
lead  to  a  conflict  of  arms.  President  Taylor  regarded  the 
boundary  line  as  a  question  to  be  settled  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  he  would  have  resisted  an  attempt  on  the  part 
of  Texas  to  take  possession  of  any  part  of  the  territory 
of  New  Mexico.  He  believed  that  no  man  had  a  higher 
sense  of  duty  than  the  late  President,  and  his  resolute 
character  was  so  distinctly  understood,  that  no  one 
doubted  that  he  would  go  forward  in  the  support  of  his 
convictions,  without  regard  to  consequences.  He  ex- 
pressed the  hope  that  matters  would  now  be  adjusted,  by 
some  terms  which  would  lead  to  a  pacification  of  the 
dangerous  quarrel.  Continuing  the  conversation,  I  walked 
with  Mr.  Webster  from  the  Capitol  to  his  residence,  and 
was  greatly  interested  in  the  remarks  he  made  in  regard 
to  the  whole  subject  of  political  affairs  in  the  United 
States. 

Every  member  of  President  Taylor's  Cabinet  promptly 
handed  in  his  resignation.  Mr.  Fillmore  requested  the 
Cabinet  to  continue  in  their  places  until  their  successors 
could  be  chosen,  and  they  did  so.     Upon  the  invitation 


232  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

of  Mr.  Fillmore,  Mr.  Webster  took  charge  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  friends  of 
the  new  administration. 

Honorable  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
appointed  to  succeed  him  in  the  Senate.  The  eminent 
fitness  of  that  gentleman  for  his  new  position  was  well 
known.  His  attainments,  his  manners,  his  political  prin- 
ciples, and  his  large  experience  in  public  life  all  fitted 
him  for  a  useful  and  brilliant  career  in  the  Senate. 

The  compromise  measures  were  promptly  acted  upon, 
but  it  took  some  time  to  mature  them.  A  very  import- 
ant question  was  involved  in  the  boundary  between  Texas 
and  New  Mexico,  but  a  satisfactory  measure  in  regard  to 
it  passed  the  Senate  and  came  to  the  House.  Immedi- 
ately before  the  question  was  submitted  to  a  final  vote,  I 
delivered  a  speech  advocating  the  measure.  I  took  the 
ground  that  the  claim  of  Texas  to  its  full  boundary  was 
clear  ;  that  the  United  States,  having  undertaken  to  de- 
fend that  State  and  assert  its  claims  against  Mexico  to 
the  fullest  extent,  and  having  at  the  close  of  the  war 
accomplished  all  the  objects  which  we  undertook  when 
we  entered  into  it,  could  not  now  refuse  to  recognize  the 
boundary  which  had  been  acquired  from  Mexico  for 
Texas.  It  seemed  to  me  that  we  ought  not  now  to  turn 
that  State  over  to  any  other  tribunal  for  the  adjustment 
of  its  claims.  We  had  acquired  title  to  all  the  territory 
claimed  by  Texas ;  we  could  not  assert  it  for  ourselves,  but 
it  enured  to  the  benefit  of  the  State  which  had  been 
admitted  into  the  Union.  The  measure,  as  it  came  to 
the  House  from  the  Senate,  was  adopted  without  altera- 
tion. Before  the  adjournment  of  Congress  the  compro- 
mise measures  were  adopted  and  were  approved  by 
President  Fillmore.  The  success  of  these  important 
measures  was  received  with  acclamations  of  joy  in  Wash- 
ington ;  the  scenes  that  followed  the  night  after  the 
announcement  of  their  success  surpassed   in  enthusiasm 


DINNER  A  T  MR.    WIN  THRO  P  'S.  233 

anything  that  had  been  witnessed  there  for  many  years. 
Mr.  Winthrop  entertained  at  dinner  several  gentlemen, 
and  I  had  the  honor  of  being  one  of  his  guests.  I  was 
seated  by  the  side  of  Mr.  Webster,  and  near  us  sat  Gen- 
eral Scott  and  Judge  McLean,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
there  were  a  number  of  other  distinguished  gentlemen 
present.  Mr.  Webster  retired  early  and  drove  to  his  own 
residence.  Later  in  the  evening  General  Scott  came  to 
me  and  said  :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  let  us  call  on  Webster  and 
offer  our  congratulations."  We  found  a  number  of  gen- 
tlemen already  there,  who  had  called  on  Mr.  Webster  to 
greet  him  on  the  auspicious  occasion  ;  the  most  of  them 
retired,  leaving  General  Scott  and  myself  with  Mr.  Web 
ster,  who,  in  fine  spirits,  was  conversing  with  us  in  regard 
to  the  success  of  the  measures  which  he  hoped  would 
restore  tranquillity  to  the  country.  At  that  moment 
music  burst  on  the  air,  and  we  heard  the  tramp  of  ap- 
proaching feet.  It  was  a  party  come  to  serenade  the 
great  statesman.  General  Scott  immediately  passed  out 
of  the  door,  but  I  remained  to  witness  the  scene.  Mr. 
Webster  was  called  for,  and  advancing  to  the  door  he 
passed  through  it  and  stood  upon  the  steps  of  his  house, 
where  he  thanked  the  great  assemblage  for  the  honor 
which  they  had  done  him,  and  proceeded  to  deliver  a 
brief  speech  in  his  most  animated  style.  At  its  conclu- 
sion some  of  those  in  front  of  the  house  recognized  me 
and  called  me  out.  I  made  a  brief  speech,  expressing 
my  great  gratification  at  the  success  of  measures  so  im- 
portant to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  whole  country. 

After  an  extended  conversation  with  Mr.  Webster,  in 
which  he  spoke  with  the  utmost  frankness  in  regard  to 
the  state  of  the  country  and  of  his  personal  relations  to 
public  affairs,  I  took  leave  of  him. 

The  compromise  measures,  as  they  were  called,  con- 
sisted of  an  act  to  admit  California  as  a  State  with  "  free" 
constitution  and  with  certain  defined  boundaries  ;  an  act 


234  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

for  the  organization  of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and 
Utah,  without  any  restrictions  against  or  a  declaration  in 
favor  of  slavery  ;  an  act  to  fix  the  boundary  of  Texas  ; 
a  new  act  for  the  extradition  of  fugitive  slaves  ;  an  act 
excluding  the  slave-trade  from  the  District  of  Columbia. 
It  was  the  hope  of  the  conservative  men  in  Congress  that 
the  people  of  the  United  States  would  treat  these  meas- 
ures as  a  final  settlement  of  all  questions  relating  to  slavery 
on  which  there  could  be  any  action  of  Congress  under  the 
Constitution. 

After  a  session  of  unusual  length  and  of  great  import- 
ance, Congress  adjourned  on  the  30th  day  of  September. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Interval  between  the  Two  Sessions  of  Congress — Visit  to  New  York — 
Speech  at  Castle  Garden,  October  14,  1850 — Jenny  Lind — Great  Con- 
cert in  Philadelphia — Opening  of  the  December  Session  of  Congress — 
State  of  the  Country — Social  Life  in  Washington — Sir  Henry  L.  Bul- 
wer — Mr.  Corcoran — Mr.  Benjamin  Ogle  Tayloe — Adjournment  of 
Congress. 

The  interval  between  the  second  session  of  Congress 
was  so  brief  that  I  decided  not  to  return  home,  but  to 
seek  recreation  in  a  visit  to  the  North.  I  proceeded  to 
New  York,  and  passed  some  time  there  in  visiting  objects 
of  interest,  in  receiving  social  attentions,  and  in  meeting 
eminent  men.  I  received  an  invitation  to  visit  the  Ameri- 
can Institute,  at  Castle  Garden,  and  delivered  a  speech 
there  on  the  14th  of  October,  1850.  I  thought  it  a  proper 
occasion  to  contribute  something  to  the  encouragement 
of  a  national  sentiment  throughout  the  whole  country. 
Having  been  introduced  by  General  Tallmadge,  I  was 
received  with  enthusiasm,  and  said : 

"  I  feel  myself  honored,  fellow-citizens,  in  being  thus  intro- 
duced to  you  by  the  venerable  and  distinguished  President  of 
the  American  Institute,  who  has  so  long  devoted  his  talents 
and  energies  for  the  cause  of  industry  and  development  of  the 
resources  of  this  great  State. 

"  And  I  feel  myself  honored,  too,  in  being  thus  received  by 
you,  representing  as  you  do  the  industry,  the  skill,  the  wealth, 
and  the  enterprise  which  are  so  rapidly  advancing  our  country 
in  civilization. 

235 


236  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"  I  come  to  you  from  a  distant  State — a  State  known  to  you 
mainly,  so  far,  by  its  agriculture,  yet  not  wanting  in  mineral 
resources,  and  already  engaged  successfully  in  manufactures. 
But  coming  from  that  State  to  this  emporium  of  commerce — 
this  city  which  has  already  outstripped  every  city  on  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe,  and  which  is  destined  soon  to  rival  the  great 
metropolis  of  England  itself, — coming  to  this  city,  I  feel  there 
are  some  considerations  which  bind  us  together  in  common 
sympathy. 

"  I  can  on  the  present  occasion,  when  there  is  so  much  all 
around  you  to  interest  you,  advert  to  but  one  or  two  of  these 
considerations.  The  first  of  these  is  that  we  belong  to  the 
same  country  ;  we  are  all  Americans  ;  we  are  all  citizens  of 
one  government.  I  come  from  a  State  washed  by  the  waters 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  I  am  now  in  a  city  belonging  to  a 
great  State  washed  by  the  Saint  Lawrence,  and  stand  this 
evening  in  a  building  against  which  the  waves  of  New  York 
Bay  break  ;  yet  the  broad  expanse  which  stretches  between 
New  York  and  Alabama,  between  your  home  and  my  home, 
is  our  common  country.  Every  part  of  it — every  plain,  and 
mountain,  and  stream,  and  village,  and  city,  all  belong  to  us  ; 
and  over  the  whole  extent  of  it  the  same  great  and  beneficent 
political  system  spreads  its  majestic  proportions. 

"  The  same  flag  that  floats  over  your  ship  floats  over  ours  ; 
the  same  historic  recollections  which  warm  your  hearts  warm 
ours  ;  and  the  same  future  that  is  opened  to  your  eyes  is 
opened  to  ours.  Diversities  I  know  there  are  ;  great  States 
called  by  different  names  there  are  ;  but  they  are  not  hostile 
States.  No  fortress  frowns  upon  the  streams  which  mark  their 
boundaries  ;  it  is  but  an  extension  of  the  same  family  ;  they 
have  spread  from  the  Atlantic  shores  to  the  Mississippi,  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  to  the  Pacific  coast,  but  they  have  borne 
with  them  everywhere  the  same  religious  and  political  institu- 
tions. 

"  As  Americans,  therefore,  I  know  that  in  this  we  shall  sym- 
pathize with  each  other — we  have  a  common  country  ;  common 
in  its  origin,  common  in  its  history,  and  common  in  its  destiny. 
There  is  another  consideration  to  which  I  will  advert.     It  is 


SPEECH  AT  CASTLE   GARDEN,    IN   1850.  237 

this  :  we  are  all  alike  interested  in  the  success  of  American 
industry  ;  we  feel  we  are  pledged  to  this  great  cause.  The 
industry  which  belongs  to  the  North  interests  us  of  the  South  ; 
and,  gentlemen,  I  say  to  you,  standing  here  as  a  Representative 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  my  judgment  a  com- 
mon government  ought  to  grant  a  wise,  moderate,  and  steady 
protection  to  American  industry. 

"  I  believe  that  agriculture,  the  first  great  employment  of  man 
— the  noblest  employment  of  man, — agriculture,  which  takes 
one  from  his  fireside  into  the  fields,  where,  with  the  plough,  he 
turns  the  soil  to  the  face  of  heaven,  and  casts  the  seed  in  with 
his  hands, — agriculture  should  enjoy  the  support  of  the  gov- 
ernment, whose  protection  should  always  be  equally  extended 
to  the  mechanic  arts.  Let  the  artisan  who  labors  at  the  forge 
or  in  the  workshop  feel  that  his  government  cares  for  and  pro- 
tects him,  and  he  will  feel  an  interest  in  the  prosperity  of  his 
government. 

"  I  regard  this  exhibition  as  one  of  the  noblest  displays  of 
American  character.     It  is  like  America. 

"  Some  years  since,  when  in  Europe,  I  witnessed  an  exhibi- 
tion of  industry  in  Paris.  It  was  composed  chiefly  of  articles  of 
beauty  and  grace.  Everywhere  the  eye  rested  on  some  article 
marked  by  exquisite  skill.  Everything  attested  the  perfection 
to  which  art  had  been  carried  in  some  of  these  branches. 

"  But  when  I  entered  your  fair  to-night  I  found  that  you  are 
employed  chiefly  in  the  production  of  useful  articles  ;  I  find 
here  the  plough,  the  scythe,  the  axe,  and  among  these  the  manu- 
factures of-  our  looms.  Of  all  the  branches  of  human  industry 
and  specimens  of  excellent  skill,  the  great  elements  I  see  are 
those  of  power — mighty  industries  spreading  happiness  over 
the  land. 

"  In  former  times  wealth  and  industry  were  expended  for 
the  benefit  of  the  few.  The  head  of  a  powerful  dynasty,  one 
who  had  his  retainers,  enjoyed  chiefly  the  result  of  their  labors. 
It  is  not  so  now.  The  skill  of  the  mechanic,  the  power  of  the 
artisan,  and  the  wealth  of  the  capitalists, — these  are  now  em- 
ployed for  the  benefit  of  the  masses  ;  not  to  make  the  great 
greater,  the   rich   richer,  but   to   spread   comfort   among  the 


238  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

masses,  to  make  their  firesides  smile  with  happiness,  and  their 
children  rejoice  in  the  home  of  industry. 

"  This  is  the  great  picture  which  America  presents — industry 
diffusing  wealth  among  the  masses.  It  is  a  glorious  spectacle 
of  widespread  happiness.  The  tendency  of  our  institutions  is 
to  diffuse  wealth  rather  than  to  concentrate  it  in  a  few  hands, 
and  I  rejoice  that  it  is  so.  But  understand  me  ;  wealth  is 
entitled  to  protection  as  well  as  industry.  I  have  no  sympathy 
with  that  class  of  reformers  who  would  strip  the  wealthy  of  their 
possessions  and  scatter  them  abroad  in  the  vain  hope  of  aug- 
menting the  sum  of  human  happiness  by  destroying  the  great 
principles  which  bind  society  together.  Far  be  it  from  me, 
gentlemen.  I  would  have  every  man  enjoy  his  individual 
property.  I  am  for  that  sort  of  industry  which  spreads  wealth 
among  the  laboring  classes,  and  elevates  them  gradually  to  the 
scale  that  rises  above  them. 

"  Government  is  constituted  for  the  good  of  those  who  sup- 
port it  ;  no  government  can  be  stable  or  powerful  which  is  not 
administered  for  their  benefit.  I  find  that  I  have  announced 
a  great  political  doctrine  ;  it  is  one  which  history  teaches,  and 
future  generations  will  write  it  upon  the  face  of  the  whole 
earth.  No  government  ought  to  stand  which  overlooks  or  neg- 
lects the  welfare  of  its  people.  The  American  government,  the 
greatest  popular  government  which  the  world  has  ever  beheld, 
is  established  for  the  protection  of  its  people  in  all  their  rights 
at  home  and  abroad.  When  the  American  citizen  quits  his  own 
shores  he  looks  to  his  government  for  protection  against  the 
tyranny  of  other  governments  ;  upon  the  high  sea  he  feels  in 
the  flag  that  floats  over  him  ample  security,  because  the  whole 
power  of  America  goes  with  that  flag,  and  wherever  he  may  go 
in  his  travels  he  feels  that  his  far-distant  home  guarantees  his 
safety. 

"  But,  gentlemen,  this  is  not  the  only  object  for  which  our 
government  was  established.  The  citizen  must  be  protected 
in  the  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  his  industry.  The  govern- 
ment, in  conducting  its  great  operations,  must  not  overlook 
the  individual  prosperity  of  its  people,  or  sacrifice  their  per- 
sonal welfare  merely  to  advance  the  glory  of  the  state.     It 


l^HE   CONSTITUTION  SUPREME.  239 

should,  in  its  action,  foster  the  labor  of  its  people.  I  do  not 
mean  that  it  should  shower  benefits  upon  the  indolent  ;  far 
from  it.  We  raise  our  revenue  by  laying  imposts.  Now,  are 
we  to  do  this  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  greatest  amount  of 
revenue,  and  thus  increase  our  treasury  ?  Far  from  it.  We 
are  so  to  lay  them  upon  foreign  imports  as  to  discriminate  in 
favor  of  our  own  industry,  not  so  as  to  keep  out  the  foreign 
article,  but  to  do  what  shall  result  to  the  benefit  of  the  produ- 
cer at  home.  While  we  thus  raise  an  ample  revenue,  and  carry 
on  the  government,  we  shall  make  the  system  tributary  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  whole  country — the  North  and  the  South,  and 
to  all  classes — the  manufacturer  and  the  planter. 

"...  This  sentiment  I  adhere  to  ;  here  and  elsewhere  I 
proclaim  it  ;  I  desire  to  see  the  Union  which  binds  these  States 
stand.  To  perpetuate  it  we  must  be  just  to  each  other.  .  .  . 
Let  us  then  stand  by  the  Constitution.  The  enemies  of  the 
Constitution  are  the  enemies  of  the  government,  the  enemies 
of  the  country.  The  government  cannot  exist  unless  the  Con- 
stitution is  to  be  obeyed.  If  some  of  its  provisions  seem  to 
bear  hard  on  you,  you  must  remember  that  some  of  its  provi- 
sions seem  to  bear  hard  on  us.  The  Constitution  must  be 
respected.  Its  authority  is  supreme.  We  must  bear  and  for- 
bear. When  a  crisis  comes  which  appeals  to  our  sectional 
sentiments — a  crisis  which  would  array  the  North  against  the 
South — let  us  rekindle  our  patriotism  by  going  back  to  the 
scenes  in  which  the  great,  the  good  men  took  part  who  formed 
the  Constitution,  and  we  shall  learn  from  them  to  deal  with  each 
other  as  members  of  the  same  great  family,  and  to  cherish  a 
patriotism  broad  enough  to  embrace  our  whole  country. 

"  I  thank  you,  fellow-citizens,  for  your  kind  indulgence  in 
bearing  with  me,  and  for  the  very  cordial  manner  in  which  you 
have  responded  to  the  sentiments  which  I  have  ventured  to 
express." 

Some  days  previous  to  my  visit  to  New  York,  a  great 
musical  event  had  occurred.  Mile.  Jenny  Lind,  the 
Swedish  nightingale,  had  arrived.  Her  splendid  career 
in  Europe  was  well  known.     Not  only  was  she  a  match- 


240  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

less  singer — a  queen  of  song, — she  was  an  extraordinary- 
woman — one  of  those  rare  beings  whose  radiance  out- 
shines the  glittering  marts  of  trade,  and  sheds  a  lustre 
upon  the  world.  One  who  knew  her  said  :  "  She  regarded 
art  as  a  sacred  vocation."  Miss  Frederika  Bremer  wrote 
of  her : 

"  Speak  to  her  of  her  art,  and  you  will  wonder  at  the 
expansion  of  her  mind,  and  will  see  her  countenance  beam 
with  inspiration.  Converse  with  her  then  of  God,  and  of  the 
holiness  of  religion,  and  you  will  see  tears  in  those  innocent 
eyes  :  she  is  great  as  an  artist,  but  still  greater  in  her  pure 
human  existence." 

The  enthusiasm  which  she  created  in  the  great  capitals 
of  Europe  rose  to  such  a  height  that  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  obtain  seats  in  an  opera  house  where  she 
was  to  sing,  unless  arrangements  had  been  made  in 
advance.  In  Berlin  the  manager  engaged  her  at  the  rate 
of  four  thousand  pounds  per  year,  with  two  months' 
vocation. 

Mendelssohn  engaged  her  for  the  musical  festival  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  was  so  delighted  with  her  singing 
that  he  said  :  "  There  will  not  be  born  in  a  whole  century 
another  being  so  largely  gifted  as  Jenny  Lind." 

In  Vienna  the  imperial  family  paid  her  the  most 
marked  attention,  and  the  people  were  wild  in  their 
demonstration  of  admiration. 

Her  first  appearance  in  London,  some  three  years  before 
she  came  to  America,  was  a  splendid  triumph.  A  great 
musical  authority  says  that  Mendelssohn,  who  was  sitting 
by  him,  and  whose  attachment  to  Jenny  Lind's  genius  was 
unbounded,  turned  around  as  she  advanced  in  her  part, 
watched  the  audience  as  the  notes  of  the  singer  swelled 
and  filled  the  house,  and  smiled  with  delight  as  he  saw 
how  completely  every  one  in  the  audience  was  magnet- 
ized.   The  delicious  sustained  notes  which  began  the  first 


JENNY  LIND.  24 1 

cavatina  died  away  into  a  faint  whisper,  and  thunders  of 
applause  went  up  with  one  breath,  the  stentorian  voice 
of  Lablache,  who  was  sitting  in  his  box,  booming  like  a 
great  bell  amid  the  noise.  The  excitement  of  the 
audience  at  the  close  of  the  opera  almost  baffles 
description. 

A  writer  giving  an  account  of  that  season  says : 

"  The  struggle  for  admission  after  the  first  night  made  the 
attempt  to  get  a  seat,  except  by  long  pre-arrangement,  an  ex- 
perience of  purgatory  ;  twenty-five  pounds  were  paid  for  single 
boxes,  while  four  or  five  guineas  were  gladly  given  for  common 
stalls.  Hours  were  spent  before  the  doors  of  the  opera  house 
on  the  chance  of  a  place  in  the  pit.  Never  had  there  been 
such  a  musical  enthusiasm  in  London.  Since  the  days  when 
the  world  fought  for  hours  at  the  pit  door  to  see  the  seventh 
farewell  of  Siddons,  never  had  been  seen  in  the  least  approach 
the  scenes  at  the  entrance  of  the  theatre  on  '  Lind  nights.'  " 

Jenny  Lind  decided  to  leave  the  lyric  stage,  and  her 
last  appearance  was  on  May  10th,  in  her  original  character 
of  Alice.     One  who  witnessed  the  scene  describes  it : 

"  The  crowd  was  dense  in  every  nook  and  corner  of  the 
house,  including  all  the  great  personages  of  the  realm.  The 
whole  royal  family  were  present,  the  Houses  of  Parliament 
had  emptied  themselves  to  swell  the  throng,  and  everybody 
distinguished  in  art,  letters,  science,  or  fashion  contributed  to 
the  splendor  of  the  audience." 

When  the  curtain  fell,  and  a  deafening  roar  of  applause, 
renewed  again  and  again,  had  ceased,  Mile.  Lind  was 
called  in  front  of  the  curtain  three  times,  and  at  last  she 
stood,  her  eyes  streaming  with  tears,  while  the  audience 
shouted  themselves  hoarse,  so  prolonged  and  irrepressible 
was  the  enthusiasm. 

She  was  singing  in  concert  in  Germany,  when  Mr. 
P.  T.  Barnum  induced  her  to  consent  to  come  to  America, 

and  concluded  a  treaty  with  her  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 

16 


242  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

concerts  at  the  rate  of  one  thousand  dollars  for  each  of  the 
performances.  One  may  imagine  the  enthusiasm  excited 
by  her  arrival  in  New  York.  The  people  packed  the 
wharf,  and  her  hotel,  the  Irving  House,  was  surrounded 
by  not  less  than  thirty  thousand  people,  and  she  was  sere- 
naded by  a  band  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  musicians. 

Her  first  appearance  was  at  Castle  Garden,  September 
ii,  1850,  and  an  audience  of  between  seven  and  eight 
thousand  greeted  her.  The  enthusiasm  was  indescribable. 
The  proceeds  of  the  concert  were  twenty-six  thousand 
dollars,  of  which,  it  is  understood,  Jenny  Lind  gave  her 
share,  ten  thousand  dollars,  to  the  charitable  institutions 
of  the  city.  In  her  several  performances  in  England  she 
had  given  to  charities  sixty  thousand  pounds. 

When  I  reached  New  York,  Jenny  Lind  was  in  the 
city,  but  she  had  engaged  to  give  a  concert  in  Phila- 
delphia. I  could  not  miss  it.  My  eldest  son,  William 
Preston  Hilliard,  just  from  Princeton  College,  was  with 
me,  and  I  immediately  wrote  to  the  proprietor  of  my 
hotel  in  Philadelphia  to  secure  two  seats  for  me. 

Upon  my  arrival  I  inquired  at  the  office  of  the  hotel, 
and  found  that  the  seats  had  not  been  taken  for  me; 
expressing  my  deep  disappointment,  I  was  informed  that 
Mr.  Barnum  was  in  the  hotel,  and  I  promptly  called  on 
him.  He  said  that  he  was  sorry  to  say  that  every  seat  had 
been  taken,  except  one  box  for  five  persons,  overlooking 
the  stage.  I  asked  the  price ;  he  replied  fifty  dollars. 
I  secured  it,  and  went  in  search  of  some  gentleman  of 
my  acquaintance  to  share  it  with  me.  I  met  Honorable 
Mr.  Levin,  a  member  of  Congress  from  Pennsylvania, 
and  he  consented  to  take  three  of  the  seats  for  himself. 

In  the  evening,  on  entering  our  box,  I  found  Mr.  Levin 
and  two  ladies  of  his  family,  and  in  looking  over  the 
audience  I  felt  already  repaid.  I  had  never  witnessed  such 
a  scene ;  the  audience  was  brilliant,  and  the  animation 
already  irrepressible. 


HER  MATCHLESS    VOICE.  243 

When  Jenny  Lind  approached,  a  storm  of  applause 
greeted  her;  she  ran  lightly  upon  the  stage  as  she 
entered,  bowing  with  perfect  grace  in  recognition  of  the 
greeting.  She  realized  perfectly  a  description  given  of 
her  before  she  came  to  America.  She  was  not  handsome, 
but  of  pleasing  aspect;  a  voice  of  placid  sweetness, 
expressive  features,  soft  dove-like  blue  eyes,  and  abun- 
dant wavy  flaxen  hair  made  up  a  highly  agreeable  ensemble, 
while  the  slender  figure  was  full  of  grace.  There  was  an 
air  of  virginal  simplicity  and  modesty  in  every  movement, 
which  set  her  apart  from  her  stage  sisters.  To  this,  her 
character  answered  every  line.  Moving  in  the  midst  of  a 
world  which  had  watched  every  action,  not  the  faintest 
breath  of  scandal  ever  shaded  the  fair  fame  of  this 
Northern  Lily. 

Of  her  voice  a  contemporaneous  writer  says  : 

"  Her  voice  is  a  pure  soprano,  of  the  fullest  compass  belong- 
ing to  voices  of  this  class,  and  of  such  evenness  of  tone  that 
the  nicest  ear  can  discover  no  difference  of  quality  from  the 
bottom  to  the  summit  of  the  scale.  Her  lowest  notes  came 
out  as  clear  and  ringing  as  the  highest,  and  the  highest  as  soft 
and  sweet  as  the  lowest.  Her  tones  are  never  muffled  or  in- 
distinct, nor  do  they  ever  offend  the  ear  by  the  slightest  tinge 
of  shrillness  ;  mellow  roundness  distinguishes  every  sound  she 
utters  ;  as  she  never  strains  her  voice  it  never  seems  to  be  loud, 
and  hence  some  one  who  busied  himself  in  anticipatory  depre- 
ciation said  it  would  be  found  to  fail  in  power,  a  mistake  of 
which  everybody  was  convinced  who  observed  how  it  filled 
the  ear,  and  how  distinctly  every  inflection  was  heard  through 
the  fullest  harmony  of  the  orchestra.  The  same  clearness 
was  observable  in  her  pianissimo.  When  in  her  beautiful 
closes  she  prolonged  the  tone,  attenuated  it  by  degrees, 
and  falling  gently  upon  the  final  note  the  sound,  though  as 
ethereal  as  the  sighing  of  a  breeze,  reached,  like  Mrs.  Sid- 
dons'  whisper  in  Lady  Macbeth,  every  part  of  the  immense 
theatre." 


244  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

I  heard  Grisi  and  Persiani  in  Paris,  but  the  singing  of 
Mile.  Jenny  Lind,  as  I  heard  her  in  Philadelphia,  was  to 
me  a  revelation  in  music.  Two  of  her  songs  charmed 
me  beyond  expression.  The  "  Echo  Song  "  was  a  won- 
derful performance  ;  the  clearness,  the  purity,  the  ringing 
sweetness,  cannot  be  described.  If  one  may  compare 
light  with  sound,  her  notes  seemed  like  the  rays  of  the 
morning  sun  glancing  from  the  icy  cliffs  of  the  Alps. 

She  sang  "  The  Last  Rose  of  Summer  "  with  matchless 
beauty  ;  there  was  a  tender  pathos  in  her  voice  which 
gave  to  these  exquisite  lines  by  Moore  a  new  charm  ;  the 
words — the  Irish  air — the  grace  of  the  peerless  woman, 
as  she  stood  before  the  entranced  audience,  cannot  be 
described.  I  shall  not  forget  that  song  while  I  remember 
anything.  Those  lines  never  fail  to  touch  the  hearts  of 
an  audience,  and  Flotow  has  interwoven  them  with  his 
most  beautiful  opera,  "  Martha,"  and  they  will  live  as 
long  as  music  sways  human  hearts. 

The  session  of  Congress  which  opened  in  December 
was  not  marked  by  any  political  event  of  importance. 
The  passage  of  the  compromise  measures  had  disposed 
of  the  great  questions  which  disturbed  the  proceedings 
of  Congress  for  some  years,  and  it  was  the  hope  of  the 
conservative  statesmen  that  they  would  be  acquiesced  in 
throughout  the  country.  The  state  of  the  country  was 
generally  satisfactory. 

In  Massachusetts  and  in  some  other  parts  of  the  North 
there  were  expressions  of  dissatisfaction  at  the  adoption 
of  the  measure  providing  for  the  extradition  of  fugitive 
slaves.  At  one  or  two  public  meetings  some  intemperate 
resolutions  were  adopted.  In  the  month  of  February, 
185 1,  a  flagrant  act  of  resistance  to  the  law  for  the  extra- 
dition of  fugitive  slaves  occurred.  An  alleged  fugitive 
slave  was  arrested  in  Boston  under  a  process  issued  in 
conformity  with  the  act  of  Congress  lately  adopted,  and 
while  detained  in  the  custody  of  an  officer  in  the  United 


PEACE  AND  PROSPERITY.  245 

States  Court  room  was  rescued.  At  a  late  hour  in  the 
evening  a  mob  broke  into  the  court  house,  and,  taking 
the  prisoner  from  the  possession  of  the  officer,  set  him 
at  liberty.  The  negro  made  his  escape  and  was  not  again 
arrested.  While  many  were  in  sympathy  with  this  act, 
committed  in  defiance  of  law,  it  was  condemned  by  the 
great  majority  of  the  citizens,  who  felt  that  the  supremacy 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  passed  in  Congress,  with 
its  provisions,  must  be  sustained. 

There  appeared  at  this  time  some  men  who  encouraged 
a  sentiment  which,  if  it  prevailed,  would  tend  to  the 
subversion  of  the  Constitution  and  the  government. 
They  undertook  to  set  up  their  private  judgment  of 
what  the  law  of  God  ordained,  in  opposition  to  the 
positive  commands  of  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land. 
This  dangerous  doctrine,  asserted  in  New  England,  and 
later  in  other  parts  of  the  Union  by  men  aspiring  to  be 
leaders  of  the  people,  was  absolutely  incompatible  with 
the  administration  of  the  government.  Unhappily,  it 
became  afterwards  so  powerful  as  to  array  the  North 
against  the  South,  and  to  precipitate  the  country  into  a 
gigantic  war. 

Holland  is  protected  by  dykes  against  the  sea;  her 
safety  demands  that  the  billows  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
break  through  a  single  barrier,  for  then  must  come  the 
overwhelming  ocean. 

Such  was  the  general  condemnation  of  this  infraction 
of  law,  and  of  the  unstatesmanlike  and  dangerous  doc- 
trine which  led  to  it,  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  govern- 
ment was  not  disturbed.  Looking  out  upon  the  whole 
extent  of  the  republic,  I  rejoiced  in  the  wide  picture  of 
peace  and  prosperity. 

Several  important  meetings  were  held  to  commemorate 
national  events,  and  the  most  patriotic  spirit  pervaded 
them.  On  the  22d  of  February,  185 1,  the  birthday  of 
Washington  was  celebrated  in  the  city  of  New  York  as  a 


246  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

national  festival.  It  was  a  grand  tribute  to  the  Union. 
I  was  honored  with  an  invitation  to  be  present,  but  find- 
ing at  the  last  moment  that  I  could  not  leave  my  seat  in 
Congress,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  committee  expressing 
my  hearty  concurrence  in  the  object  of  the  meeting. 

The  influence  of  this  great  meeting  upon  the  popular 
sentiment  of  the  country  was  widely  felt.  The  friends  of 
the  Constitution  everywhere  were  hopeful. 

Social  life  in  Washington  was  at  this  time  delightful. 
The  hospitality  of  the  residents  of  the  city — a  people 
inheriting  the  generous  qualities  of  their  Maryland  and 
Virginia  ancestors — was  abounding. 

Several  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  entertained 
with  elegance.  Sir  Henry  Lytton  Bulwer  was  at  that 
time  the  English  Minister  at  Washington.  I  enjoyed  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  him.  The  first  day  he  took  pos- 
session of  his  official  residence  he  invited  me  to  dine  en 
famille.  He  excelled  in  conversation,  and  I  was  fortunate 
enough  to  meet  him  from  time  to  time.  On  the  occasion 
of  this  dinner  he  was  very  pleasing  ;  I  had  represented 
the  United  States  at  Brussels,  and  had  met  in  Europe 
persons  connected  with  him,  and  in  the  service  of  the 
British  government,  and  we  found  subjects  to  interest  us 
both  for  conversation.  Lady  Bulwer  was  a  daughter  of 
Lord  Cowley,  and  a  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington. 
There  was  a  natural  frankness  in  her  manner  which  made 
her  very  agreeable  to  our  people.  She  gave  me  a  warm 
welcome  to  her  house.  I  met,  too,  at  dinner  Sir  Edward 
Robert  Bulwer-Lytton,  a  son  of  Lord  Bulwer  Lytton,  a 
young  gentleman  who  had  lately  entered  the  diplomatic 
service,  and  was  an  attache"  and  private  secretary  to  his 
uncle,  Sir  Henry  L.  Bulwer.  His  career  since  that  time 
has  been  brilliant  in  literature,  and  in  the  service  of  his 
country,  being  the  author  of  "  Lucile,"  and  having 
been  Governor-General  of  India,  and  Ambassador  to 
France. 


WASHINGTON   SOCIETY.  2AJ 

Mr.  Benjamin  Ogle  Tayloe,  whose  elegant  residence, 
near  that  of  Mrs.  Madison,  was  situated  on  Lafayette 
Square,  in  front  of  the  President's  mansion,  gave  attrac- 
tive entertainments.  His  dinners  and  evening  receptions 
brought  together  the  most  agreeable  people  of  the  city  ; 
and  there  were  to  be  seen  at  his  house  the  most  distin- 
guished persons  holding  official  places.  I  met  there  at 
dinner,  just  before  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  a  party 
of  gentlemen  who  would  have  graced  any  table.  I  recall 
among  the  number,  Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  Mr. 
Gales  of  The  National  Intelligencer,  General  Scott,  and 
several  others  conspicuous  for  their  public  services  and 
for  their  high  culture. 

There  was  another  gentleman  residing  in  Washington, 
who,  without  holding  an  official  position,  has  attained  the 
highest  rank  in  social  circles.  Mr.  W.  W.  Corcoran 
occupied  his  magnificent  residence  nearly  fronting  the 
President's  house,  which  was  the  seat  of  a  hospitality 
distinguished  for  its  profusion  and  elegance.  His  dinners 
were  unrivalled  for  splendor  ;  and  the  eminent  men  of  our 
country — statesmen,  scholars,  and  those  who  adorned  the 
bench — were  invited  from  time  to  time  for  many  successive 
years,  and  were  entertained  in  a  princely  way.  Mr.  Corco- 
ran used  his  great  wealth  up  to  the  day  of  his  death  in  a 
way  so  generous  and  beneficent  as  to  earn  for  him  that 
noblest  of  all  titles — philanthropist.  The  last  time  I 
dined  at  his  table  I  met  a  distinguished  party  of  gentle- 
men, Mr.  Clay  among  the  number,  but  a  little  time  before 
he  retired  from  such  scenes,  and  whose  brow  seemed 
touched,  even  then,  with  the  rays  of  a  setting  sun. 

Congress  adjourned  at  the  usual  time  without  anything 
having  occurred  to  disturb  its  deliberations. 

.  In  reviewing  my  course  in  Congress  I  wish  to  state  that 
during  the  excited  discussions  which  occurred  upon  the 
subject  of  slavery,  I  never  attempted  to  argue  it  as  a 
moral  question.     I  forbore  to  treat  it  in  that  light,  with- 


248  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

out  any  reference  to  my  sentiments  in  regard  to  it,  but 
upon  the  ground  that  to  argue  slavery  as  a  moral  question 
before  Congress  would  be  to  admit  the  jurisdiction  of  that 
body  over  the  subject.  I  took  the  ground  that  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  existed  within  the  Southern  States 
before  the  organization  of  the  general  government,  and 
that  it  was  independent  of  its  control.  No  powers  con- 
ceded to  the  government  granted  to  it  any  jurisdiction 
over  that  question.  Powers  not  delegated  to  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  were  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the 
people.  Always  regarding  this  fundamental  provision  in 
the  Constitution  as  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  States 
throughout  the  Union,  and  especially  to  the  States  of  the 
South,  I  steadily  adhered  to  it.  I  never  conceded  the 
right  of  Congress  to  treat  slavery  as  a  moral  question,  or 
to  discuss  its  policy.  Always  ready  to  recognize  and  up- 
hold the  powers  of  the  general  government  in  their  fullest 
exercise,  and  believing  that  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
the  South  were  safer  within  the  Union  than  they  could  be 
outside  of  it,  I  regarded  it  as  the  truest  policy  to  resist 
firmly  on  every  occasion  any  attempt  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress to  transcend  the  authority  which  it  derived  from  the 
Constitution. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Return  to  Montgomery — Decline  a  Re-election  to  Congress — Discussions 
with  Hon.  William  L.  Yancey — Democratic  Convention  at  Baltimore, 
June  i,  1852 — Whig  Convention  at  Baltimore,  June  16th — Death  of 
Henry  Clay,  June  29th — Death  of  Daniel  Webster,  October  24th — 
Presidential  Election,  November  2d — Administration  of  President 
Pierce — New  Acquisition  of  Territory  from  Mexico — Organization  of 
Two  New  Territories,  Kansas  and  Nebraska — Repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  Act. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  I 
returned  to  Montgomery,  and  received  a  warm  welcome 
from  my  friends. 

I  was  urged  to  accept  the  nomination  for  re-election  to 
Congress.  Leading  gentlemen  of  the  Whig  party  in 
Montgomery  and  in  the  surrounding  country,  embracing 
the  whole  district,  insisted  that  I  should  continue  my 
public  service. 

Just  before  the  opening  of  the  late  session  of  Congress 
I  had  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  a  full  letter, 
declining  a  re-election,  and  giving  my  views  on  the  state 
of  the  country.  Believing  the  measures  adopted  by  Con- 
gress would  be  accepted  generally  as  a  settlement  of  the 
slavery  question,  and  that  the  administration  of  Mr.  Fill- 
more would  be  thoroughly  conservative,  I  felt  that  I 
might,  for  a  time,  retire  from  the  public  service  without 
the  sacrifice  of  my  obligations  to  the  party  which  had  so 
long  and  so  generously  trusted  and  sustained  me. 

Before  entering  Congress  I  had  for  several  years  repre- 
sented the  government  at  Brussels,  and   I   felt  a  sincere 

249 


250  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

desire  to  enjoy  for  a  time  my  residence  at  Montgomery 
with  my  family  and  my  friends.  Therefore,  with  a  grate- 
ful acknowledgment  for  the  kindness  of  my  personal  and 
political  friends,  who  desired  to  advance  me  in  public  life, 
I  declined  at  that  time  to  re-enter  Congress.  When  the 
Whig  district  convention  met  to  nominate  a  candidate  to 
succeed  me  they  selected  a  gentleman  in  another  part  of 
the  district  of  great  respectability,  who  had  some  experi- 
ence in  political  life,  and  who,  being  a  large  and  wealthy 
planter,  was  identified  with  the  interests  of  the  South. 
He  accepted  the  nomination  and  entered  upon  a  canvass 
of  the  district. 

The  Democratic  convention  had  nominated  for  Con- 
gress Hon.  John  Cochran,  who  was  eminently  qualified 
for  the  public  service.  Some  few  weeks  later  the  candi- 
date of  the  Whig  party,  who  had  gone  around  the  district, 
came  to  Montgomery  and  reported  that  if  the  election 
were  to  occur  immediately  he  believed  that  he  would  be 
defeated.  It  happened  at  that  time  that  there  were  a 
number  of  distinguished  Whigs  from  different  parts  of  the 
State  at  Montgomery,  having  business  before  the  Supreme 
Court.  There  was  an  informal  meeting  held  by  these 
gentlemen,  who  were  much  interested  in  maintaining  the 
ascendancy  of  the  party  in  the  important  district  which  I 
had  represented,  and  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  important  for  me  to  make  a  line  of  appointments 
throughout  the  district,  appealing  to  my  old  friends  to 
be  loyal  to  our  cause.  Yielding  to  this  appeal  I  pub- 
lished a  line  of  appointments  covering  the  district,  and 
stating  that  I  would  address  the  people  at  the  places 
named  ;  that  I  would  not  enter  into  discussion  with  any 
one.  I  was  not  willing  to  enter  into  a  heated  debate  at 
that  time,  and  I  felt  that  it  was  my  privilege  to  address 
my  late  constituents  without  meeting  any  one,  as  I  was 
not  a  candidate  for  re-election. 

Leading  gentlemen  of  the  Democratic  party,  not  con- 


DISCUSSION    WITH  HON.    W.   L.    YANCEY.  25  I 

tent  with  this  plan,  decided  that  some  one  representing 
them  must  meet  me  at  the  several  places  at  which  I  had 
given  notice  that  I  would  deliver  addresses.  One  of  the 
leading  papers  stated  that  I  must  not  be  permitted  to 
speak  to  the  people  of  the  district  without  meeting  some 
one  to  reply  to  me  ;  that  there  was  one  gentleman  whom 
I  had  never  yet  met,  who  would  take  the  field  against 
me ;  that  Hon.  William  L.  Yancey,  who  had,  like  myself, 
declined  a  re-election  to  Congress,  would  meet  me  at  my 
appointments  throughout  the  district. 

My  first  appointment  was  at  Union  Springs,  forty-five 
miles  east  of  Montgomery,  an  interesting  town  in  the 
midst  of  a  beautiful  country  where  wealthy  planters  re- 
sided. When  I  reached  the  place  I  found  an  immense 
concourse  of  people  assembled.  There  was  no  railroad 
connecting  the  place  with  Montgomery  at  that  time,  but 
a  number  of  gentlemen  attended  who  desired  to  witness 
the  first  meeting  between  Mr.  Yancey  and  myself.  A 
large  number  of  ladies  were  present,  who  took  the  great- 
est interest  in  such  discussions  at  that  time.  My  friends 
had  erected  a  platform  for  public  speaking  which  they 
supposed  would  be  occupied  by  me  alone.  Some  short 
time  before  the  hour  arrived  when  I  should  address  the 
people,  several  of  my  friends  came  to  me  and  stated  that 
Mr.  Yancey  was  on  the  ground  and  proposed  to  meet  me 
in  debate.  After  some  conversation,  I  said  to  them  that 
I  was  reluctant  to  engage  in  a  public  discussion,  but  that 
as  Mr.  Yancey  seemed  determined  to  draw  me  into  it  I 
should  not  avoid  it.  I  authorized  them  to  arrange  the 
terms  of  discussion  with  Mr.  Yancey's  friends,  reserving 
to  myself  the  right  on  that  occasion  to  make  the  closing 
speech.  The  scene  presented  to  my  view  as  I  ascended 
the  platform  was  one  of  extraordinary  interest.  Mr. 
Yancey,  who  had  already  taken  his  place,  advanced  and 
extended  his  hand,  and  we  greeted  each  other  cordially. 
It  was  a  bright  summer  day,  the  sun  shone  with  splendor 


252  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

upon  a  beautiful  landscape,  and  large  numbers  of  carriages 
were  drawn  up  near  the  stand,  while  the  improvised  seats 
were  filled  with  the  people.  The  chairmen,  one  chosen  from 
each  of  the  parties,  presided,  and  the  discussion  opened. 

Mr.  Yancey's  speech  expressed  in  strong  terms  his 
views  of  the  state  of  the  country ;  he  believed  that  the 
South  should  be  represented  in  Congress  by  men  ready 
to  defend  its  interests  to  the  last  extremity ;  he  did  not 
believe  that  the  compromise  measures  would  be  generally 
accepted  as  a  settlement  of  the  slavery  question ;  that 
they  did  not  deal  justly  with  the  South,  and  that  they 
were  vehemently  opposed  by  the  leading  men  of  the 
North.  He  denounced  compromises,  and  insisted  that 
the  people  of  the  South  should  be  ready  at  all  times  to 
vindicate  their  rights  and  withdraw  from  the  Union  if 
further  aggressions  should  be  made  by  the  government. 
He  spoke  for  more  than  an  hour  with  animation,  but  not 
with  the  vigor  that  I  had  expected  from  him. 

When  I  rose  to  reply  I  was  received  by  my  friends 
with  enthusiasm,  and  I  spoke  for  an  hour  and  a  half 
upon  the  state  of  the  country,  insisting  that  the  recent 
adjustment  of  the  slavery  question  might  be  regarded  as 
satisfactory ;  that  the  South  had  lost  nothing  by  the 
settlement,  and  that  our  true  policy  was  to  assert  our 
rights  vigorously  within  the  Union,  resisting  any  en- 
croachment that  might  be  made.  Statesmanship  of  a 
high  order  under  our  government  consisted  in  recogniz- 
ing the  authority  of  the  general  government  to  the  full 
extent  of  its  constitutional  powers,  and  by  asserting  our 
rights  under  its  protection  rather  than  by  resorting  to 
menaces  and  proclaiming  our  purpose  to  subvert  the 
Union.  I  stated  that  I  was  loyal  to  the  South  and  at 
the  same  time  a  friend  of  the  Union,  which  spread  the 
aegis  of  its  powerful  protection  over  the  country. 

Holding  opinions  directly  in  opposition  to  those  of 
Mr.  Yancey,  and  being  in  sympathy  with  the  great  Whig 


THE   QUESTION  AT  ISSUE.  2$$ 

party,  I  met  Mr.  Yancey  from  time  to  time  in  a  regular 
series  of  debates  covering  my  congressional  district, 
which  was  very  large,  extending  from  the  Alabama  River 
to  the  Chattahoochee,  and  down  to  the  Florida  line.  The 
series  of  debates  which  had  just  been  opened  continued 
for  some  weeks ;  we  were  followed  from  place  to  place 
by  a  large  concourse  of  gentlemen  deeply  interested  in 
politics,  who  never  swerved  from  their  attention  to  our 
discussions  until  the  end  of  the  canvass. 

These  debates  became  so  heated  that  when  we  reached 
Eufaula  it  was  thought  prudent  to  make  arrangements  for 
us  to  address  the  people  from  different  platforms.  Mr. 
Yancey,  attended  by  his  friends,  spoke  at  one  place,  and 
I,  by  a  large  body  of  gentlemen  who  supported  me,  from 
another. 

After  this,  proceeding  to  the  counties  below  Eufaula, 
we  met  as  before,  some  explanations  having  been  made 
by  mutual  friends. 

The  great  question  at  issue  between  Mr.  Yancey  and 
myself  was  the  policy  of  inflaming  the  people  of  the 
South  in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment affecting  our  institutions.  He  insisted  that  our 
only  safety  was  to  be  found  in  restraining  the  action  of 
the  general  government  within  limits  which  left  little 
power  to  accomplish  any  great  result  affecting  the  inter- 
ests of  the  South. 

I  contended  that  the  true  policy  of  the  South  was  to 
uphold  the  authority  of  the  general  government  within 
the  limits  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  Southern  people 
by  a  vigorous  resistance  in  Congress  to  anything  like 
encroachment  upon  our  rights. 

Mr.  Yancey,  impatient  under  opposition,  chafed  occa- 
sionally under  my  statement  of  the  ruinous  tendency  of 
the  policy  which  he  advocated.  He  had  voted  for  the 
bill  organizing  the  Territory  of  Oregon,  which  contained 


254  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

a  clause  excluding  slavery  ;  before  the  passage  of  the 
bill  he  had  voted  to  strike  out  this  anti-slavery  clause, 
but  when  it  was  embodied  in  the  bill  he  voted  for  the 
measure.  When,  therefore,  in  the  presence  of  great  bod- 
ies of  the  people,  he  arraigned  the  Whig  party  for  its  opin- 
ions and  denounced  their  policy  as  hostile  to  the  South, 
I  thought  it  proper  at  length  to  say  it  seemed  to  me 
that  the  gentleman  himself  should  be  more  tolerant  in 
his  judgment  of  his  political  opponents  ;  that  while  I  did 
not  doubt  the  gentleman's  loyalty  to  the  South,  he  had 
himself  conceded  the  authority  of  Congress  to  exclude 
slavery  from  a  territory  of  the  Union  by  voting  for  a 
measure  forbidding  its  introduction.  This  roused  Mr. 
Yancey  to  an  extreme  degree,  it  put  him  on  the  defen- 
sive, it  made  it  necessary  that  he  should  explain  the 
circumstances  under  which  he  had  voted  for  the  Oregon 
Bill,  believing  that  it  was  important  to  organize  that 
remote  territory  by  an  act  of  our  government. 

On  one  occasion  when  we  were  about  to  open  our  de- 
bate at  an  important  point  I  was  met  a  mile  or  two  from 
the  place  by  a  large  body  of  gentlemen  mounted  on 
horseback,  who  acted  as  an  escort  up  to  the  place  where 
the  discussion  was  to  take  place.  Before  the  debate 
opened  Mr.  Yancey  and  I  were  seated  in  pleasant  conver- 
sation, when  he  said  to  me  :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  shall  we  have 
a  friendly  debate  to-day  ?  "  I  replied  :  "  Mr.  Yancey,  I 
must  mention  your  vote  on  the  Oregon  question  ;  I  can- 
not overlook  it  to-day." 

The  result  of  this  canvass  was  the  full  vindication  of 
my  views  on  the  relation  of  the  South  to  the  general 
government.  The  elections  that  followed  this  protracted 
debate  showed  a  decided  ascendancy  for  the  Whig  party. 
From  the  commencement  of  the  discussions  between  Mr. 
Yancey  and  myself  the  two  candidates  for  Congress  stood 
aside,  and  were  never  present,  but  the  gentleman  brought 
out  by  the  Whig  party  was  elected. 


CONVENTION  OF   THE   SOUTHERN  STATES.       255 

Mr.  Yancey  was  in  every  way  an  extraordinary  man. 
Of  great  intellect,  high  culture,  commanding  presence, 
great  magnetism,  and  powerful  in  debate,  especially  before 
the  people,  he  belonged  to  that  class  of  statesmen  who 
held  extreme  Southern  views  of  the  government,  known 
by  the  popular  phrase  "  fire-eaters."  He  believed  with 
Mr.  Calhoun  that  the  powers  of  the  general  government 
should  be  limited,  and  insisted  that  the  States  were  sov- 
ereign, united  under  a  league,  rather  than  forming  a  part 
of  the  government,  whose  authority,  under  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution,  covered  them.  I  regarded  him  as 
the  most  powerful  advocate  of  the  Southern-rights  doc- 
trine to  be  found  in  the  whole  country  ;  and  in  his  appeals 
to  the  people,  when  he  stood  before  them  on  the  platform, 
he  was  thought  by  many  to  be  irresistible. 

Opening  his  speeches  in  a  manner  that  was  courteous 
and  pleasing,  exhibiting  nothing  of  the  latent  passions  of 
his  nature,  as  he  advanced  in  his  argument  he  not  only 
presented  great  intellectual  force  in  the  statement  of  his 
propositions,  but  he  exhibited  a  vehemence  unsurpassed 
in  our  country  since  the  time  of  Patrick  Henry. 

A  great  occasion  for  the  display  of  Mr.  Yancey's  power 
as  a  tribune  of  the  people  was  at  the  commercial  conven- 
tion of  the  Southern  States,  held  in  Montgomery,  Ala- 
bama, a  short  time  before  secession  occurred, — the  last 
of  such  meetings  ever  held  in  the  South.  Every  Southern 
State  had  a  full  representation,  and  some  of  the  ablest 
statesmen  came  to  participate  in  its  action.  Mr.  Calhoun, 
a  son  of  the  Hon.  John  C.  Calhoun,  was  chosen  president 
of  the  convention,  and  presided  with  great  fairness  and 
dignity.  General  Roger  A.  Pryor,  of  Virginia,  then  in  the 
full  ardor  of  his  course,  in  vindication  of  the  Southern 
policy  as  defined  by  its  great  exponent,  the  late  John  C. 
Calhoun,  was  present,  and  made  a  speech  of  great  inter- 
est. Hon.  Wm.  Ballard  Preston,  of  Virginia,  who  had 
been  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  President  Taylor,  was 


256  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

also  present.     Hon.   Mark  A.  Cooper,  Judge  Lochrane, 
and  other  leading  men  were  there  from  Georgia. 

The  scene  was  a  brilliant  one  ;  a  very  large  building 
had  been  prepared  for  the  accommodation  of  the  conven- 
tion. The  great  body  of  delegates  represented  the  whole 
South ;  there  were  visitors  from  distant  points,  and  the 
seats  were  crowded  with  ladies  who  felt  as  deep  an  interest 
in  political  affairs  as  the  friends  of  contending  statesmen 
in  England  did  when  those  of  the  highest  rank  thronged 
the  hustings. 

A  leading  journalist  from  Charleston  made  a  report 
from  the  committee  appointed  to  review  the  state  of  the 
country,  and  to  recommend  some  general  action  on  the 
part  of  the  Southern  States  in  defence  of  the  interests  of 
their  people.  In  that  report  he  expressed  extreme  views, 
and  represented  the  South  as  holding  its  place  in  the 
Union  under  subjugation  to  the  North,  and  incapable  of 
controlling  the  action  of  our  government. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  report  I  rose  and  made  a 
speech  in  opposition  to  its  statements  and  its  recommen- 
dations. I  stated  at  full  length  my  views  of  the  true 
course  for  the  South  to  pursue.  I  argued  that  the  highest 
statesmanship  was  demanded  at  this  exigency  to  guide 
the  deliberations  of  the  Southern  people ;  their  honor, 
their  fortunes,  their  destiny,  were  all  at  stake.  In  regard 
to  slavery,  the  whole  civilized  world  was  against  us ;  we 
were  protected  by  the  Constitution,  and  we  could  feel 
to-day  the  spray  of  the  dashing  billows  as  they  broke 
against  those  barriers  that  were  our  strong  defence.  I 
differed  widely  with  gentlemen  who  were  preparing  the 
people  of  the  South  for  the  disruption  of  the  Union. 

I  opposed  the  policy  of  sectional  agitation  ;  it  was 
unstatesmanlike  ;  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  principles 
of  American  government ;  government  could  not  be  ad- 
ministered upon  that  theory. 

It  seemed  to  be  the  aim  of  some  gentlemen  who  aspired 


THE   SOUTH   THE  PEER   OF   THE  NORTH.         257 

to  the  leadership  of  the  South,  to  win  their  laurels  by 
rousing  our  people  into  resistance  to  the  government — 
the  grandest  political  structure  ever  reared, — as  the  aspir- 
ing Ephesian  applied  the  torch  to  the  splendid  temple  of 
Diana  to  immortalize  his  name. 

Mr.  Yancey  rose  to  inquire  if  my  remarks  were  intended 
for  him.  I  replied  that  without  the  slightest  desire  to 
overlook  the  conspicuous  place  which  the  gentleman  held 
in  the  public  eye,  I  must  be  permitted  to  say,  when  there 
were  so  many  distinguished  representatives  of  the  South 
present  to-day,  I  could  not  be  supposed  to  single  out  Mr. 
Yancey  as  the  sole  representative  of  the  statesmen  who 
were  urging  sectional  views  upon  the  people. 

To  inflame  the  people  of  a  section  against  the  govern- 
ment would  involve  consequences  which  no  man  could 
foresee,  and  if  a  conflict  should  follow  I  did  not  know 
where  to  look  for  the  Horatii  to  defend  the  gates  of 
Rome  against  the  overwhelming  invasion  of  the  Albans. 

I  expressed  my  indignation  at  the  idea  of  presenting 
the  South  to  the  civilized  world  in  an  attitude  of  inferi- 
ority to  the  North.  The  South  might,  in  the  spirit  of 
Marmion,  who  in  the  castle  of  Douglas  denounced  that 
haughty  chieftain  in  vehement  terms  when  he  sought  to 
lower  his  claims  to  consideration  as  the  representative  of 
England,  repel  the  charge  with  indignant  scorn. 

It  was  time  to  uphold  the  South  as  the  peer  of  the 
North  in  all  that  constitutes  the  greatness  of  a  people, 
our  true  policy  as  well  as  our  patriotic  course  was  to 
regard  ourselves  as  Americans,  and  uphold  at  home  and 
abroad  the  great  standard  of  the  republic. 

Mr.  Yancey  replied  to  my  speech  with  one  of  great 
ardor,  taking  extreme  ground  in  his  support  of  the  ideas 
expressed  in  the  report,  and  expressing  the  opinion  that 
the  time  had  come  when  the  heart  of  the  South  should 
be  fired  that  it  might  act  with  promptness  when  the 
crisis  came  to  sever  its  connection,  with  the  Union,  and 


258  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

organize  an  independent  government  for  itself.  He  ex- 
hibited great  strength  in  the  statement  of  his  views,  and 
rose  to  the  height  of  his  oratorical  power,  impressing 
them  upon  the  audience.  He  continued  to  speak  until 
the  hour  of  adjournment.  The  next  day  he  took  the 
floor  and  continued  his  argument  from  time  to  time  until 
the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  affording  me  no 
opportunity  to  reply  to  his  great  and  impressive  speech. 

The  personal  relations  between  Mr.  Yancey  and  myself 
continued  good  up  to  the  day  of  his  death.  We  differed 
widely  still.  But  identified  with  different  parties  we 
always  appreciated  each  other.  Mr.  Yancey's  convictions 
were  deep,  strong,  sincere,  and  he  had  the  courage  of  his 
convictions.  It  was  because  he  believed  that  the  safety 
of  the  South  depended  upon  a  vigorous  assertion  of  its 
rights  at  all  hazards,  involving  even  the  subversion  of  the 
Union,  that  when  he  addressed  the  people  the  ardor 
of  his  patriotism  flamed  up  with  volcanic  energy  and 
splendor. 

In  reviewing  my  intercourse  with  public  men  which 
brought  me  into  relations  with  a  great  number  of  them, 
sometimes  in  sympathy,  and  sometimes  in  antagonism,  I 
recall  no  one  who  made  a  greater  impression  upon  me 
than  the  Hon.  William  L.  Yancey. 

Notwithstanding  the  adoption  of  the  compromise 
measures,  it  was  observed  that  the  question  of  slavery  was 
still  a  source  of  political  agitation  at  the  North,  while  at 
the  South  the  Democratic  party  was  divided.  The  con- 
servative men  of  the  party,  who  hoped  still  to  maintain 
the  relations  of  the  South  to  the  Union  undisturbed, 
were  called  "  Union  Men,"  while  those  holding  different 
views,  and  adhering  to  Mr.  Calhoun's  line  of  policy  to 
maintain  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede  from  the  Union 
whenever  its  rights  were  infringed  by  the  general  govern- 
ment, were  called  "  Southern-Rights  Men."  The  Whig 
party  of  the  South  never  swerved  from  its  loyalty  to  the 


THE  NATIONAL    CONVENTIONS   OF    1 852.  259 

Union  ;  but  a  large  body  of  Whigs  of  the  North  were  op- 
posed to  the  fugitive-slave  law,  and  were  still  determined 
to  prevent  the  extension  of  slavery  by  an  act  of  Congress. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  country  when  the  Democratic 
National  Convention  met  at  Baltimore,  June  I,  1852. 
Hon.  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  a  statesman 
who  held  opinions  on  the  subject  of  slavery  satisfactory 
to  the  South,  was  nominated  for  President.  Hon.  William 
R.  King,  of  Alabama,  one  of  the  purest  and  truest  states- 
men in  the  country,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  Convention  gave  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Democratic  party  throughout  the  country. 
It  declared  resistance  to  "  all  attempts  at  renewing  in 
Congress,  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be 
made "  ;  and  also  a  determination  to  "  abide  by,  and 
adhere  to,  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts  known  as  the 
compromise  measures,  settled  by  the  last  Congress,  the 
act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor  included." 

The  nomination  for  President  and  Vice-President  made 
by  the  Convention  was  recognized  at  once  as  one  of 
great  strength.  General  Pierce  had  been  distinguished 
during  his  service  in  the  Senate  for  his  conservative 
statesmanship,  and  exhibited  admirable  personal  qualities. 
His  appearance  was  attractive,  and  his  manners  won 
friends  for  him  everywhere. 

Mr.  King,  during  his  long  service  in  the  Senate,  had 
secured  the  confidence  of  gentlemen  of  all  parties,  and 
his  fine  sense  and  fairness  made  him  the  choice  of  the 
Senate  as  its  presiding  officer. 

The  Whig  Convention  assembled  at  Baltimore,  June  16, 
1852.  I  had  been  appointed  a  member  of  the  Convention, 
but  declined  to  attend  its  session.  The  Convention  had 
before  it  for  consideration  the  claims  of  Mr.  Webster, 
President  Fillmore,  and  General  Scott.  It  continued  in 
session  six  days,  and  it  required  fifty-three  ballotings  to 


200  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

select  a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  On  the  fifty-third 
ballot  General  Scott  received  the  requisite  majority  and 
was  declared  the  nominee  of  the  Whig  party. 

Honorable  William  Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President.  The  platform  affirmed  the 
binding  character  of  the  compromise  measures  in  these 
words : 

"  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  com- 
monly known  as  the  compromise  or  adjustment  acts  (the  act  for 
the  recovery  of  fugitives  from  labor  included),  are  received  and 
acquiesced  in  by  the  Whig  party  of  the  United  States  as  a  final 
settlement,  in  principle  and  substance,  for  the  subjects  to  which 
they  relate,  and  so  far  as  these  acts  are  concerned  we  will  main- 
tain them  and  insist  on  their  strict  enforcement  until  time  and 
experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  further  legislation 
to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other — not  impairing  their  present 
efficiency,  but  carrying  out  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution  ; 
and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of  the  questions  just  set- 
tled as  dangerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  discountenance  all 
efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation  whenever,  wherever, 
or  however  made  ;  and  we  will  maintain  this  settlement  as 
essential  to  the  nationality  of  the  Whig  party  and  the  integrity 
of  the  Union." 

The  nomination  of  General  Scott  for  the  presidency 
ought  to  have  been  acceptable  to  the  whole  country. 
General  Scott's  splendid  and  important  services  in  the 
field  were  recognized  everywhere ;  those  who  knew  him 
personally  comprehended,  too,  that  his  attainments  as  a 
statesman  and  his  fine  personal  qualities  eminently  fitted 
him  for  the  presidency. 

Mr.  Graham  was  a  gentleman  of  great  respectability, 
whose  character  as  a  statesman  had  won  for  him  the  con- 
fidence of  the  country.  But  unhappily  the  course  of  a 
great  number  of  the  Northern  friends  of  General  Scott 
put  him  at  a  great  disadvantage  before  the  country  and 


DEATH  OF  HENRY   CLAY.  26 1 

deprived  him  of  the  support  of  the  great  body  of  Whigs 
of  the  South.  Seventy  delegates  from  the  States  of 
Maine,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Wis- 
consin, Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan,  and  California,  who  had 
voted  for  General  Scott  as  the  candidate,  voted  against 
that  part  of  the  platform  which  affirmed  the  binding  char- 
acter of  the  compromise  measures. 

I  decided,  however,  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances — 
the  state  of  the  country,  the  importance  of  maintaining 
the  unity  of  the  Whig  party,  and  with  my  personal  rela- 
tions with  General  Scott, — to  advocate  his  claims  to  the 
presidency,  which  I  did  with  energy  from  time  to  time 
before  the  people. 

An  event  occurred  in  Washington  which  affected  the 
whole  country  profoundly,  and  for  a  moment  arrested  the 
movement  of  parties.  Henry  Clay  died  June  29,  1852,  in 
the  seventy-fifth  year  of  his  age.  Eulogies  were  pro- 
nounced at  meetings  held  in  honor  of  the  deceased  states- 
man throughout  the  United  States. 

I  was  invited  by  the  people  of  Montgomery  to  deliver 
an  oration  in  honor  of  Mr.  Clay.  An  immense  concourse 
assembled,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  number  of  eminent 
men  of  Alabama  I  delivered  an  oration,  presenting  the 
great  events  of  his  career  and  expressing  my  estimate  of 
him  as  a  statesman. 

The  opening  paragraph  was  as  follows : 

"  Pericles,  in  his  oration  over  those  Athenians  who  had  first 
fallen  in  the  Peloponnesian  War,  declared  it  to  be  a  debt  of 
justice  to  pay  superior  honors  to  men  who  had  devoted  their 
lives  in  fighting  for  their  country. 

"  What  honors,  then,  are  due  to  one  who  devoted  his  whole 
life  to  the  service  of  his  country  ;  who  did  not  reserve  his 
heroism  for  a  single  impetuous  act  of  self-sacrifice,  but  who,  in 
his  early  manhood,  consecrated  himself  to  the  Republic  ;  who, 
throughout  a  long  career,  was  identified  with  its  glory ;  whose 
declining  days  were  irradiated  with  a  sunset  glow  of  patriotism, 


262  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES, 

and  whose  heart  flamed,  up  to  the  last  moment  of  his  earthly- 
existence,  with  the  great  passion  of  his  life  ?  It  becomes  us  to 
bring  our  noblest  offerings  to  him  who  thrice  saved  the  Repub- 
lic ;  who  rose  above  a  horizon  yet  glowing  with  the  expiring 
lights  of  the  Revolution,  and  for  half  a  century  shed  the  splen- 
dor of  a  great  intellect  upon  our  hemisphere  ;  who,  belonging 
to  our  times,  is  regarded  with  the  veneration  which  we  are  ac- 
customed to  pay  to  the  illustrious  men  who  laid  the  foundations 
of  the  government,  and  who,  though  so  lately  a  living  actor  in 
the  scenes  of  public  life,  is  already  sent  to  history  with  an  im- 
perishable crown  upon  his  brow." 

I  said  in  conclusion : 

"  In  reviewing  Mr.  Clay's  career,  the  wonder  is  that  he  could 
have  failed  to  become  President.  The  statue  of  Brutus  left  out 
of  the  procession  will  awaken  inquiry  as  to  the  cause.  Crom- 
well is  not  allowed  to  rank  with  the  sovereigns  of  England, 
although  he  controlled  the  country  as  Protector,  and  gave  the 
country  the  wisest  and  most  brilliant  administration  which  it 
ever  enjoyed.  Henry  Clay,  who  has  impressed  his  great  char- 
acter upon  the  institutions  of  this  country,  never  became  its 
President.  But  it  is  perhaps  well  that  he  died  without  reaching 
that  station. 

"  His  immortal  words,  '  I  would  rather  be  right  than  be 
President,'  will  thrill  upon  the  hearts  of  the  statesmen  of  the 
country,  and  animate  them  to  a  nobler  aim  than  a  mere  lust 
of  power. 

"  They  will  strive  to  serve  their  country,  and  to  bear  with 
them  to  the  grave  the  consciousness  of  deserving  its  honors, 
even  if  the  laurel  should  never  encircle  their  brows. 

"  Mr.  Clay's  fame  is  imperishable  ;  no  office  could  have 
added  to  its  towering  grandeur,  or  have  shed  upon  it  any 
additional  lustre.  It  was  becoming  that  he  should  die,  as  he 
had  lived,  '  the  great  commoner.'  " 

Some  three  months  later  Daniel  Webster  died  at  Marsh- 
field  at  the  age  of  seventy  years.  He  was  at  that  time 
Secretary  of  State  in  President  Fillmore's  Cabinet.     His 


DANIEL    WEBSTER'S  DEATH.  263 

death  made  a  great  impression  upon  the  nation,  and  its 
announcement  was  received  with  marks  of  respect  and 
expressions  of  high  consideration  throughout  the  civilized 
world.  The  account  given  of  the  closing  scenes  of  his 
life  by  those  who  were  present  is  full  of  interest.  He 
uttered  words,  with  lips  soon  to  be  sealed  in  unbroken 
silence,  that  revealed  the  faith  of  a  Christian  :  "  But,  but, 
thank  God,  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  brought  life  and 
immortality  to  light — rescued  it — brought  it  to  light" 
He  then  began  the  words  of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  but  after 
the  first  sentence,  feeling  faint,  he  cried  out  earnestly  : 
"  Hold  me  up,  I  do  not  wish  to  pray  with  a  faint  voice." 
He  was  instantly  raised  a  little  by  a  movement  of  the 
pillows,  and  then  repeated  the  whole  of  the  prayer  in  clear 
and  distinct  tones,  ending  his  devotions  with  these  words  : 
"  And  now  unto  God  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost, 
be  praise  forever  and  forever !  Peace  on  earth  and  good- 
will to  men — that  is  the  happiness,  the  essence — good-will 
toward  men" 

Public  expressions  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  Mr. 
Webster  were  paid  in  the  most  impressive  way  throughout 
the  whole  country. 

In  an  address  which  I  delivered  in  Montgomery  on  the 
genius  and  character  of  Daniel  Webster,  my  opening 
words  were  : 

"  We  should  read  the  history  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  an  em- 
pire to  little  purpose  if  we  failed  to  discover  the  causes  which 
produced  its  prosperity  or  sapped  its  strength,  and  it  would  be 
an  idle  task  to  recount  the  events  of  a  great  life  if  we  could 
not  comprehend  the  elements  which  constituted  its  greatness. 

"  When  a  great  man  passes  away  from  the  world,  we  review 
his  career,  we  linger  over  the  grand  passages  of  his  life — his 
adversities  and  his  triumphs  ;  but,  while  we  desire  to  know 
what  he  has  performed,  we  are  far  more  deeply  interested  in 
discerning  what  he  has  thought  and  what  he  has  felt.  The  ex- 
ternal life,  whatever  may  be  its  splendor,  interests  less  than  the 


264  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

great  soul  itself.  We  study  great  historic  periods  not  merely 
that  we  might  trace  the  changing  fortunes  of  a  dynasty  or  the 
eventful  progress  of  a  nation,  but  we  seek  to  read  in  the  facts 
spread  out  before  us  the  philosophy  which  they  teach. 

"  We  follow  the  hero  from  the  battle-field  and  the  statesman 
from  the  Senate-chamber  that  we  may  study  the  man  ;  we  seek 
to  analyze  him,  and  to  read  the  soul  which  makes  him  what  he 
really  is — which  imparts  to  his  life  the  heroism  and  the  grandeur 
which  the  world  has  discovered  and  applauded.  Nothing  inter- 
ests so  much  as  character. 

"  It  is  our  purpose  this  evening  to  exhibit,  so  far  as  we  can 
in  so  brief  a  period,  the  character  of  a  great  statesman,  who,  as 
Clarendon  says  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  lately  rode  in  the 
troubled  and  boisterous  waters  of  public  affairs  as  admiral,  and 
to  present  the  qualities  which,  in  their  grand  assemblage,  gave 
him  his  pre-eminence  among  the  men  of  our  times. 

"  The  traveller  who  visits  the  Alps  feels  his  conceptions  of 
the  sublime  heightened  as  he  beholds  that  great  mountain  range 
lifting  its  ice-clad  summits  to  the  cloud  region.  The  soul,  ex- 
alted and  ennobled,  enjoys  a  glorious  communion  with  Nature. 

"  But  when  the  glance  is  turned  upon  Mont  Blanc,  standing 
in  solitary  grandeur,  its  head  crowned  with  everlasting  glaciers, 
and  towering  above  all  surrounding  objects,  we  recognize  it  at 
once  as  a  monarch,  peerless  amid  the  colossal  forms  which 
stand  about  it,  and  unapproachable  in  its  eternal  majesty. 

"  So,  in  exploring  the  civil  history  of  our  country,  when  the 
eye  glances  along  the  line  of  illustrious  men  who  have  lived  and 
died  in  the  service  of  the  Republic,  it  rests  upon  the  form  of 
Daniel  Webster  as  its  grand  proportions  stand  out  before  us 
against  the  sky  of  the  past." 

After  reviewing  Mr.  Webster's  life,  I  spoke  of  his  last 
days  at  Marshfield  : 

"  These  last  days  were  as  full  of  solemn  grandeur  as  the  light 
streaming  through  the  stained-glass  windows  of  a  cathedral. 
The  statesman  is  lost  sight  of  ;  we  see  only  the  man.  There 
are  words  uttered  which  disclose  the  deep  religious  sentiment 
that  was  an  element  in  his  nature  ;  words  of  trust  in  God  ; 


HIS  LAST  DAYS  AT  MARSHFIELD.  265 

broken  utterances  as  to  his  rod  and  his  staff  supporting  the 
steps  about  to  enter  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death  ;  words 
that  tell  how  much  of  poetry  there  was  in  his  heart  ;  broken 
lines  of  Gray's  '  Elegy  in  a  Country  Churchyard  '  : 

' '  '  The  curfew  tolls  the  knell  of  parting  day '  ; 

and  a  solemn,  final  leave-taking  of  the  loved  ones  of  his  house- 
hold. 

"  Then  the  light  faded  out  of  those  large,  lustrous  eyes,  and 
Webster  was  dead. 

"Wherever  the  tidings  spread,  the  flag  of  the  country 
drooped.  Men  were  startled  in  high  places  and  in  humble 
ones  ;  some  wept  ;  and  all  who  could  reach  Marshfield  went  to 
look  upon  the  dead  majesty  of  the  nation,  as  it  lay  in  the  deep, 
tranquil  sleep  of  death,  under  the  spreading  boughs  of  an  im- 
mense tree,  which  had  often  sheltered  its  lord  when  living. 

"  What  a  career  closed  there  !  a  career  far  the  most  brilliant 
which  has  been  seen  in  this  country. 

"  We  heard  of  his  death  as  we  should  have  received  the  in- 
telligence of  a  national  calamity. 

"  The  shock  was  like  that  we  should  experience  if  we  stood 
by  and  witnessed  the  fall  of  a  castle,  from  whose  battlements 
banners  had  been  flung  out,  and  through  whose  embrasures 
artillery  had  thundered,  and  at  whose  base  the  proudest  arma- 
ments had  perished. 

"His  last  days  exhibited  all  the  serene  grandeur  of  his 
nature.  His  soul,  turning  away  from  the  world  and  its  objects, 
fixed  its  gaze  upon  the  illimitable  future,  which  spread  before 
it  like  a  shoreless  ocean,  upon  whose  tranquil  waters  the  star  of 
Bethlehem  threw  its  tremulous  and  unearthly  lustre. 

"  His  hand  recorded  his  clear  and  emphatic  confession  of 
faith  in  the  Redeemer  and  in  the  divine  inspiration  of  the 
Gospel. 

"  Those  last  days — what  a  glory  streams  through  them — glory 
not  without  its  shadows  ! 

"  The  last  hours  of  the  life  of  the  dying  statesman  resembled 
a  gorgeous  sunset ;  not  the  going  down  of  a  tropical  sun  in  un- 
clouded splendor,  but  the  sun  sinking  behind  the  Alps,  kindling 


266  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

upon  every  mountain  peak  a  blaze  of  glory,  and  pouring  a 
flood  of  golden  light  upon  the  clouds  which  hung  their  solemn 
drapery  about  his  dying  couch." 

General  Scott's  defeat  had  been  foreshadowed.  At  the 
election  which  occurred  November  2,  1852,  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates,  Pierce  and  King,  were  elected  by  a 
great  majority.  They  carried  twenty-seven  States,  which 
gave  two  hundred  and  five  electoral  votes.  Scott  and 
Graham,  the  Whig  candidates,  carried  the  States  of  Ver- 
mont, Massachusetts,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee,  which 
gave  them  forty-two  electoral  votes. 

The  administration  of  President  Pierce  was  satisfactory 
to  the  country  generally,  and  was  warmly  supported  by 
the  South.  In  its  course  two  events  of  national  import- 
ance occurred. 

Upon  the  settlement  of  a  boundary  dispute  with  Mexico 
concerning  a  tract  of  land  bordering  on  New  Mexico  and 
comprising  45,535  square  miles,  the  United  States  ac- 
quired the  disputed  territory  by  purchase.  The  territory 
acquired  by  the  negotiation  comprised  part  of  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico. 

In  January,  1854,  Mr.  Douglas,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Territories,  reported  to  the  Senate  a  bill  for  the 
organization  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  two  Territories  in 
the  region  west  of  Missouri  and  north  of  latitude  36°3o'. 

By  this  bill  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act  of  1820  was 
repealed,  and  slavery  was  relieved  from  the  last  restric- 
tion ;  henceforth  it  was  to  be  admitted  wherever  those 
who  controlled  it  thought  it  could  be  profitably  em- 
ployed. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  merits  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  Act,  which  had  so  long  been  recognized  as 
an  adjustment  of  a  great  controversy,  its  repeal  was  to  the 
last  degree  impolitic.  In  the  Senate  a  great  debate  pre- 
ceded the  adoption  of  the  measure,  in  which   Chase  of 


REPEAL   OF   THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  ACT.      267 

Ohio,  Everett  and  Sumner  of  Massachusetts,  Seward  of 
New  York,  Fessenden  of  Maine,  and  even  Southern  men 
— Houston  of  Texas  and  Bell  of  Tennessee — vigorously 
opposed  it.  But  it  was  finally  carried  by  a  vote  of  nearly 
two  to  one ;  the  whole  influence  of  the  administration 
having  been  given  to  its  support.  In  the  House  it  was 
strenuously  opposed,  and  Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri,  who 
then  held  a  seat  as  a  representative  from  that  State,  was 
conspicuous  in  the  leadership  of  those  who  sought  to 
defeat  the  measure  ;  but  it  passed  the  House.  It  became 
a  law  on  the  last  day  of  May.  It  is  impossible  to  over- 
state the  excitement,  rising  into  indignation,  that  was 
aroused  in  the  non-slaveholding  States  by  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  Act.  It  was  the  breaking  down 
of  a  great  barrier,  against  which  sectional  feeling  and 
party  passion  had  so  long  beat  in  vain. 

The  Free-Soil  party  assumed  great  proportions,  and 
took  the  name  of  Republican — a  name  destined  to  at- 
tract to  it  great  numbers  of  men  who  had  hitherto  refused 
to  take  part  in  an  organization  against  slavery.  This  party 
drew  to  it  a  large  following  from  the  Whigs  of  the  North, 
and  it  obtained  a  considerable  accession  from  the  Demo- 
cratic party. 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  country  a  power- 
ful party  appeared  in  the  field,  declaring  its  hostility  to  an 
institution  existing  in  the  Southern  States,  which  was  so 
formidable  as  to  threaten  the  existence  of  the  government. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


Political  Movements  in  1856 — American  National  Convention,  February  22d 
— Democratic  National  Convention,  June  2d — Republican  National  Con- 
vention, June  17th — Canvass  for  Mr.  Fillmore — Reception  at  Huntsville 
— Debates  with  Hon.  L.  P.  Walker — Speech  at  Huntsville — Mass- 
Meeting  at  Atlanta — Hon.  B.  H.  Hill — Presidential  Election — Presi- 
dent Buchanan's  Administration — Oration  at  the  University  of  Virginia 
Commencement,  1859 — Hon.  William  C.  Preston. 

EVENTS  occurred  in  1856  which  disclosed  the  purpose  of 
political  leaders  to  conduct  a  canvass  for  the  presidency 
of  unprecedented  activity  and  energy. 

The  disastrous  defeat  of  General  Scott  convinced  the 
leaders  of  the  Whig  party  that  the  people  would  not  en- 
trust the  government  to  their  hands. 

In  the  non-slaveholding  States  the  Republican  party 
had  already  received  large  accessions  from  the  Whigs, 
who  were  hostile  to  the  adjustment  of  the  slavery  ques- 
tion which  had  been  adopted  in  Congress.  It  was  believed 
by  the  friends  of  the  Whig  party  that  it  could  no  longer 
achieve  national  triumphs  under  its  honored  standard, 
and  they  were  unwilling  to  display  it  in  the  field  where 
it  would  be  upheld  only  by  a  few  loyal  supporters,  proud 
of  its  traditions. 

Those  who  were  still  national  in  sentiment,  and  were 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  anti-slavery  feelings  of  the  North, 
and  condemned  its  sectional  policy,  entered  a  new  organi- 
zation, called  the  American  party,  which  soon  grew  into 
great  proportions,  and  became  formidable  in  its  political 
movements. 

268 


THE   AMERICAN   PARTY.  269 

The  Democratic  party  maintained  its  organization,  and 
presented  a  steady  front  in  support  of  the  compromise 
measures  throughout  the  country. 

The  American  party  held  a  National  Convention  at 
Philadelphia,  February  22d  ;  and  after  adopting  a  platform 
virtually  recognizing  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Act,  and  approving  the  fugitive-slave  law,  nominated 
Millard  Fillmore  for  President,  and  Andrew  J.  Donelson 
of  Tennessee,  for  Vice-President.  It  was  the  hope  of  the 
Convention  that  the  well-known  statesmanship  of  Mr. 
Fillmore,  and  the  confidence  which  was  felt  throughout 
the  United  States  in  his  integrity,  would  draw  to  his  sup- 
port large  numbers  from  other  organizations.  The  close 
relationship  of  Mr.  Donelson  to  General  Andrew  Jackson, 
suggested  his  nomination  for  the  vice-presidency,  and  it 
was  believed  that  his  name  would  give  great  strength  to 
the  ticket.  Holding  its  convention  on  the  22d  of  Febru- 
ary, the  anniversary  of  Washington's  birthday,  it  was 
believed  would  revive  memories  that  would  strengthen 
the  national  sentiment  throughout  the  country,  and  help 
the  new  party  to  rally  to  its  standard  many  old  Whigs. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Cincinnati, 
on  the  2d  of  June,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  reaffirm  the 
platform  which  it  had  adopted  in  1852,  with  the  addition 
of  resolutions  condemning  the  principles  of  the  American 
party,  recognizing  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  including 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line  as  the  only 
safe  solution  of  the  slavery  question,  and  affirming  the 
duty  of  upholding  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  of  main- 
taining the  Union.  It  also  expressed  its  approval  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  Ostend  circular,  which  looked  to  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba  from  Spain.  James  Buchanan,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  nominated  for  President,  and  John  C. 
Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  Vice-President.  No  names 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic  party  could  have  been  se- 
lected that  would  have  found  more  favor  with  the  people. 


270  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  in  his  long  career,  had  earned  a  great  rep- 
utation as  a  statesman  of  a  high  order.  He  was  recog- 
nized as  a  link  between  the  really  great  men  of  a  period 
just  gone  by,  and  those  of  the  present  time.  Mr.  Breck- 
enridge  had  won  a  splendid  reputation  in  his  brief 
service  in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  he  had  been 
offered  the  mission  to  Spain  by  President  Pierce,  but 
declined  it.  This  great  party  displayed  statesmanship 
and  patriotism  in  the  policy  which  it  announced  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  when  it  sent  its  candidates 
for  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency  to  the  field. 

The  Republican  National  Convention  met  in  Philadel- 
phia, June  17th,  and  adopted  a  platform  declaring :  "  The 
maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  federal  Con- 
stitution, the  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  union  of  the 
States  shall  be  preserved  ";  and  that  "  the  Constitution 
confers  upon  Congress  sovereign  power  over  the  Terri- 
tories of  the  United  States  for  their  government,  and  in 
the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories  those  twin  relics  of 
barbarism — polygamy  and  slavery."  After  this  declaration 
of  its  principles  the  Convention  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  General  John  C.  Fre- 
mont, of  California,  was  nominated.  Hon.  William  L. 
Dayton,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. General  Fremont  had  been  distinguished  for  his 
enterprise,  and  really  rendered  important  service  to  the 
country  in  his  explorations  in  the  West.  Mr.  Dayton  was 
a  senator  from  New  Jersey,  distinguished  for  his  abilities 
and  high  character. 

Such  was  the  aspect  of  the  political  field  in  the  summer 

of  1856.     All  the  parties  were  active  in  the  canvass  that 

followed.     Throughout  the  whole  country  great  energy 

was  displayed  by  political  leaders. 

\  I  entered  into  the  canvass  for  Mr.  Fillmore  with  energy. 


RECEPTION  AT  HUNTSVILLE.  2*]\ 

I  recognized  him  as  a  Whig,  trusted  and  honored,  and  I 
felt  bound  by  the  traditions  of  the  great  party  which  we 
both  had  served  previously,  to  present  him  to  the  people, 
as  entitled  to  their  confidence  and  consideration. 

I  had  never  made  a  political  speech  in  North  Alabama, 
and  I  had  intended,  when  the  appropriate  time  came,  to 
visit  that  part  of  the  State.  There  is  a  beautiful  valley 
extending  from  Huntsville  to  Florence,  occupied  by  a 
people  of  the  highest  order ;  planters  of  wealth,  culture, 
and  hospitality,  who  gave  their  support  to  the  Democratic 
party.  I  published  a  notice  of  several  appointments, 
extending  from  Huntsville  to  Florence,  and  invited  the 
Honorable  L.  P.  Walker,  who  was  on  the  Buchanan 
electoral  ticket,  to  meet  me  in  debate.  I  was  to  deliver 
my  first  speech  in  Florence,  but  in  proceeding  to  that 
place  I  took  the  railway  for  Huntsville. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  Huntsville  I  was  surprised  to  be 
met  at  the  station  by  a  number  of  gentlemen  of  both 
political  parties,  who  gave  me  a  generous  welcome. 
Governor  Chapman,  with  whom  I  had  served  in  Congress, 
with  other  leaders  of  the  Democratic  party  met  me  at 
the  station,  and  received  me  as  the  guest  of  the  city. 
Governor  Chapman  was  an  ardent  friend  of  Mr.  Buchanan, 
and  a  man  of  intellect  and  character,  and  of  generous 
views.  A  carriage  was  drawn  up  at  the  station  to  receive 
Mrs.  Hilliard,  who  accompanied  me,  and  myself;  a  grace- 
ful recognition  of  me  and  my  public  services  was  made ; 
I  observed  that  the  harness  of  the  horses  was  decorated 
with  small  flags.  Some  of  the  gentlemen  who  had  met 
me  accompanied  us  to  the  residence  of  a  citizen  of 
Huntsville,  who  received  us  cordially,  and  entertained  us 
during  our  stay  with  hospitality  distinguished  for  its 
elegance. 

The  next  day  I  proceeded  to  Florence,  where  I  was  to 
open  the  discussion.  General  Walker  was  well  known 
for  his  abilities  and  for  his  attainments,  and  it  was  under- 


272  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

stood  that  he  was  formidable  and  unsparing  in  a  political 
discussion.  In  the  course  of  our  first  debate  I  observed 
some  disposition  on  the  part  of  my  distinguished 
opponent  to  exhibit  the  qualities  which  had  been  attrib- 
uted to  him  ;  and  I  took  occasion  promptly  to  say  that 
if  the  gentleman  supposed  that  I  could  be  taken  at  a  dis- 
advantage because  I  appeared  for  the  first  time  in  the 
presence  of  those  who  were  assembled  to  hear  us,  he 
would  discover  that  his  course  was  as  impolitic  as  it  was 
ungenerous,  and  that  he  would  encounter  a  signal  defeat. 
General  Walker  immediately  rose,  and  in  the  most  courte- 
ous terms  disclaimed  any  purpose  on  his  part  to  conduct 
the  discussion  in  any  other  than  in  the  most  friendly  way, 
expressing  at  the  same  time  his  great  personal  regard  for 
myself. 

From  that  time  we  addressed  the  people  at  the  several 
places  at  which  we  touched,  and  we  were  heard  with 
interest  by  the  friends  of  both  parties. 

The  day  before  we  were  to  meet  in  Huntsville,  which 
was  General  Walker's  residence,  he  came  to  me  and  said 
that  as  I  was  to  have  but  one  opportunity  to  address  the 
people  there,  he  desired  that  I  should  have  the  amplest 
time  to  present  my  views,  and  that  he  would  not  speak. 
Assuring  him  of  my  appreciation  of  his  courtesy,  I 
accepted   his   offer. 

The  next  day,  when  I  rose  to  address  the  people  of 
Huntsville,  I  was  impressed  by  the  appearance  of  the 
audience  :  gentlemen  of  both  political  parties,  ladies  in 
great  numbers,  eminent  men,  political  leaders,  were 
before  me.  It  was  a  typical  Southern  assemblage ; 
wealth,  culture,  and  elegance  greeted  my  sight  on  every 
side.  On  my  right  sat  ex-Senator  Clemens,  a  brilliant 
and  distinguished  statesman,  whose  powerful  eloquence 
had  often  electrified  audiences  at  home  and  in  the  Senate. 

I  delivered  a  speech  entirely  national.  I  presented  the 
claims  of  the  great  statesman,  in  whose  cause  I  spoke,  in 


SPEECH  ADVOCATING  MR.   FILLMORE.  273 

terms  which  I  felt  confident  would  win  for  him  generous 
consideration.  On  no  occasion  of  my  life  had  I  been 
more  conscious  of  that  spirit  of  free  speech  which  every 
man  has  felt  who  has  been  in  the  habit  of  addressing 
great  audiences,  than  I  was  on  that  day. 

Huntsville  is  in  the  midst  of  magnificent  scenery,  and 
in  the  course  of  my  speech  I  said  it  sometimes  happened 
that  a  great  man  was  not  fully  understood  ;  the  exhibi- 
tions which  he  made  from  time  to  time  were  imperfectly 
seen,  and  that  Mr.  Fillmore,  to  be  appreciated,  must  be 
seen  in  his  fullest  proportions;  just  as  sometimes,  when 
looking  out  upon  the  landscape  which  surrounds  this 
beautiful  place,  a  morning  mist  shuts  out  the  loftiest 
peak  of  a  mountain,  leaving  only  its  base  visible,  but 
when  the  sun  advances  in  his  course  and  the  cloud  is 
lifted,  revealing  its  entire  height,  it  then  impresses  us 
with  its  grandeur  and  majesty.  I  proceeded  to  say  that 
Mr.  Fillmore,  born  in  the  great  State  of  New  York, 
was  a  statesman  of  broad,  national  views,  of  exalted 
character,  and  of  great  intellectual  power.  I  was  not 
here  to  eulogize  him,  but  to  present  him  to  these 
Southern  people  in  his  true  proportions,  and  to  appeal 
for  him  to  their  support — a  support  to  which  he  was 
entitled  by  his  personal  qualities,  and  the  services  which 
he  had  rendered  to  the  whole  country. 

At  the  conclusion  of  my  speech  I  was  greeted  on  all 
sides  with  great  generosity  and  warmth. 

In  taking  leave  of  that  beautiful  country  which  I  had 
just  visited  I  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  high  qualities 
of  the  people  who  resided  there — hospitable,  of  high  cul- 
ture, distinguished  for  elegance.  I  bore  with  me  a  picture 
of  rare  beauty,  which  will  never  be  effaced  from  my  memory. 

I  had  been  invited  to  be  present  at  a  mass-meeting  to 
be  held  in  Atlanta  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Fillmore,  where 
I  was  to  meet  a  number  of  distinguished  statesmen  of 
Georgia. 


274  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

When  I  arrived  in  the  city  I  was  met  by  Hon.  B.  H. 
Overby  and  became  his  guest  during  my  stay  in  the  city. 

A  great  number  of  the  people  of  Georgia  had  assembled 
to  hear  political  addresses,  which  it  was  understood  were 
to  be  delivered  by  several  gentlemen.  As  I  ascended  the 
platform  I  was  met  by  Hon.  Benjamin  H.  Hill,  a  gen- 
tleman known  to  me  personally,  who  was  in  full  sympathy 
with  my  views  ;  but  I  had  never  heard  him  address  the 
people.  I  took  a  seat  by  his  side  and  had  a  few  moments' 
conversation  with  him  while  preparations  were  being  made. 

I  was  greatly  impressed  by  him,  and  saw  that  he  was 
full  of  grand  qualities — qualities  which  afterwards  be- 
came so  well  known  to  the  people  of  Georgia  and  of  the 
United  States  as  to  give  him  the  highest  rank  as  a  states- 
man. 

Looking  out  above  the  great  mass  of  the  people  before 
us  I  was  exhilarated  by  the  spectacle  ;  it  was  such  an 
assemblage  as  was  seen  from  time  to  time  in  those  days 
in  Georgia,  when  her  noble,  true,  generous,  patriotic 
people  assembled  on  political  occasions. 

It  was  arranged  that  I  was  to  deliver  the  first  address 
to  the  people,  and  as  I  rose  and  advanced  to  the  front  of 
the  platform  I  was  greeted  with  such  cheers  as  assured  me 
that  I  had  an  audience  already  in  sympathy  with  me.  As 
I  proceeded  in  my  speech,  which  was  national  and  in  that 
tone  so  well  known  to  the  Whigs  of  the  country,  exhibit- 
ing the  objects  of  the  organization  which  had  brought  out 
Mr.  Fillmore  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  I  was  en- 
couraged by  the  enthusiastic  applause  which  broke  forth 
from  time  to  time.  At  the  conclusion  of  my  address  the 
whole  assemblage  rose  to  their  feet  and  cheered  me  with 
unsurpassed  ardor. 

Mr.  Hill  then  advanced  to  deliver  his  address,  and  was 
received  with  demonstrations  of  popular  favor,  which 
showed  how  great  his  sway  was  at  that  time  over  the 
hearts  of  the  people  of  Georgia. 


RESULTS  OF   THE  ELECTION.  275 

His  magnificent  speech  brought  out  from  time  to  time 
enthusiastic  cheers  ;  and  as  I  listened  to  him  I  compre- 
hended the  wealth,  power,  and  grandeur  of  the  nature  of 
this  great  statesman. 

His  speech  was  remarkable  for  its  beauty — ornate,  com- 
prehensive, eloquent,  and  powerful. 

In  the  evening  other  speeches  were  made  by  gentlemen 
from  different  parts  of  the  State,  and  the  success  of  the 
meeting  was  great,  awakening  an  ardor  in  the  support  of 
Mr.  Fillmore  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  that  had 
not  existed  before. 

As  the  canvass  advanced  it  became  plain  that  the 
American  party  could  not  hope  for  success. 

Mr.  Buchanan  led  in  the  race,  and  drew  to  his  support 
the  conservative  men  of  the  country. 

The  Republican  party  developed  much  strength.  It 
rallied  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  North  to  its  standard, 
and  the  friends  of  the  Constitution  saw  that  the  threatening 
aspect  of  a  sectional  party  foreshadowed  danger  for  the 
institutions  of  the  South. 

Buchanan  and  Breckenridge  were  elected,  receiving 
one  hundred  and  seventy-four  electoral  votes. 

Fremont  and  Dayton  received  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
votes ;  demonstrating  the  growing  hostility  of  the  party 
organized  solely  for  the  exclusion  of  slavery  by  national 
legislation  from  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
where  it  did  not  already  exist. 

Mr.  Fillmore  received  only  eight  votes.  Maryland 
alone  stood  for  the  candidate  who  had  done  so  much  to 
protect  the  interests  of  the  South  in  the  adjustment  of 
the  great  struggle  which  led  to  the  adoption  of  the  com- 
promise measures. 

Mr.  Buchanan's  Cabinet  was  composed  of  statesmen  of 
ability,  chosen  from   the  great  sections  of  the  Union. 

Honorable  Lewis  Cass  was  called  to  the  Department  of 
State,  and  his  eminent  fitness  for  the  place  was  recognized 


(< 


2y6  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

by  the  people  of  the  whole  country.  His  attainments,  his 
long  public  service,  his  character,  his  comprehensive 
patriotism, — all  entitled  him  to  confidence. 

Honorable  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  was  appointed  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury.  He  had  served  with  destinction  in 
Congress,  and  as  Speaker  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
he  had  displayed  great  abilities  and  admirable  fairness. 

Honorable  John  B.  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  a  gentleman  of 
fine  reputation,  and  a  graduate  of  the  South  Carolina 
College,  took  charge  of  the  War  Department. 

Honorable  Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  a  place  which  he  filled  efficiently 
and  honorably. 

Honorable  Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi,  who  had 
acquired  distinction  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

Honorable  A.  V.  Brown,  of  Tennessee,  who  had  filled 
creditably  several  official  positions,  was  made  Postmaster- 
General. 

Honorable  Jeremiah  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  whose 
great  abilities  had  gained  for  him  an  eminent  place  at  the 
bar,  was  appointed  Attorney-General. 

Mr.  Buchanan's  views  of  the  state  of  the  country, 
frankly  stated  in  his  inaugural  address,  were  very  satis- 
factory to  the  conservative  men  of  the  country ;  and  it 
seemed  to  me  that  the  South  should  sustain  his  adminis- 
tration. The  formidable  display  of  strength  by  the  anti- 
slavery  party  of  the  North  made  it  plain  that  the  interests 
of  the  Southern  people  demanded  that  any  differences  of 
sentiment  as  to  other  questions  should  be  subordinated  to 
resistance  to  this  threatened  aggression  upon  their  rights. 
I  took  an  early  occasion  to  make  my  views  known,  but 
the  currents  of  party  feeling  ran  with  too  much  strength 
at  that  time  to  enable  me  to  control  them.  Subsequent 
events  clearly  vindicated  me,  and  made  it  plain  that  we 
must  present  an  unbroken  front  against  the  powerful  or- 


COMMENCEMENT  ADDRESS.  2JJ 

ganization  that,  disregarding  the  provisions  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  rights  of  the  South,  threatened  to  come 
down  upon  us  with  overwhelming  force. 

The  slavery  controversy  still  disturbed  the  deliberations 
of  Congress,  and  the  legislatures  of  several  of  the  North- 
ern States,  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  public  opinion  in 
opposition  to  the  justice  and  constitutionality  of  the 
fugitive-slave  law,  passed  acts,  designed  to  impede  its 
operation,  and  to  secure  to  alleged  fugitives  the  right  to 
trial  by  jury,  and  to  the  legal  assistance  usually  given  to 
those  charged  with  criminal  offences.  These  acts  were 
called  personal-liberty  laws,  and  found  great  favor  with 
anti-slavery  people. 

In  the  midst  of  these  great  disturbances  Mr.  Buchanan 
bore  himself  well  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his 
great  office,  looking  to  the  light  shed  upon  these  ques- 
tions by  the  Constitution  for  guidance,  and  continued  to 
conduct  his  administration,  hoping  to  see  a  vindication  of 
his  patriotic  statesmanship  in  good  time. 

In  the  summer  of  1859  I  received  an  invitation  to  de- 
liver the  annual  address  at  the  commencement  of  the 
University  of  Virginia,  and  I  decided  to  accept  it.  The 
occasion  was  a  brilliant  one.  I  saw  Charlottesville  for  the 
first  time  with  its  impressive  scenery,  associated  with  his- 
toric events,  and  awakening  recollections  that  roused  me. 

Monticello,  Mr.  Jefferson's  residence,  was  at  hand,  and 
everything  surrounding  the  university  seemed  to  have 
been  touched  and  formed  by  the  power  of  his  creative 
hand. 

The  chapel  was  magnificent ;  its  external  form  was  clas- 
sical, and  its  interior  constructed  with  the  finest  taste. 

Some  days  before  my  arrival  I  received  a  letter  from 
Honorable  William  C.  Preston  of  South  Carolina,  who 
was  passing  the  summer  at  Charlottesville,  in  which  he 
urged  me  to  keep  my  engagement,  saying  to  me  :  "  This 
great  institution  fills  my  imagination." 


278  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

As  I  entered  the  chapel  on  the  day  appointed  for  the 
delivery  of  my  oration,  I  observed  that  I  was  surrounded 
by  a  large  and  brilliant  audience.  Behind  the  stage,  and 
covering  the  back  part  of  it,  was  a  copy  of  the  great 
picture,  "  The  School  of  Athens." 

I  had  selected  as  a  subject  for  my  address  "  The  Spirit 
of  Liberty,"  and  everything  about  me  animated  me  to 
the  greatest  ardor  in  performing  my  task. 

The  opening  paragraphs  were  : 

"  Upon  the  invasion  of  Greece  by  Xerxes,  who  poured  his 
countless  hosts  into  Europe  that  he  might  subject  the  only  free 
people  on  the  globe,  the  Athenians,  finding  it  impossible  to  de- 
fend their  state  against  a  combined  attack  on  the  land  and  on 
the  sea,  resolved,  by  the  advice  of  Themistocles,  to  abandon  to 
the  Persian  rage  their  villages,  their  territory,  their  walls,  their 
city  itself,  with  the  revered  tombs  of  their  ancestors  ;  and 
to  transport  their  wives  and  children  and  aged  parents  to  the 
isles  of  Salamis  and  ^Egina  and  to  the  opposite  Argolic  coast  ; 
those  who  were  capable  of  bearing  arms  embarked  on  board 
the  fleets  stationed  at  Salamis,  and  prepared  to  meet  the 
powerful  Persian  armament.  Embarking  with  haste  they  left 
behind  them  their  household  furniture,  their  statues,  their 
pictures,  and  in  general  the  most  valuable  part  of  their  prop- 
erty, willing  to  relinquish  all  for  the  sake  of  their  country, 
which,  in  the  language  of  Alcseus,  they  knew  consisted  not  in 
their  houses,  their  lands,  and  effects,  but  in  that  equal  constitu- 
tion of  government  which  they  had  received  from  their  ances- 
tors, and  which  it  was  their  duty  to  transmit  unimpaired  to 
posterity.  Splendid  as  Athenian  history  had  been  up  to  that 
hour,  that  single  act  transcended  in  true  patriotism  and  glory 
all  their  previous  achievements  ;  and  it  was  as  wise  as  it  was 
illustrious.  The  subsequent  naval  action  resulted  in  the  com- 
plete, overwhelming,  and  disastrous  defeat  of  their  enemy  ; 
while  they  returned  to  their  natal  shore,  now  dearer  to  them 
than  ever,  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  that  constitutional  govern- 
ment which  they  had  rescued  from  the  sword  of  the  invader. 
Europe  and  Asia  met  in  conflict ;  the  free  and  the  despotic 


THE   SPIRIT  OF  LIBERTY.  279 

systems  of  the  world  encountered  each  other,  and  the  former 
triumphed. 

"  Well  does  Themistocles  deserve  that  noble  tomb  which  his 
countrymen  constructed  for  him  upon  the  rocks  above  the 
promontory  overlooking  the  sea,  where  the  first  object  that 
saluted  the  eye  of  the  Athenian  as  he  approached  his  native 
shore  might  remind  him  of  the  hero,  and  the  glory  which  he 
had  shed  upon  his  country — 

' '  •  When  shall  such  hero  live  again  ? ' 

"  What  impelled  the  Athenians  to  that  sublime  act  of  patri- 
otic sacrifice  ?  They  might  have  remained  at  home,  have  bent 
their  necks  to  the  Persian  yoke,  and  enjoyed,  perhaps,  increased 
luxury  ;  but  the  recollection  of  their  ancient  glory,  which  they 
could  not  leave  to  see  eclipsed,  and  their  love  of  freedom,  made 
them  disdain  even  golden  fetters.  They  were  prompted  by  the 
spirit  of  liberty, — that  spirit  which  loved  to  dwell  in  the 
mountains  of  Greece,  and  which  has  made  that  fair  clime  a 
shrine  of  the  mighty,  where  the  halo  of  departed  glory  still 
lingers, — that  spirit  which,  all  over  the  world,  wherever  it  has 
made  its  abode,  has  kindled  in  the  hearts  of  men  its  quenchless 
fires. 

"  Standing  upon  this  spot,  looking  upon  these  mountains  and 
these  skies,  I  need  offer  no  apology  for  making  that  spirit  to-day 
the  subject  of  discourse.  It  is  a  fit  subject  for  the  place  and 
the  age.  .  .  .  Liberty  must  be  protected  by  well  defined 
principles.  Popular  rights  must  depend  not  on  the  good 
disposition  of  the  ruler,  but  be  guarded  by  fundamental  laws 
which  define  them  ;  the  boundaries  between  liberty  and  power 
must  be  clearly  traced,  and  along  the  frontier  of  human  rights 
barriers  must  be  set  up  which  tyranny  cannot  pass  over.  No 
political  system  is  a  good  one  which  does  not  confer  upon  its 
people  both  actual  freedom  and  provide  for  their  protection 
against  the  encroachments  of  power.  The  present  and  the 
future  claim  alike  the  protection  of  constitutional  law.  The 
Barons  of  England  comprehended  this  when  they  ranged  them- 
selves at  Runnymede  against  regal  power  and  wrested  from  King 
John  the  great  charter,  written  and  sealed,  a  charter  which,  in 


280  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  language  of  Lord  Lyttleton,  did  not  grant  any  new  rights 
to  the  people  but  asserted  their  ancient  privileges  in  terms  so 
clear  and  emphatic  that  the  people  of  the  realm  could  demand 
them  and  defend  them  ;  a  charter  which  protected  every  indi- 
vidual of  the  nation  in  the  free  enjoyments  of  his  life,  his 
liberty,  and  his  property,  unless  declared  to  be  forfeited  by  the 
judgment  of  his  peers  or  the  law  of  the  land.  But  the  noblest 
achievement  of  the  true  spirit  of  liberty  and  the  proudest  tri- 
umph of  regenerated  humanity  is  seen  in  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  ...  A  pure  democracy,  wherever  it  has 
displayed  itself,  whether  in  ancient  states  or  in  modern  times, 
whether  under  the  skies  of  Greece  or  upon  the  soil  of  France, 
teaches  impressive  lessons.  History  records  the  crimes  com- 
mitted in  the  former,  and  the  dread  drama  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution has  hardly  yet  closed  ;  we  can  almost  hear  the  tread  of 
the  infuriated  populace  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  and  the  voice 
of  maddened  thousands  uttering  the  Marseillaise  has  not  yet 
ceased  to  peal  upon  our  ears.  Licentiousness  is  not  liberty ; 
a  crown  in  the  dust — a  broken  sceptre  and  a  shattered  throne 
do  not  ensure  freedom.  Liberty  and  law  dwell  together.  The 
noblest  freedom  which  can  be  enjoyed  is  to  be  found  amongst 
a  people  who,  while  they  demand  protection  against  aggression, 
respect  the  authority  which  they  have  themselves  established. 

"  Our  Constitution  protects  by  the  very  stringency  of  its  lines  ; 
it  confers  power,  but  it  decrees  its  boundaries  ;  it  grants  au- 
thority, but  it  limits  it  to  its  true  sphere  ;  it  wheels  the  chariot 
of  the  sun  through  the  open  heavens,  but  holds  the  coursers  in 
check  by  a  strong  hand.  The  fountain  of  all  authority  is  with 
the  people,  but  they  do  not  administer  the  government.  The 
sword  is  in  the  hands  of  the  magistrate  ;  and  all  must  obey.  .  .  . 
We  blend  the  advantages  of  a  local  domestic  jurisdiction  with 
the  authority  of  a  national  power  ;  a  system  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  Montesquieu,  possesses  the  internal  advantage  of 
a  republican,  together  with  the  external  force  of  a  monarchical, 
government.  A  confederacy  made  up  of  republics,  united 
under  a  common  government  of  limited  powers,  clothed  with 
authority  to  control  its  external  affairs,  and  leaving  to  each 
State  the  entire  management  of  its  domestic  interests,  is  capa- 


THE   CONFEDERATED   STATES,  28 1 

ble  of  vast  expansion.  It  may  embrace  within  its  ample  com- 
pass States  differing  widely  in  soil  and  climate,  and  inhabitants 
engaged  in  every  variety  of  pursuits,  and  possessing  the  greatest 
diversity  of  social  systems,  agriculture,  the  mechanic  arts,  free 
labor,  slave  labor,  commerce  ;  all  may  nourish  within  it  by  a 
faithful  adherence  to  the  organic  law,  which  grants  and  limits 
the  federal  power.  .  .  .  The  South  is  to-day  the  weaker  sec- 
tion of  the  confederacy  ;  the  populous  North  is  still  growing 
in  numbers  ;  the  tide  of  immigration  setting  in  upon  the  West 
is  filling  its  plains,  and  building  up  great  cities  in  the  wilder- 
ness, all  this  the  South  sees,  and  she  witnesses  with  satisfaction 
these  signs  of  prosperity  outside  of  her  own  limits  ;  but  as  the 
numerical  strength  of  other  parts  of  the  Union  increases,  she 
rouses  herself  to  a  prouder  attitude,  in  asserting  her  rights  ; 
and  she  insists  more  earnestly  than  ever  upon  a  rigid  adher- 
ence to  the  organic  law  of  these  confederated  States.  She 
sees  a  powerful  party  organized  against  her  institutions,  she 
cannot  be  insensible  to  her  danger,  but  she  stands  erect  and 
undismayed  ;  confident  yet  in  the  patriotic  inspirations  of  the 
American  people,  but  more  confident  still  in  her  own  self- 
respect  and  courage.  Against  fanaticism  she  appeals  to  the  A 
spirit  of  liberty,  that  spirit  which,  rebuking  the  madness  of 
lawless  violence,  spreads  in  our  defence  the  aegis  of  the  Con- 
stitution, a  shield  ample  enough  for  the  protection  of  all  our 
rights.     .     .     . 

"  The  domestic  institutions  of  the  South  are  denounced,  her 
property  is  threatened,  an  effort  is  made  to  turn  the  sentiment 
of  the  country  against  her  system  of  labor,  and  to  bring  it 
under  the  ban  of  the  government,  and  the  legitimate  objects 
of  statesmanship  are  overlooked.  When  a  higher  law  than  the 
Constitution  is  invoked  on  one  side,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at  that  revolution  is  foreshadowed  on  the  other.  When  it  is 
deliberately  announced  that  the  confederacy  blends  two  antag- 
onistical  systems  of  civilization,  and  that  the  one  or  the  other 
must  give  way,  it  must  be  expected  that  those  against  whom 
this  crusade  is  projected,  will  put  themselves  in  an  attitude  to 
repel  it.  All  this  must  cease,  and  the  country  must  be  rescued 
from  this  boundless  agitation.     Our  statesmen  must  come  up 


282  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

to  the  standard,  which  the  state  of  the  country  demands.  The 
rivalry  of  geographical  sections  will  then  become  a  generous 
rivalry.  New  England  may  boast  of  her  varied  civilization, 
and  thriving  industry ;  she  may  glory  in  the  sufferings  and 
virtues  of  the  Pilgrim  fathers,  and  gathering  her  sons  at 
Plymouth  Rock  recall  the  Mayflower  with  its  precious  freight, 
but  the  South  will  revisit  the  ruins  of  Jamestown,  and  cherish 
the  memory  of  that  noble  band,  who,  in  the  face  of  every  dis- 
couragement and  danger,  first  planted  a  stable  colony  upon 
this  virgin  land  ;  rejoicing  in  her  exhaustless  resources,  and 
the  stability  and  prosperity  of  her  domestic  institutions,  she 
will  contribute  her  full  share  to  the  power  and  glory  of  the 
Republic. 

"The  North  may  rejoice  in  the  eloquence  of  her  living  sons, 
and  send  us  her  Everett,  who  is  winning  immortality  by  his 
splendid  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  father  of  his  country  ; 
as  Isocrates  earned  his  by  the  panegyric  upon  Athens  ;  and 
the  South  will  place  by  his  side  the  form  of  her  own  Preston, 
whose  fame  culminated  in  the  Senate,  and  still  sheds  its  serene 
glory  upon  us. 

"  The  North  may  raise  monuments  over  the  ashes  of  her  dead 
heroes  and  statesmen  ;  Warren's  form  she  may  perpetuate  in 
marble,  and  visit  the  tomb  of  Webster  at  Marshfield,  where  the 
sea  rolls  its  sublime  dirge,  as  if  it  lamented  the  departed  states- 
man. In  the  same  spirit  the  South  will  honor  her  illustrious 
dead,  their  forms  shall  adorn  her  venerated  places,  and  call- 
ing around  her  all  her  sons  she  will  lead  them  to  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  where  the  foremost  man  of  all  the  world  rests, 
and  gathering  annually  fresh  garlands  will  heap  them  upon 
the  tomb  which  bears  the  name  of  Washington.  ..." 

I  met  Mr.  Preston  at  dinner,  and  enjoyed  a  conversa- 
tion with  him  which  brought  out  memories  and  rekindled 
sympathies  covering  the  years  that  had  intervened  since 
our  last  meeting ;  his  broken  health  had  not  impaired  the 
vigor  of  his  intellect,  nor  dimmed  the  splendor  of  those 
faculties  which  gave  such  a  charm  to  his  conversation.  I 
had  for  some  time  read  law  in  his  office  in  Columbia,  and 


WILLIAM  C.   PRESTON.  283 

he  contributed  much  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  aspi- 
rations awakened  under  his  generous  instructions. 

In  the  evening  we  entered  a  carriage  where  two  of  the 
ladies  of  Mrs.  Carrington's  family,  nearly  related  to  him, 
were  seated.  Our  road  led  us  through  the  glorious  moun- 
tain scenery  which  surrounds  Charlottesville ;  we  came  to 
a  turn  in  the  road  which  displayed  a  landscape  of  uncom- 
mon loveliness,  in  which  earth  and  sky  were  blended,  and 
he  uttered,  in  tones  which  revealed  the  depths  of  his  emo- 
tions, the  lines  of  Beattie  : 

4 '  A  warbling  woodland,  the  resounding  shore  ; 
The  pomp  of  groves,  the  garniture  of  fields  ; 
All  that  the  genial  ray  of  morning  gilds, 
And  all  that  echoes  to  the  song  of  even  ; 
All  that  the  mountain's  sheltering  bosom  shields, 
And  all  the  dread  magnificence  of  heaven." 

Never  in  the  storms  of  political  life,  never  amidst  the 
vexations  of  every-day  life  did  I  know  him  to  be  other 
than  generous,  noble,  and  true ;  never  bringing  down  the 
unsullied  purity  of  a  grand  and  elevated  nature,  to  the 
dust  and  defilement  of  the  meaner  ways  of  life.  The 
smaller  objects  of  ambition  never  lured  him.  He  was  not 
one  upon  whom  office  could  confer  dignity  ;  he  felt  that 
in  private  life  he  was  as  exalted  as  when  he  sat  a  senator 
in  the  midst  of  that  splendid  constellation  of  great  men 
who  were  his  contemporaries. 

I  was  at  one  time  authorized  by  a  President  of  the 
United  States,  with  whom  my  relations  were  intimate 
and  confidential,  to  offer  him  the  mission  to  France ;  he 
promptly  declined  it,  in  such  terms  too  as  even  to 
heighten  my  respect  for  him  ;  and  Mrs.  Preston,  that 
beautiful  and  noble  woman,  who  was  present,  acquiesced 
perfectly  in  his  decision,  stating  her  objections  to  the 
proffered  post  with  matchless  grace,  and  basing  them 
mainly  upon  Christian  principle.  The  crowning  glory  of 
his  life  was  the  pure,  humble,  yet  fervent  faith  in  the  Son 


284  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

of  God,  which  those  who  knew  him  well  could  so  clearly 
discern  in  him.  This  threw  an  indescribable  brightness 
over  his  last  years,  as  the  summer  sun  sometimes  gilds 
with  his  level  rays  the  summit  of  a  great  mountain,  upon 
whose  side  a  shadow  already  rests,  almost  shutting  from 
view  its  glories- of  rock  and  verdure,  while  in  that  last 
lingering  smile  of  a  departing  day,  the  foliage  which 
crowns  that  summit,  blazes  with  undiminished  lustre  to 
the  last. 

In  taking  leave  of  Mr.  Preston,  I  had  hoped  to  meet 
him  the  next  year  at  his  home  in  Columbia,  but  I  never 
met  him  again. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Political  Events  of  i860 — Democratic  National  Convention  at  Charleston  ; 
at  Baltimore — Democratic  National  Convention  at  Richmond  ;  at  Bal- 
timore— Constitutional  Union  Convention  at  Baltimore — Republican 
National  Convention  at  Chicago — Canvass — Great  Meeting  in  Cooper 
Institute,  New  York — Speech  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston — Edward  Ev- 
erett— Speech  at  Utica — Governor  Seymour — Speech  at  Buffalo — Mr. 
Fillmore — Presidential  Election,  November  6th — Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  political  agitation  throughout  the  United  States 
rose  to  a  great  height.  As  the  time  approached  for 
bringing  out  candidates  for  the  presidency,  the  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  of  the  North  became  still  more  intol- 
erant, and  in  popular  meetings,  resolutions  proposing 
aggressive  measures  against  the  South  were  adopted. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Charles- 
ton, April  23,  i860.  It  was  largely  attended  ;  delegates 
from  the  whole  country  took  their  seats,  a  number  of 
them  being  men  of  distinction  and  great  influence.  Hon- 
orable Josiah  Randall  of  Philadelphia,  formerly  an  ardent 
and  influential  Whig  leader,  was  present  as  a  representa- 
tive of  the  Democratic  party  of  his  State.  Senator  Pugh, 
of  Ohio,  was  a  conspicuous  member  of  the  body.  Caleb 
Cushing,  a  great  lawyer  and  an  eminent  statesman,  was 
elected  President  of  the  Convention. 

Honorable  William  L.  Yancey  was  one  of  the  delegates 
from  Alabama,  and  attracted  from  the  first  marked  atten- 
tion ;  his  pronounced  opinions  and  vehement  utterances 
against  the  North  were  well  known.     Soon  after  the  or- 

285 


286  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ganization  of  the  Convention,  a  controversy  arose  on  the 
subject  of  slavery.  A  great  debate  took  place,  in  which 
a  number  of  distinguished  men  took  part,  and  when  Mr. 
Yancey  took  his  place  on  the  platform  the  greatest  inter- 
est prevailed  throughout  the  body.  He  delivered  one  of 
his  great  speeches :  he  described  the  state  of  political 
affairs  at  the  North,  and  at  the  South  ;  he  dwelt  at  length 
upon  the  growing  anti-slavery  sentiment  in  the  non-slave- 
holding  States,  and  denounced  the  leaders  who  sought  to 
organize  a  powerful  sectional  party  which  threatened  to 
disregard  the  Constitution  and  to  subvert  the  Union  by 
its  lawless  measures.  He  then  presented  the  South,  exhib- 
iting the  States  dwelling  side  by  side  in  perfect  harmony, 
respecting  the  Constitution,  and  entering  into  no  combi- 
nation against  any  section  of  the  Union  ;  he  spoke  in 
exalted  terms  of  the  Southern  people,  their  culture,  their 
high  tone,  the  purity  of  society  that  constituted  a  picture 
of  civilization  far  transcending  that  to  be  found  elsewhere  ; 
he  represented  the  South  as  it  then  existed,  in  all  its 
splendor  and  wealth  and  glory,  its  scholars,  its  orators, 
its  statesmen,  its  women, — all  adorning  the  section  and 
imparting  to  it  a  matchless  charm.  All  who  heard  him 
were  moved  by  his  eloquence,  and  every  Southern  man 
rejoiced  more  than  ever  before,  in  the  fact  that  he  was  de- 
scended from  a  lineage  so  high,  and  that  he  lived  in  the 
midst  of  a  people  unrivalled  for  their  great  qualities. 

Mr.  Yancey's  speech  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  his  life, 
and  roused  into  enthusiasm  all  who  were  in  sympathy 
with  his  sentiments,  at  the  same  time  it  impressed  deeply 
those  representing  other  sections  of  the  Union. 

I  was  present  at  the  time,  not  being  a  member  of  the 
Convention,  but  having  gone  to  Charleston  to  witness  its 
proceedings,  and  I  observed  the  effect  made  by  the  speech 
of  the  eminent  man  who  lived  and  breathed  for  the  South. 

It  was  understood  that  Mr.  Yancey  was  to  be  followed 
by  Senator  Pugh  of  Ohio  as  a  representative  man  of  his 


SENATOR  PUGH  OF   OHIO.  2% J 

section.  He  had  won  a  high  reputation  by  his  brilliant 
speeches,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  ability  and  his 
attainments  ;  when  he  stood  upon  the  platform  to  address 
the  audience  he  was  greeted  with  cheers,  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  North  felt  that  in  that  hour  they  needed 
a  strong  man  to  uphold  their  cause. 

Mr.  Pugh's  speech  was  able,  statesmanlike,  warm, 
national,  and  fair ;  he  made  a  great  impression  upon  the 
Convention,  and  accomplished  the  task  which  he  had 
undertaken  ;  he  rallied  his  party  to  the  support  of  national 
ideas,  and  to  the  defeat  of  any  resolution  sectional  in  its 
tone,  and  proposing  measures  which  would  not  be  sup- 
ported by  the  great  body  of  the  Democratic  party.  At 
the  close  of  a  protracted  debate  the  Convention,  on  April 
30th,  adopted  a  platform  satisfactory  to  the  national  men 
of  the  party.  The  section  embodying  the  views  of  the 
Convention  in  regard  to  the  slavery  question  was  in  these 
words : 

"  Inasmuch  as  differences  of  opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic 
party  as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  territorial 
legislatures,  and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Congress, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  over  the  institution 
of  slavery  within  the  Territories  ;  Resolved  that  the  Demo- 
cratic party  will  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  on  the  questions  of  constitutional  law." 

The  platform  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  165  to  138,  and 
immediately  the  delegates  from  the  South  who  held 
extreme  views  in  regard  to  the  question  disposed  of  by 
this  vote  withdrew  from  the  Convention.  So  large  a  num- 
ber of  the  Southern  delegates  having  withdrawn  it  was 
decided  after  full  consideration,  on  May  3d,  that  the  Con- 
vention should  adjourn  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on  June 
1 8th.  Previous  to  the  adjournment  a  resolution  was 
adopted  recommending  that  the  vacant  seats  be  filled 
prior  to  that  date. 


288  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  delegates  seceding  held  a  meeting,  and  adopted  a 
platform  which  expressed  their  views  clearly,  and  ad- 
journed, after  calling  the  Convention  to  assemble  at  Rich- 
mond on  June  nth.  The  part  of  the  platform  relating  to 
the  slavery  question  was  as  follows : 

"  That  the  government  of  a  Territory  organized  by  an  act 
of  Congress  is  provisional  and  temporary  ;  and  during  its 
existence  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  equal  right 
to  settle  with  their  property  in  the  Territory,  without  their 
rights  either  of  person  or  property  being  destroyed  or  impaired 
by  congressional  or  territorial  legislation.  That  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  Federal  Government,  in  all  its  departments,  to  protect 
when  necessary  the  rights  of  persons  and  property  in  the  Ter- 
ritories, and  wherever  else  its  constitutional  authority  extends. 
That  when  settlers  in  a  Territory,  having  an  adequate  popula- 
tion, form  a  State  constitution,  the  right  of  sovereignty  com- 
mences, being  consummated  by  admission  into  the  Union  ; 
they  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  people  of  other  States, 
and  the  State  thus  organized  should  be  admitted  into  the 
Federal  Union  whether  its  constitution  prohibits  or  recognizes 
the  institution  of  slavery." 

The  Convention  which  had  assembled  at  Charleston, 
and  from  which  a  large  number  of  delegates  had  with- 
drawn, assembled  in  Baltimore  in  accordance  with  its 
resolution  of  adjournment,  and  resumed  its  deliberations. 
After  some  time  spent  in  discussion  they  proceeded  to 
ballot  for  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  ;  and  Honorable 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  of  Illinois  was  nominated  ;  Hon. 
Benjamin  Fitzpatrick  of  Alabama  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President. 

Before  the  ballotings  were  ended  a  further  withdrawal 
of  delegates  took  place.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  subsequently 
declined  to  accept  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  and 
Honorable  Herschel  V.  Johnson  of  Georgia  was  nominated 
for  that  office. 


THE   CONSTITUTIONAL    UNION  PARTY.  289 

The  Southern  gentlemen  who  had  withdrawn  from  the 
Charleston  Convention  met  in  pursuance  of  their  resolu- 
tion at  Richmond,  but  decided  to  adjourn  to  Baltimore, 
where  they  assembled  in  convention  June  23d,  and 
adopted  the  platform  which  they  had  agreed  upon  at 
Charleston  ;  they  decided  to  nominate  candidates  for  the 
presidency  and  vice-presidency  who  held  opinions  in 
accordance  with  their  own.  Honorable  John  C.  Brecken- 
ridge  of  Kentucky  was  nominated  for  President,  and 
Honorable  Joseph  Lane  of  Oregon  for  Vice-President. 
These  gentlemen  subsequently  accepted  the  nomination 
for  these  offices. 

A  great  party,  organized  in  the  name  of  the  Constitu- 
tional Union  party,  composed  of  members  of  the  Whig 
party  and  of  the  American  party,  decided  to  bring  into 
the  field  statesmen  of  the  highest  order  as  candidates  for 
the  presidency  and  vice-presidency.  The  leaders  of  the 
party  were  men  distinguished  for  statesmanship,  for 
breadth  of  view,  for  attachment  to  the  Union,  and  were 
moved  by  a  great  desire  to  rescue  the  country  from  the 
slavery  agitation.  They  believed  that  neither  of  the  con- 
tending parties  could  accomplish  that  result  and  restore 
peace  to  the  Union.  This  party  held  its  National  Con- 
vention at  Baltimore,  May  9th,  and  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent John  Bell  of  Tennessee,  and  for  Vice-President 
Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts.  These  were  men  in 
whom  the  people  of  the  country  could  put  their  trust. 
Mr.  Bell  had  been  long  in  the  public  service — Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  Secretary  of  War  in  the 
Cabinet  of  General  Harrison,  and  a  member  of  the  United 
States  Senate  from  the  State  of  Tennessee  for  years ;  his 
political  opinions  were  conservative,  and  his  intellectual 
force  was  such  as  to  give  him  a  commanding  position  in 
the  Senate  at  that  time. 

Mr.  Everett  was  distinguished  for  his  intellect,  for  the 
purity  of  his  character,  for  the  breadth  of  his  statesman- 


29O  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ship,  and  for  his  attainments,  which  had  attracted  attention 
at  home  and  abroad. 

This  party,  assembled  in  convention,  proposing  to  avoid 
a  statement  of  opinions  that  might  bring  it  into  collision 
with  other  parties  upon  mere  details,  decided  to  adopt  no 
other  platform  than  a  recognition  of  certain  great  princi- 
ples which  they  believed  were  essential  to  the  safety  and 
prosperity  of  the  whole  country.  The  platform  adopted 
declared  that  the  party  recognized  "  no  political  principle 
other  than  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  Union  of  the 
States,  and  the  enforcement  of  laws." 

The  Republican  party  represented  the  anti-slavery  sen- 
timent of  the  country,  and  was  composed  of  men  holding 
extreme  opinions.  Some  of  these  chief  leaders,  asserting 
their  purpose  to  exclude  slavery  from  every  part  of  the 
country  which  could  be  reached  by  the  action  of  the  gen-! 
eral  government,  held  its  National  Convention  at  Chicago 
May  1 6th.  A  great  struggle  followed  between  the  friends 
of  the  several  aspirants  to  the  presidency.  Mr.  Seward  was 
strongly  supported,  and  it  was  believed  that  he  would  se- 
cure the  nomination.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  a  large  following, 
and  his  friends  contended  vigorously  for  his  nomination. 

Finally,  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  was  nominated 
for  President,  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  Convention  expressed  in 
the  strongest  terms  its  hostility  to  slavery  and  its  purpose 
to  prevent  its  extension  beyond  the  limits  of  the  States 
where  it  already  existed.  That  part  of  the  platform  relat- 
ing to  slavery  was  as  follows  : 

"  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principle  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  embodied  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  '  that  all  men  are  created  equal  ;  that  they  are 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights  ;  that 
among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ; 
that  to  secure  these  rights  governments  are  instituted  among 


REPUBLICAN  HOSTILITY   TO   SLAVERY.  29 1 

men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned,' is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican  insti- 
tutions ;  and  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  the  Union  of  the  States  must  and  shall  be  pre- 
served. That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  especially  of  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and 
control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  powers  on 
which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric 
depend  ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed 
force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under 
what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes.  That  the  new 
dogma,  that  the  Constitution  of  its  own  force  carry  slavery 
into  any  or  all  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  is  a 
dangerous  political  heresy  at  variance  with  the  explicit  direc- 
tions of  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous  exposition, 
and  with  legislative  and  judicial  precedent ;  is  revolutionary 
in  its  tendency,  and  subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony  of 
the  country.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  in 
the  United  States  is  that  of  freedom  ;  that,  as  our  republican 
fathers,  when  they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national 
territory,  ordained  that  '  no  person  should  be  deprived  of  life, 
liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law,'  it  becomes  our 
duty,  by  legislation,  whenever  such  legislation  is  necessary,  to 
maintain  this  provision  of  the  Constitution  against  all  attempts 
to  violate  it  ;  and  we  deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a 
territorial  legislature,  or  of  any  individuals  to  give  legal  exist- 
ence to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States." 

The  several  parties  having  brought  their  candidates  for 
the  presidency  into  the  field,  proceeded  to  appeal  to  the 
people  of  the  country  for  their  support.  Mass-meetings 
were  held,  which  were  addressed  by  leading  men,  who  ex- 
pounded the  opinions  which  they  represented,  and  present- 
ed the  claims  of  the  candidates  upon  the  people  in  language 
which  aroused  them,  in  many  places,  into  great  excitement. 

I  was  passing  the  summer  at  the  North,  having  been 
some  time  with  my  family  at  Saratoga  Springs,  and  later, 


292  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

coming  to  the  city  of  New  York,  where  I  took  apartments 
at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel. 

The  conservative  men  in  the  city  of  New  York  decided 
to  hold  a  meeting  which  should  be  addressed  by  gentle- 
men supporting  the  claims  of  the  several  candidates  for 
the  presidency  opposed  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  was  honored 
with  an  invitation  to  deliver  a  speech  on  the  occasion,  and 
accepted  it.  They  believed  that  the  state  of  the  country 
required  the  concentration  of  public  sentiment  against  the 
sectional  party  that  seemed  to  be  making  great  progress 
in  the  non-slaveholding  States. 

A  call  for  a  meeting  of  the  people  to  adopt  measures 
for  an  organization  of  the  friends  of  the  Union  in  Cooper 
Institute  was  announced  for  the  17th  of  September,  i860. 
I  have  before  me  a  New  York  Herald,  published  Tuesday, 
September  18th,  which  gives  an  account  of  the  meeting. 
The  notice  of  the  meeting  is  headed  : 

E  PLURIBUS   UNUM. 


THE   MONSTER   MEETING   LAST   NIGHT. 


COOPER  INSTITUTE  AND  ALL  THE  SURROUNDING  STREETS 
CRAMMED  WITH  PEOPLE. 


THE    GREATEST    DEMONSTRATION    EVER    HELD    IN    THE 
UNITED   STATES. 

THIRTY    THOUSAND    VOTERS    EN    MASSE. 


NEW   YORK   WIDE-AWAKE. 
SPLENDID  DISPLAY  OF  THE  MINUTE-MEN  OF  THE  UNION. 


BRILLIANT  TORCHLIGHT  AND  PYROTECHNIC  DISPLAY 


THE  VOICE  OF  THE  PEOPLE  FOR  THE  UNION. 

"  Cooper  Institute  and  the  surrounding  district  was  last  even- 
ing a  scene  of  immense  excitement,  and  a  degree  of  public  enthu- 


GRAND  NATIONAL   MASS-MEETING.  293 

siasm  rarely  equalled.  From  an  early  hour  in  the  afternoon 
large  crowds  began  to  assemble  about  the  building  watching  the 
active  preparations  which  were  in  progress  for  the  great  national 
demonstration  of  the  day.  Rostrums  and  stands  were  erected 
in  front  of  the  Institute,  and  flags  and  banners  bearing  patriotic 
devices  were  suspended  all  around.  It  is  scarcely  necessary 
to  say  that  the  attraction  was  the  grand  national  mass-meeting 
announced  to  be  held  by  all  the  friends  of  the  Union,  the 
Constitution,  and  the  laws,  and  all  who  are  opposed  to  black 
Republicanism,  and  to  its  sectional  and  blood-thirsty  doctrines. 
The  national  sentiment  was  thoroughly  aroused  in  the  minds 
of  the  masses,  and  the  people  congregated  in  great  numbers  to 
show  their  devotion  to  constitutional  principles,  and  to  the 
Union  and  perpetuity  of  the  States.      .     .     . 

"  Cooper  Institute  was  filled  even  to  suffocation.  The  idea 
of  a  crowded  building  is  generally  an  indistinct  one  to  convey 
to  those  who  do  not  actually  witness  the  appearance  of  the 
multitude  ;  but  the  largest  crowd  that  ever  assembled  in  one 
place  in  this  city  is  as  nothing  to  the  overwhelming  masses 
which  crowded  the  ground-floor,  corridor,  portals,  and  even  the 
windows,  of  this  well-known  and  capacious  institution  last 
night.  At  a  quarter  past  seven  the  house  was  full  ;  at  half 
past  it  was  crowded  to  repletion  ;  at  a  quarter  to  eight  the  side 
windows  were  thrown  open  to  the  public,  and  at  eight  o'clock, 
the  hour  fixed  for  the  beginning  of  the  proceedings,  the  people 
were  packed  together  as  grains  in  a  keg  of  gunpowder. 

"  The  splendid  band  of  the  New  York  Seventh  Regiment  was 
in  attendance,  and  discoursed  very  beautiful  music  during  the 
evening.  ' 

u.  .  .  Gen.  F.  A.  Tallmadge  called  the  meeting  to  order 
in  a  very  brief  speech,  in  which  he  introduced  Joshua  J.  Henry, 
Esq.,  as  presiding  officer.  Mr.  Henry  delivered  a  patriotic 
speech  which  was  received  with  great  applause.  Vice-presi- 
dents were  chosen  from  the  other  States  of  the  Union.  From 
the  metropolis  a  number  were  chosen,  and  in  the  list  the  follow- 
ing names  appear  :  General  Winfield  Scott,  William  B.  Astor, 
James  Gordon  Bennett,  John  J.  Cisco,  William  F.  Havemeyer, 
Wilson  G.  Hunt,  John  A.  Dix,  Moses  Taylor,  Charles  O'Connor, 


294  POLITICS  AMD  PEN  PICTURES. 

Daniel  Drew,  Henry  Grinnell,  Lewis  A.  Sayre  ;  the  list  is  a  very 
long  one,  and  the  gentlemen  named  were  men  of  great  influence, 
who  desired  to  advance  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country.  A 
number  of  secretaries  were  appointed.     ..." 

The  names  were  received  with  tremendous  applause, 
especially  those  of  General  Winfield  Scott,  and  three  other 
gentlemen  immediately  following.  The  nominations  were 
unanimously  approved.  After  the  band  had  played 
"  Yankee  Doodle,"  Mr.  Eli  P.  Morton  read  a  series 
of  resolutions  in  a  loud  and  distinct  voice,  the  people 
breaking  in  with  tremendous  applause  at  various  points ; 
the  resolutions  were  then  put  and  carried,  new.  con.  The 
chairman  then  said  :  "  I  have  the  honor  to  present  to 
you  this  evening  as  the  first  speaker  his  Honor,  Fernando 
Wood."  Mayor  Wood's  appearance  was  greeted  with 
the  heartiest  demonstrations  of  applause.  When  order 
was  restored  Mr.  Wood  proceeded  to  deliver  a  speech 
of  great  interest,  distinguished  for  statesmanship  and 
patriotic  ardor.  Seated  by  my  side  on  the  platform 
was  ex-Governor  Moorehead  of  Kentucky,  a  personal 
and  political  friend,  with  whom  I  had  served  for  years 
in  Congress.  It  had  been  arranged  that  we  should  both 
address  the  meeting,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Wood's 
address  I  was  introduced  by  the  chairman,  and  delivered 
a  speech  which  was  reported  in  full  in  the  New  York 
Herald,  and  from  which  I  quote  several  paragraphs.  I 
said  : 

"  Gentlemen,  we  are  in  the  midst  of  great  events.  At  peace 
with  all  nations — far  removed  from  the  complications  of  Euro- 
pean politics — we  ought  to  enjoy  profound  tranquillity,  and  yet 
a  widespread  apprehension  of  coming  troubles  fills  the  public 
mind.  The  whole  aspect  of  public  affairs  is  threatening ; 
heretofore  party  struggles  and  party  triumphs  haven  risen 
and  passed  away  without  disturbing  the  action  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  immediately  after  the  most  exciting  political  con- 


AN  EXTRAORDINARY  CANVASS.  295 

test  a  calm  has  succeeded  as  deep  as  that  which  overspreads 
the  sea  when  the  tempest  has  spent  its  rage  and  the  billows 
ceased  to  lash  the  shore.  But  the  contest  now  going  on  is  not 
an  ordinary  canvass  ;  it  wears  an  aspect  of  far  higher  signifi- 
cance, and  more  momentous  results  lift  themselves  to  view  in 
the  background.  Bodies  of  men — disciplined,  drilled,  marching 
to  the  sound  of  martial  music,  bearing  not  arms  as  yet,  but 
torches — tread  the  streets  of  this  great  national  emporium,  and 
range  their  columns  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  statue  of 
Washington.  What  men  were  they  ?  They  called  themselves 
Republicans,  but  they  have  lost  the  last  element  of  that  princi- 
ple ;  they  are  truly  sectional  men.  [Applause.]  For  what  pur- 
pose are  they  trained  ?  Against  what  enemy  are  they  to 
march  ?  One  sentiment  inflames  the  whole  body.  They  are 
banded  together  for  one  purpose.  They  hate  the  South,  and 
they  will  seek  to  overthrow  the  institutions  of  the  South.  At 
this  moment  an  extraordinary  number  of  citizens  of  the 
Southern  States  are  in  New  York  ;  they  fill  the  hotels,  they 
throng  the  streets,  they  are  seen  in  your  great  trading  establish- 
ments ;  they  come  with  the  confidence  of  a  kindred  people  to 
visit  and  trade  with  a  kindred  people.  [Applause.]  And  yet 
torches  borne  by  men  who  denounce  their  institutions,  and 
seek  to  turn  all  the  power  of  a  common  government  against 
them,  glare  upon  them  at  midnight,  and  the  tread  of  disciplined 
battalions  shakes  the  very  paving  stones  as  they  march  in  their 
training  to  prepare  for  a  resistless  assault  upon  the  rights  and 
the  honor  of  our  section.  [Loud  applause.]  What  other 
object  can  they  have  in  view  ?  It  is  said  that  they  desire 
to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  when  there  is  not  a 
Territory  open  to  it  to-day.  Their  object  lies  far  beyond  that 
— they  intend  to  crush  out  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists. 
They  proclaim  through  the  lips  of  their  great  leader  '  the  irre- 
pressible conflict '  ;  they  intend  to  trample  the  Constitution 
under  their  feet,  and  to  spread  devastation  through  the  slave- 
holding  States.  Their  war-cry  is  as  furious  as  that  which  was 
thundered  by  the  legions  which  marched  under  banners  upon 
which  were  inscribed  the  words  :  ' Delenda  est  Carthago'  This 
distinguishes  the  present  presidental  canvass  from  any  that  has 


296  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

preceded  it.  A  powerful  and  dangerous  sectional  organiza- 
tion— it  is  not  a  party,  having  no  singular  legitimate  principles 
to  hold  it  together, — a  formidable  league  threatens  to  seize  the 
government,  and  to  turn  all  its  perverted  powers  against 
another  section,  and  every  interest  in  the  country  begins  to 
feel  the  shock  of  the  convulsion.  [Applause.]  Against  such  a 
league — a  league  so  fierce,  so  baseless,  so  reckless,  and  so 
dangerous — every  man  in  whose  breast  the  instincts  of  patriot- 
ism are  not  utterly  dead  ought  to  range  himself  in  the  order  of 
battle,  as  in  Rome  the  fiercest  dispute  between  the  Patricians 
and  the  Plebeians  could  be  stilled  by  hearing  the  common 
enemy  thundering  at  the  gates  of  the  city.  The  common 
enemy  thunders  at  the  gate  to-night.  Let  us  close  our  quar- 
rels. [Applause.]  I  appeal  to  the  honesty,  the  independence, 
and  the  patriotism  of  the  people  of  this  country  to  defeat  the 
grand  army  of  our  enemies.     [Applause.]     .     .     . 

"  This  is  the  anniversary  of  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution. It  has  hardly  yet  numbered  the  years  of  a  man's  life — 
and  now  it  covers  with  its  sheltering  sanctity  a  mighty  people, 
dwelling  between  the  two  great  oceans  of  the  world,  and  spread- 
ing from  the  regions  where  winter  enthrones  itself,  amid  frozen 
lakes  and  streams,  down  to  the  tropics.  Feeble  colonies  have 
grown  to  be  mighty  States — their  number  almost  treble — their 
wealth  boundless — their  commerce  as  wide  as  the  world,  and 
their  power  transcending  that  of  any  nation  on  the  globe.  No 
great  political  system  can  work  without  being  subject  to  occa- 
sional disturbance ;  and  the  only  troubles  which  the  American 
government  has  ever  experienced  have  resulted  from  an  at- 
tempt to  drive  it  from  its  true  orbit.  I  do  not  wish  this  evening 
to  enter  upon  an  examination  of  Mr.  Seward's  theory  of  morals. 
I  am  not  dealing  with  him  as  a  speculative  philosopher,  but  as  a 
practical  statesman,  and  I  do  not  think  it  difficult  to  say  that  he 
has  wholly  misconceived  the  character  of  our  government.  He 
has  the  audacity  to  stand  up,  a  senator  of  the  United  States, 
having  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution — and  to  address 
the  American  people  in  language  which  denounces  slavery 
as  a  great  wrong — a  gigantic  evil  which  the  government  ought 
to  extirpate  ;  he  complains  that  for  forty  years  it  has  been  upon 


MR.    SEWARD'S  POLICY. 


297 


the  wrong  track  ;  and  he  proposes  to  reverse  the  action  of  the 
government  ;  turn  it  back  in  its  course ;  ignore  its  grand  con- 
servative policy,  put  all  its  departments  into  the  hands  of  a 
sectional  league,  and  bring  all  its  energies  to  bear  against  the 
social  system  of  one  half  the  people  of  the  United  States.  He 
deliberately  proposes,  upon  the  basis  of  a  speculative  moral 
proposition,  to  shut  out  from  all  participation  in  the  conduct  of 
a  common  government  one  whole  section,  and  to  subvert  the 
very  institutions  which  that  government  was  organized  to 
protect.  But  Mr.  Seward  will  not,  of  course,  deny  that  when 
the  Constitution  was  adopted  nearly  every  State  held  slaves — a 
very  deep  sensibility  in  regard  to  the  rights  of  those  who  held 
that  kind  of  property  was  manifested  in  the  convention  which 
framed  it, — and  the  basis  was  laid  in  the  very  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  for  the  representation  of  slaves  by  their  owners  in 
Congress.  A  slave-holder,  George  Washington,  presided  over 
the  convention,  and  his  was  the  first  hand  which  signed  the 
instrument.  [Applause.]  Now  I  assert  that  it  is  wholly  im- 
possible to  turn  the  powers  of  the  common  government,  adopted 
for  the  benefit  of  all  the  States,  against  the  institutions  of  any  of 
the  States,  without  an  utter  perversion  of  the  true  objects  of 
that  government,  without  a  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and 
without  inflicting  a  great  wrong,  to  which  a  brave  and  spirited 
people  ought  not  to  submit,  and  to  which  the  Southern  people 
will  never  submit,  until  Revolutionary  blood  has  died  in  their 
veins,  and  Revolutionary  memories  perished  in  their  hearts.  If 
Mr.  Seward  hopes  to  obtain  tranquillity  in  that  way,  the  hope  is 
a  vain  one.  You  may  as  well  seek  to  repress  the  internal  fires 
of  the  earth  by  heaping  mountains  upon  them  ;  sooner  or  later 
they  will  heave  whatever  oppresses  them,  and  flame  up  to 
heaven.     .     .     . 

"  Now,  Mr.  Seward  proposes  to  reverse  the  whole  policy  of 
the  government,  and  to  proclaim  hostility  to  slavery  every- 
where. The  South  sees  this  mighty  organization  spreading  its 
battalions  all  through  the  Northern  and  Northwestern  States. 
She  hears  the  tramp  of  men  mustering  to  the  overthrow  of  her 
institutions.  But  she  stands  undismayed,  confident  yet  in  the 
patriotic  instincts  of  the  American  people,  confident  in   the 


298  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

fraternal  regard  of  her  Northern  friends,  but  more  confident 
still  in  her  self-respect  and  courage — for  she  will  never  submit 
to  be  wronged  and  degraded,  nor  live  to  see  her  institutions 
brought  under  the  ban  of  the  government.  She  borrows 
the  spirit  of  the  national  song  of  England,  her  mother,  and 
exclaims  : 

"  '  O  Lord  our  God,  arise  ; 
Scatter  our  enemies, 

And  make  them  fall  ;     [Amen.] 
Confound  their  politics, 
Frustrate  their  knavish  tricks. 
On  thee,  O  God,  our  eyes  we  fix — 

God  save  the  State  ! '     [Loud  applause.] 

"  We  must  defeat  this  fierce  sectional  league,  and  save  the 
government  from  their  grasp.  Why  should  the  North  be 
arrayed  against  the  South  ?  There  is  ample  room  on  this  conti- 
nent for  the  expansion  and  working  of  our  systems  of  civiliza- 
tion— systems  which  are  not  conflicting,  but  which  are  admirably 
adapted  to  each  other  ;  for  we  consume  your  products,  and  we 
supply  you  with  material  for  your  industry.  Let  the  two 
systems  work  side  by  side  ;  the  North  is  already  powerful,  and 
your  population  is  rapidly  increasing  by  a  steady  stream  of 
emigration  which  spreads  all  over  your  vast  territory.  Slavery 
will  not  go  where  it  is  not  wanted  ;  it  is  governed  by  natural 
laws — soil  and  climate  ;  and  we  are  content  to  leave  it  to  its 
natural  expansion.  Above  a  well  defined  parallel  of  latitude  it 
cannot  be  profitably  employed.  It  is  madness  then  to  seek  to 
limit  it  by  legislation,  by  usurpation,  by  inflaming  the  North 
against  the  South,  and  by  proclaiming  humanitarian  doctrines 
as  shallow  as  they  are  dangerous.  To  God's  Providence  this 
great  interest  must  be  committed.  He  sees  the  sublime  march 
of  nations — He  alone  can  guide  our  steps  ;  and  it  is  stupendous 
folly  as  well  as  audacity  for  our  brethren  of  the  North  to  pass 
away  from  the  lines  of  their  own  social  system  in  the  vain  hope 
of  reforming  ours.  I  have  said  that  it  would  be  a  gross  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution  to  engraft  upon  the  government  a 
policy  hostile  to  slavery.  It  would  be  more  than  this — it  would 
be  a  flagrant  breach  of  good  faith.     Does  any  man  believe  that 


SLAVERY  IN   THE    CONSTITUTION.  299 

the  federal  government  could  have  been  constructed  if  it  had 
been  understood  that  the  powers  would  be  directed  against 
slavery  in  the  States  ?  Why,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  in  the 
Constitution  that  the  foreign  slave-trade  should  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  government  for  twenty  years  after  its  adoption. 
Why  stipulate  for  the  continued  importation  of  slaves  for 
twenty  years,  if  it  was  to  be  the  policy  of  the  government  in 
future  to  eradicate  that  institution  in  the  States  ?  Why  not 
forthwith  cut  off  all  further  supply  of  slaves  from  abroad  ?  So 
resolute  were  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  upon  this  point 
that  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  by  a  bare  majority  vote  of 
the  two  houses  of  Congress  was  not  granted  till  that  clause  in 
reference  to  importation  of  persons  from  abroad  was  first 
secured.  If,  then,  the  government  could  not  have  been  con- 
structed with  a  distinct  understanding  at  the  time  that  its  policy 
was  to  be  directed  against  slavery,  is  it  not  both  unconstitutional 
and  a  flagrant  breach  of  good  faith  to  seize  the  departments  of 
that  government — a  government  common  to  all  the  States — 
and  turn  them  against  that  system  of  labor  in  the  Southern 
States  ?  The  Constitution  provides  for  the  representation  of 
slaves  as  an  elementary  part  of  the  machinery  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  it  prohibits  the  cutting  off  a  still  larger  supply  of 
slaves  from  Africa  for  twenty  years.  How  then  can  it  be 
asserted  that  this  is  an  anti-slavery  government  in  its  nature, 
and  that  it  was  put  upon  the  wrong  track  forty  years  since  by 
admitting  a  slave-holding  State  into  the  Union  ?  Ought  not 
the  people  of  a  State  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  framing  their 
own  domestic  institutions  ?  Can  hostility  to  slavery  upon  the 
ground  of  its  being  a  moral  wrong,  as  Mr  Seward  asserts  it  to 
be,  authorize  a  statesman  to  direct  the  energies  of  a  common 
government  against  it,  when  the  Constitution  not  only  confers 
no  such  power,  but  when  its  provisions  actually  are  made  to 
perpetuate  it  ?  Is  not  this  a  direct  appeal  to  the  higher  law  ? 
All  that  the  South  asks  is  that  the  Constitution  be  upheld ;  she 
demands  nothing  but  that  the  government  be  administered  in  the 
spirit  of  that  instrument.  Her  enemies  are  the  enemies  of  the 
Constitution,  and  they  can  reach  her  institutions  only  by  tramp- 
ling that  under  foot.     She  does  not  envy  the  prosperity  of  the 


300  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

North.  She  rejoices  in  the  increasing  wealth  and  power  of  a 
kindred  people,  she  witnesses  your  rapid  advancement,  your 
wonderful  growth,  with  just  pride,  and  she  bids  you  go  on  in 
your  course  of  expansion  and  civilization ;  she  sees  your 
splendid  cities  with  hearty  satisfaction,  and  glories  in  your 
commerce  which  bears  the  flag  of  the  republic  to  the  remotest 
seas  of  the  globe  ;  she  is  content  with  her  own  lot ;  she  asks 
no  special  legislation  for  her  benefit  ;  all  that  she  demands  is  a 
full  participation  in  the  benefits  of  a  common  government,  a 
full  recognition  of  her  rights,  and  a  clear  vindication  of  her 
honor.  [Loud  applause.]  Wronged,  degraded,  excluded  from 
the  full  benefit  of  her  own  government,  she  will  never  consent 
to  be,  nor  will  she  suffer  her  institutions  to  be  brought  under 
the  ban  of  that  government.  When  we  survey  the  wide  picture 
of  national  power  and  glory  and  happiness  that  spreads  out 
before  us,  we  can  hardly  repress  our  indignation  against  those 
wild  and  wicked  agitators  who  seek  to  destroy  it ;  and  we 
exclaim  in  the  language  of  Milton's  nervous  and  earnest 
prayer  against  the  enemies  of  the  people  of  England  :  '  Leave 
us  not  a  prey  to  these  importunate  wolves,  that  wait  and  think 
long  till  they  devour  thy  tender  flocks  ;  these  wild  boars  that 
have  broken  into  thy  vineyard  and  left  the  print  of  their 
polluting  hoofs  on  the  souls  of  thy  servants  !  O  let  them  not 
bring  about  their  wicked  designs,  that  stand  now  at  the  entrance 
of  the  bottomless  pit,  expecting  the  watchword  to  open  and  let 
out  those  dreadful  locusts  and  scorpions  to  reinvolve  us  in  that 
pitchy  cloud  of  infernal  darkness  where  we  shall  never  more 
see  the  sun  of  thy  truth  again,  never  hope  for  the  cheerful 
dawn,  never  more  hear  the  birds  of  morning  sing.'  [Loud  and 
repeated  applause.] 

"  This  is  a  grand  struggle  between  Nationalism  and  Sectional- 
ism. The  very  existence  of  the  Union  is  involved  in  it  ;  men 
of  extreme  opinions  seek  to  grasp  the  reins  of  government,  and 
if  they  succeed  they  will  plunge  the  country  into  irretrievable 
ruin.  They  must  be  put  down.  National  men — statesmen 
who  stand  by  the  Constitution,  and  love  the  Union,  and  desire 
to  see  the  laws  enforced, — they  must  be  sustained,  and  to  their 
hands  we  must  commit  the  government.      Rash  men  of  sec- 


SIGNS  OF  DANGER    TO    THE    UNION.  30 1 

tional  views  cannot  govern  this  great  country.  A  perfect 
illustration  of  what  would  follow  is  found  in  the  classics. 
Phaeton  desired  but  for  one  day  to  drive  the  chariot  of  the  sun  ; 
he  seized  the  reins  in  his  feeble  hands,  the  wild  steeds  flew  from 
their  accustomed  track.  The  universe  was  threatened  with 
destruction,  and  not  till  a  bolt  flew  from  the  uplifted  hand  of 
Jupiter,  hurling  the  impetuous  driver  from  his  seat,  could  order 
be  restored  to  nature.  Better  far  to  keep  rash,  sectional,  in- 
competent men  out  of  the  seat  of  power,  than  risk  the  task  to 
the  aroused  majesty  of  the  American  people  of  restoring  order 
and  hurling  them  from  their  places.     [Applause.]     .     .     . 

"  To  take  candidates  now  from  one  section,  to  proclaim  war 
against  another  section,  to  denounce  the  institutions  of  co- 
ordinate States — this  is  the  issue  before  the  country,  this  is  the 
policy  exhibited  to  our  view  ;  and  it  has  never  till  now  threat- 
ened to  take  control  of  the  government.  If  they  come  into 
power  it  will  be  the  beginning  of  the  end  ;  this  government 
cannot  be  administered  upon  that  plan.  The  day  that  witnesses 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  that  calamity  is  to  be  visited 
upon  us,  will  witness  a  convulsion  which  shakes  the  institutions 
of  this  country  to  their  deepest  foundation.  [Tremendous  en- 
thusiasm.] Public  confidence  will  expire,  stocks  will  go  down, 
property  of  every  description  will  fall  suddenly  in  value,  com- 
merce will  feel  the  shock  as  if  a  storm  had  swept  the  sea 
and  rent  the  sails  of  mighty  ships,  and  this  grand  republican 
system,  this  glorious  confederacy  of  free  and  powerful  States, 
seated  in  friendly  alliance  upon  a  continent  over  which  the 
gorgeous  ensign  of  the  Republic  streams  to-day,  the  symbol  of 
peace,  of  union,  and  of  strength,  rocked  as  under  the  throes  of 
an  earthquake.  The  mariner  can  discover  with  his  practised 
eye  the  sign  of  the  rising  tempest,  and  even  far  in  upon  the 
land  a  bird  is  sometimes  seen  flying  before  the  fury  of  the 
coming  storm  which  threatens  to  sweep  its  billowy  home  ;  and 
I  do  not  doubt  that  men  of  experience,  sweeping  the  horizon 
with  their  glasses,  begin  even  now  to  read  the  signs  of  danger 
in  some  of  those  aspects  which  the  times  disclose  to  their  view, 
while  they  escape  the  notice  of  a  casual  observer.  I  have  always 
been  for  the  Union — I  am  for  the  Union  to-day  ;  but  the  best 


302  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

friends  of  the  Union  may  be  overwhelmed,  as  a  faithful  helms- 
man is  sometimes  driven  from  his  post  by  the  fury  of  a  resist- 
less tempest.  Gentlemen,  stand  up  for  the  Union.  [The  whole 
mass  here  rose  with  a  common  impulse  and  cheered  right 
lustily.]  Let  us  put  down  now  and  forever  sectional  men  ;  they 
exult  in  the  hope  of  victory  ;  they  spread  their  fierce  legions 
all  about  us,  as  Leslie's  army  shut  in  Cromwell  ;  let  us,  like 
that  grand  old  Christian  soldier,  rise  in  our  impetuous  strength 
and  cut  their  lines  to  pieces.  The  Union  must  be  preserved. 
Glorious  objects  lie  before  us  ;  our  destiny  as  a  nation  is  not 
yet  fulfilled.  [Loud  applause.]  Let  us  accomplish  the  grand 
and  beneficent  objects  of  our  destiny.     .     .     . 

"  Upon  you,  gentlemen  of  the  State  of  New  York,  depends 
everything  at  this  crisis  ;  do  not  be  dismayed  by  the  magnitude 
of  the  task  which  lies  before  you  ;  think  of  your  vast  strength  ; 
think  of  the  glory  which  will  crown  you  if,  meeting  the  surging 
billows  which  have  just  broken  over  the  State  of  Maine,  you  say 
to  them  :  '  Thus  far  shalt  thou  come,  and  no  farther,  and 
here  shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed.'  [Renewed  applause.] 
It  is  glorious  to  see  great  strength  displayed  in  the  beneficent 
work  of  saving,  and  not  destroying.  You  can  save  a  Nation — 
you  can  rescue  the  Republic — you  can  cover  yourselves  all 
over  with  glory.  The  Lacedaemonians  stood  at  the  Pass  of 
Thermopylae  and  died,  earning  immortality ;  they  perished 
because  they  were  feeble  ;  they  counted  but  hundreds  against 
a  host.  But  you  are  mighty — you  are  invincible  ;  rise  to  the 
full  grandeur  of  your  position.  Friends  of  the  Constitution, 
friends  of  liberty,  friends  of  the  Republic,  rise  in  the  full 
majesty  of  your  strength  and  crush  the  enemies  of  your 
country."     [Tremendous  applause.] 

Some  days  after  the  great  meeting  in  Cooper  Institute 
I  received  an  invitation  from  the  conservative  men  of 
Boston  to  deliver  a  speech  in  that  city  on  the  state  of 
the  country. 

During  my  stay  in  Boston  I  was  the  guest  of  Mr. 
Edward  Everett.  He  gave  me  a  cordial  welcome  to  his 
house,  and  he  entertained  me  in  a  way  to  make  my  visit 


THE   GUEST  OE  EDWARD  EVERETT.  303 

one  of  the  most  agreeable  of  my  life.  His  library  was 
large,  containing  besides  a  valuable  collection  of  books, 
works  of  art,  and  among  them  was  a  life-size  marble 
statue  of  himself,  which  had  been  presented  by  his  friends. 
I  was  called  on  by  a  number  of  the  leading  men  of 
Boston,  and  it  was  arranged  that  I  should  deliver  a 
speech  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Mr.  Everett's  name  was  on  the 
ticket  for  the  vice-presidency  with  Mr.  Bell,  and  he  did 
not  accompany  me  to  the  hall,  but  I  was  escorted  by 
several  gentlemen  of  distinction.  A  large  audience  filled 
the  place,  so  rich  in  historic  associations,  and  so  full  of 
objects  recalling  patriotic  memories. 

I  delivered  a  speech  in  which  I  described  the  state  of 
the  country,  and  spoke  of  the  perils  which  surrounded 
the  government.  I  presented  the  claims  of  the  eminent 
men  whose  cause  I  represented  in  strong  terms,  and 
appealed  to  all  who  heard  me  to  give  another  illustration 
of  the  attachment  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union,  by  giving  them  their  support.  Expres- 
sions of  great  satisfaction  were  given  during  the  delivery 
of  the  speech,  and  at  its  conclusion  I  was  greeted  with 
enthusiasm  by  the  whole  audience.  Among  the  gentle- 
men present  was  Mr.  George  S.  Hillard,  that  accomplished 
scholar  who  had  contributed  a  charming  book  to  the 
literature  of  the  country,  and  whose  rank  at  the  bar  was 
high  ;  he  returned  with  me  to  Mr.  Everett's  residence,  and 
soon  after  we  entered  the  house  a  large  number  of  citizens 
stood  in  front  of  it,  accompanied  by  a  band  of  music,  who 
gave  us  a  serenade.  Mr.  Everett  spoke  from  his  balcony, 
and  thanked  them  for  the  tribute  to  myself,  and  afterwards 
presented  me  to  them,  when  I  delivered  a  brief  speech. 

The  next  day  Mr.  Everett  invited  several  eminent 
gentlemen  to  meet  me  at  breakfast,  among  them  Mr. 
Winthrop,  Mr.  Prescott,  Mr.  Nathan  Appleton,  Mr. 
Ticknor,  Mr.  Hillard,  and  others  distinguished  for  their 
attainments  and  public  services. 


304  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

When  I  took  leave  of  Mr.  Everett  I  bore  with  me  a 
deepened  impression  of  his  splendid  qualities,  and  a 
heightened  estimate  of  him  as  a  man  and  a  scholar. 

Upon  my  return  to  New  York  several  influential  gen- 
tlemen called  on  me,  and  insisted  that  I  should  deliver 
speeches  at  some  of  the  important  places  in  the  interior 
of  the  State.  I  consented  to  do  so,  and  they  arranged  for 
my  reception  at  the  several  places  indicated. 

At  Utica  I  was  received  in  a  way  that  gratified  me 
greatly,  and  I  found  on  the  stage,  prepared  for  the 
occasion,  ex-Governor  Seymour,  who  gave  me  a  warm 
welcome.  After  delivering  my  speech,  that  eminent  man 
addressed  the  people  in  a  statesmanlike  way,  appealing 
to  the  people  to  give  their  support  to  men  who  repre- 
sented national  views  and  patriotic  measures.  He  de- 
nounced sectionalism  in  severe  terms,  and  insisted  that 
the  States  should  enjoy  without  molestation  their  full 
rights  under  the  Constitution. 

Proceeding  to  other  places  I  delivered  addresses,  and 
the  Saturday  previous  to  the  election  I  went  to  Niagara 
Falls  for  rest  and  recreation.  The  sun  had  gone  down 
before  my  arrival  ;  I  heard  the  thunder  of  the  falls,  and, 
walking  out,  could  see  dimly  that  sublime  spectacle  un- 
surpassed by  any  of  the  objects  of  nature.  I  was  alone, 
and  the  next  morning,  in  accordance  with  the  suggestion 
of  a  friend  in  New  York,  I  walked  out  of  the  hotel,  and, 
turning  my  steps  toward  the  falls,  I  did  not  look  up  until 
I  reached  a  certain  spot  where  it  was  said  I  would  enjoy 
the  most  impressive  view.  Many  have  attempted  to 
describe  their  emotions  upon  seeing  Niagara  Falls  for 
the  first  time  ;  I  shall  not  undertake  to  do  so.  Neither 
language  nor  art  can  give  an  adequate  idea  of  them.  I 
engaged  a  boat  in  charge  of  two  strong  men  and  entered 
it,  instructing  them  to  take  me  across  the  river  that  I 
might  enjoy  the  best  view  of  surrounding  objects.  The 
men  were  much    amused    by    occasional   expressions   of 


VISIT   TO  EX-PRESIDENT  FILLMORE.  305 

appreciation  on  my  part.  As  the  spray  fell  upon  us  I 
remarked  :  "  This  is  grand."  One  of  the  men  said  :  "  It 
is  a  little  too  grand."  I  said  a  few  minutes  afterwards 
that  I  had  never  seen  the  falls  before,  and  that  I  had 
come  from  Alabama  that  I  might  get  a  view  of  them. 
One  of  the  men  remarked :  "  You  must  think  a  heap  of 
them  to  come  so  far  to  see  them."  I  assented  to  what  he 
said.  I  saw  Niagara  under  the  most  favorable  circum- 
stances ;  the  day  was  fine,  and  I  was  alone  in  the  presence 
of  nature  in  her  most  sublime  form. 

On  Monday  I  took  the  train  for  Buffalo,  and  upon 
reaching  there  was  received  by  friends  who  expected 
my  visit. 

Mr.  Fillmore,  my  personal  and  political  friend,  with 
whom  I  had  enjoyed  an  agreeable  intercourse  for  years, 
called  on  me  and  invited  me  to  take  tea  with  him  at  his 
residence ;  I  was  presented  to  Mrs.  Fillmore,  and  passed 
an  hour  or  two  in  conversation.  Mr.  Fillmore,  since  his 
service  as  President,  had  declined  to  attend  public  meet- 
ings, and  therefore  did  not  accompany  me  to  the  hall 
where  I  was  to  address  the  people.  It  was  the  evening 
before  the  presidential  election,  when  I  stood  in  the 
presence  of  a  great  audience  and  delivered  my  speech. 
It  was  an  earnest  appeal  to  the  people  to  support  the 
candidates  of  the  Constitutional  Union  party,  and  I 
urged  them  in  the  great  contest  about  to  be  decided  to 
stand  by  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  I  left  at 
eleven  o'clock  that  night  for  New  York,  and  reached  that 
city  the  next  day. 

Meanwhile  the  great  contest  for  the  control  of  the 
government  was  going  on  throughout  the  United  States. 
I  soon  learned  that  the  Republican  party  had  won  the  day. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  it  was  decided,  should  be  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Effect  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Election  upon  the  Country — Secession  of  South  Caro- 
lina —  Mississippi  —  Florida  — Alabama  —  Speech  against  Secession — 
Georgia — Speech  of  Mr.  Stephens — Louisiana — Texas — Efforts  Made  to 
Arrest  the  Revolution — Opening  of  Congress — Mr.  Buchanan's  Message 
— Confederate  Congress  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  February  4,  1861 — 
Provisional  Government  Organized — Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi 
Elected  President — Alexander  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia,  Vice-President — 
Mr.  Davis  Inaugurated  February  18th — His  Cabinet — Mr.  Lincoln  Inau- 
gurated March  4th — Mr.  Stephens'  Speech,  March  21st — Fort  Sumter — 
Virginia — Tennessee. 

The  result  of  the  presidential  election  startled  the 
country.  The  United  States  at  that  time  presented  a 
splendid  picture  of  national  prosperity.  Everywhere, 
from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  from  the  mountains 
of  New  England  to  the  tropical  plains  of  Texas,  every 
interest  of  the  country  was  being  developed.  Soon  after 
the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  a  dark  cloud  came  over  this 
dazzling  picture. 

Up  to  that  time  the  government  had  been  administered 
in  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  and  whatever  differences 
of  opinion  existed  between  contending  parties,  every  one 
felt  that  the  institutions  of  the  country  were  safe.  The 
republic  had  grown  in  extent  and  power — its  commerce, 
its  manufactures,  its  agriculture  flourished,  and  its  flag 
was  known  and  honored  throughout  the  world.  But  now 
after  more  than  seventy  years  of  uninterrupted  growth 
in  all  its  departments  its  advance  was  to  be  suddenly 
arrested. 

306 


EFFECT  OF  MR.    LINCOLN'S  ELECTION.  307 

A  sectional  party  had  triumphed,  and  the  government 
was  to  be  transferred  to  their  hands.  Statesmen,  men  of 
business,  and  those  engaged  in  the  varied  industries  of  the 
country  expressed  their  apprehension  of  coming  troubles. 

Ex-President  Franklin  Pierce,  distinguished  as  a  states- 
man for  his  broad  views  and  patriotic  sentiments,  wrote  a 
letter,  the  day  following  the  election,  from  Concord,  N. 
H.,  November  7,  i860,  to  Hon.  Horatio  King,  Assistant 
Postmaster-General  at  Washington,  in  terms  which  ex- 
pressed the  general  sentiment  of  the  country  : 

"  As  the  overthrow  of  a  party  merely,  the  result  of  the  Presi- 
dential election  is  comparatively  of  little  moment.  As  a 
distinct  and  unequivocal  denial  of  the  co-equal  rights  of  the 
States,  I  cannot  help  regarding  it  as  fearful." 

South  Carolina  took  the  first  step  towards  organizing 
an  independent  government. 

The  legislature  then  in  session  at  Columbia  issued  a 
call  on  November  7,  i860,  the  day  after  the  presidential 
election,  when  it  was  known  that  a  majority  of  the  electors 
chosen  on  November  6th  were  in  favor  of  Lincoln  for 
President,  for  a  State  convention  to  assemble  on  Decem- 
ber 17th.  It  adopted  other  measures  providing  for  the 
protection  of  the  State  and  enabling  it  to  accomplish  its 
objects.  A  bill  was  passed  providing  for  an  army  of  ten 
thousand  men  to  be  raised  immediately.  Hon.  Francis 
W.  Pickens  was  elected  by  the  legislature  Governor  of 
the  State,  and  was  promptly  inaugurated.  In  his  inaugu- 
ral address  he  stated  that  for  seventy-three  years  the 
State  had  been  connected  by  a  federal  compact  with 
co-States,  under  a  bond  of  union  for  great  national  objects 
common  to  all ;  that  recently,  a  powerful  party  organized 
upon  principles  whose  undisguised  purpose  was  to  divert 
the  federal  government  from  its  true  objects,  and  turn 
its  power  against  the  interests  of  the  Southern  States, 
in  the  recent   election    had    triumphed    upon   principles 


308  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

that  made  it  no  longer  safe  to  rely  upon  the  powers  of 
the  federal  government ;  that  the  President  was  about  to 
be  inaugurated  with  vast  powers,  hostile  to  the  institutions 
of  South  Carolina ;  and  that  no  alternative  was  left  but  to 
interpose  the  sovereign  power  of  the  State  to  protect  the 
rights  and  ancient  privileges  of  its  people.  The  State 
convention  assembled  at  Columbia,  December  17th,  and 
adopted  an  ordinance  of  secession.  Governor  Pickens  on 
December  24th  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  to  be :  "  A  separate,  sovereign, 
free  and  independent  State,  and  as  such  has  a  right  to 
levy  war,  conclude  peace,  negotiate  treaties,  leagues,  or 
covenants,  and  to  do  all  acts  whatsoever  that  rightfully 
appertain  to  a  free  and  independent  State." 

The  most  active  steps  were  taken  to  secure  the  United 
States  Custom-House,  Post-Office,  and  Arsenal  in 
Charleston,  and  Forts  Pinckney  and  Moultrie  in  the  har- 
bor of  that  city.  About  this  time,  Major  Anderson,  the 
United  States  commander,  who  had  with  one  small  force 
occupied  Fort  Moultrie,  believing  that  to  be  indefensible, 
transferred  his  command  to  Fort  Sumter. 

Immediately  after  the  ordinance  of  secession  the  con- 
vention appointed  commissioners  to  visit  the  other  slave- 
holding  States,  and  invite  them  to  co-operate  with  South 
Carolina  in  the   formation  of  a  Confederate  government. 

Mississippi  promptly  responded ;  a  convention  was 
called,  and  an  ordinance  of  secession  adopted  on  January 
9th,  with  slight  opposition,  which  was  afterwards  made 
unanimous. 

Florida  was  the  next  State  to  take  action,  and,  on 
January  10th,  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession  with  a  pre- 
amble, setting  forth  the  reasons  for  withdrawing  from  the 
Union. 

In  Alabama  the  sympathy  with  South  Carolina  was  so 
strong  that  popular  demonstrations  were  made  in  several 
cities   when   that   State   withdrew  from  the  Union.     In 


SPEECH  AGAINST  SECESSION.  309 

Mobile,  which  at  that  time  enjoyed  great  commercial 
prosperity,  demonstrations  were  made  upon  a  grand 
scale.  In  Montgomery,  my  residence,  the  same  senti- 
ment exhibited  itself.  The  great  body  of  my  political 
friends  were  enthusiastic  in  expressing  their  sympathy 
with  South  Carolina,  and  insisted  that  Alabama  should 
follow  her  example. 

Loyal  to  the  South,  of  which  I  was  a  native,  where  I 
had  grown  up,  where  I  had  been  educated  ;  all  my  hopes 
and  interests  being  identified  with  its  prosperity,  happi- 
ness, and  glory ;  I  was  still  national,  and  desired  that 
Alabama  should  await  some  further  action  on  the  part  of 
the  general  government  before  taking  any  steps  to  with- 
draw from  the  Union. 

A  number  of  gentlemen,  who  were  in  sympathy  with 
my  views,  urged  me  to  address  the  people  in  opposition 
to  the  proposed  secession  of  the  State,  and  I  decided  to 
do  so. 

I  delivered  a  speech  in  Estelle  Hall  to  a  crowded  house, 
expressing  in  strong  terms  my  attachment  to  Alabama, 
and  my  desire  that  the  State  should  still  maintain  its 
relations  to  the  Union,  and  await  the  full  co-operation  of 
the  other  slave-holding  States  before  taking  any  final  step 
to  sever  its  connection  with  the  federal  government.  I 
reviewed  the  history  of  the  government,  and  stated  that 
we  were  indebted  to  the  Union  of  the  States  for  our 
growth  and  prosperity,  and  I  depicted  the  disastrous  con- 
sequences that  might  follow  a  separation  from  the  non- 
slaveholding  States.  A  great  .writer  has  said  :  "  History 
is  philosophy  teaching  by  examples,"  and  it  was  impor- 
tant at  this  time  to  take  a  full  survey  of  the  past  before 
severing  our  relations  with  the  Union,  and  entering  upon 
the  untried  fortunes  of  the  future.  In  my  judgment, 
even  if  we  could  accomplish  the  plan  we  proposed  for  the 
separation  of  the  Southern  States  from  the  other  States 
and  the  organization  of  an  independent  government,  we 


3IO  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

might  not  be  able  to  conduct  that  government  success- 
fully;  we  were  an  agricultural  people,  and  it  was  doubtful 
if  we  should  be  able  to  protect  our  property  upon  the 
high  seas,  or  our  citizens  when  they  went  abroad.  Our 
wiser  course  would  be  to  assert  our  rights  within  the 
Union,  where  I  believed  we  should  be  able  to  protect  our 
rights  and  maintain  our  honor.  The  flag  of  the  United 
States  was  our  flag ;  it  was  only  a  piece  of  bunting,  but 
it  represented  the  glorious  history  of  our  people  in  peace 
and  in  war,  and  we  should  exhaust  every  remedy  in  our 
power  for  the  maintenance  of  our  rights  before  we  aban- 
doned it. 

The  large  audience,  the  great  majority  of  whom  held 
opinions  widely  different  from  mine,  heard  me  respect- 
fully, but  did  not  give  me  their  sympathy, 

Upon  the  close  of  my  speech  loud  calls  were  made 
upon  the  Honorable  Thomas  H.  Watts  to  reply  to  me. 
That  gentleman  came  forward  to  the  stand  and  was 
greeted  with  applause ;  with  the  generosity  of  his  nature, 
and  the  magnanimity  that  always  distinguished  him,  Mr. 
Watts  stated  that  while  he  did  not  agree  with  me  in  my 
views,  and  while  a  large  number  of  those  who  were  pres- 
ent might  also  dissent  from  my  counsels,  still  it  was  my 
right  to  speak  to  the  people  frankly.  I  had  been  honored 
by  the  people  of  Alabama  and  I  had  served  them  faith- 
fully, winning  distinction  for  myself  and  for  the  State ; 
he  therefore  declined,  at  that  time,  to  address  the  people. 

Governor  Andrew  B.  Moore  called  a  convention  of 
delegates  to  assemble  at  Montgomery,  who  were  elected 
December  24th.  The  convention  assembled  in  the  Capi- 
tol in  Montgomery  January  7,  1861.  Every  county  in 
the  State  was  represented  ;  it  was  plain  from  the  begin- 
ning that  a  very  large  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
convention  were  in  favor  of  withdrawing  from  the  Union  ; 
a  number  of  delegates  from  the  northern  part  of  Alabama 
opposed  the  plan  for  adopting  the  ordinance  of  secession. 


OPPOSITION    TO   SECESSION  IN  GEORGIA.  311 

There  was  a  strong  attachment  felt  for  the  Union,  and 
the  policy  of  withdrawing  from  it  at  that  time  was  decid- 
edly opposed. 

An  ordinance  of  secession  was  adopted  by  a  large  ma- 
jority. After  stating  the  reasons  for  a  separation  from 
the  Union,  it  declared  : 

"  That  the  State  of  Alabama  now  withdraws,  and  is  hereby 
withdrawn,  from  the  Union  known  as  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  henceforth  ceases  to  be  one  of  said  United 
States,  and  is,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  sovereign  and  inde- 
pendent State." 

In  Georgia  there  was  a  strong  popular  sentiment  against 
secession,  and  some  of  her  most  eminent  statesmen  re- 
sisted its  adoption.  Honorable  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
and  Benjamin  H.  Hill  were  distinguished  for  their  earnest 
appeals  in  behalf  of  the  Union.  A  convention  was  called 
which  met  at  Milledgeville,  January  16th.  Mr.  Stephens, 
a  member  of  the  body,  soon  after  the  opening  of  the  ses- 
sion, made  a  great  speech,  stating  in  vehement  terms  his 
opposition  to  secession.  One  of  the  opening  paragraphs 
reveals  the  ardor  of  his  appeal  to  the  convention  to  pause 
before  taking  that  momentous  step  : 

"  This  step,  secession,  once  taken  can  never  be  recalled, 
and  all  the  baleful  and  withering  consequences  that  must  fol- 
low will  rest  on  this  convention  for  all  coming  time.  When 
we  and  our  posterity  shall  see  our  lovely  South  desolated  by 
the  demon  of  war,  which  this  act  of  yours  will  inevitably  pro- 
voke ;  when  our  green  fields  and  waving  harvests  shall  be 
trodden  down  by  a  murderous  soldiery  ;  when  the  fiery  car  of 
war  sweeps  over  our  land,  our  temples  laid  in  ashes,  and  every 
horror  and  desolation  upon  us,  who  but  this  convention  will 
be  held  responsible  for  it,  and  who  but  him  who  shall  have 
given  his  vote  for  this  unwise  and  ill-timed  measure  shall  be 
held  to  a  strict  account  for  this  suicidal  act  by  the  present 


312  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

generation,  and  be  cursed  and  execrated  by  posterity  in  all  com- 
ing time  for  the  wide  and  desolating  ruin  that  will  inevitably 
follow  this  act  you  now  propose  to  perpetrate  ?  Pause,  I 
entreat  you,  and  consider  for  a  moment  what  reasons  you  can 
give  that  will  satisfy  yourselves  in  calmer  moments — what  rea- 
sons you  can  give  to  your  fellow-sufferers  in  the  calamity  that 
it  will  bring  upon  us." 

Against  these  solemn  appeals  of  this  distinguished 
statesman  the  convention,  on  January  19th,  passed  an  ordi- 
nance of  secession  by  a  vote  of  208  to  89.  This  powerful 
State  declared  herself  to  be  independent. 

Some  few  days  later  Louisiana  adopted  an  ordinance  of 
secession  by  a  vote  of  113  to  17. 

The  great  State  of  Texas,  catching  the  revolutionary- 
spirit,  soon  asserted  its  independence.  Disregarding  the 
counsels  of  her  eminent  citizen,  General  Sam  Houston, 
at  that  time  Governor,  Texas  in  convention  declared,  by 
a  vote  of  166  to  7,  that  the  State  was  no  longer  a  member 
of  the  Union. 

These  States,  so  lately  loyal  to  the  Union,  declared  that 
the  triumph  of  a  sectional  party  which  unequivocally  pro- 
claimed its  purpose  to  exclude  their  people  from  partici- 
pation in  the  benefits  of  a  common  government,  made  it 
imperative,  for  the  protection  of  their  rights,  to  withdraw 
from  it.  Each  one  asserting  a  rightful  power  as  a  sov- 
ereign, proclaimed  to  the  world  that  the  State  is,  as  she 
has  a  right  to  be,  a  separate,  free,  and  independent  State. 
The  several  States  having  thus  declared  their  indepen- 
dence proceeded  to  take  possession  of  the  arsenals,  custom- 
houses, navy  yards,  and  forts  belonging  to  the  United 
States. 

Fort  Sumter  was  still  held  by  an  officer  of  the  United 
States,  and  also  Fort  Pickens,  in  Florida. 

The  United  States  army  at  that  time  numbered  less 
than  20,000  men.     The  largest  force  was  in  Texas,  under 


PATRIOTIC  COUNSELS  OF   THE  PRESIDENT.        313 

the  command  of  General  Twiggs,  a  distinguished  officer, 
a  native  of  Georgia,  and  whose  sympathies  were  with  the 
South;  on  February  18th  he  surrendered  his  whole  com- 
mand and  all  the  posts  and  munitions  of  war  to  the 
authorities  of  Texas.  On  March  1st  General  Twigg  was 
dismissed  from  the  army  by  order  of  President  Buchanan. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled  Decem- 
ber 3,  i860,  and  President  Buchanan  sent  to  that  body 
his  annual  message.  In  treating  of  the  state  of  the  coun- 
try, he  recommended  several  measures  for  the  adoption 
of  Congress,  which  he  hoped  would  arrest  the  revolution 
already  commenced,  and  restore  to  the  Union  the  States 
which  had  withdrawn  from  it.  Mr.  Buchanan,  a  states- 
man of  great  ability  and  large  experience,  looking  out 
upon  the  whole  country,  proposed  the  adoption  of  meas- 
ures which  he  believed  to  be  just  in  themselves,  and 
demanded  by  the  condition  of  the  States.  He  did  not 
hesitate  to  declare  that  certain  laws  adopted  in  the  non- 
slaveholding  States,  impairing  or  defeating  the  right  to 
recover  fugitives  from  labor,  were  violations  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  consequently  null  and  void.  He  believed 
that  the  adoption  of  the  measures  proposed  by  him 
would  forever  terminate  the  existing  dissensions  and 
restore  peace  and  harmony  among  the  States.  The 
statesmanlike  and  patriotic  counsels  of  the  President  did 
not  prevail. 

The  great  State  of  Virginia,  loyal  to  the  Constitution, 
and  still  cherishing  the  traditions  which  had  distinguished 
her  statesmen  for  so  long  a  time,  made  an  effort  to  restore 
harmony  to  the  country.  One  of  her  most  eminent  citi- 
zens, ex-President  John  Tyler,  leaving  his  retirement, 
came  to  Washington  and  presided  over  a  convention 
which  had  assembled  in  accordance  with  resolutions 
which  had  been  adopted  by  the  legislature  of  Virginia. 
The  convention  did  not  succeed  in  effecting  the  recon- 
ciliation which  it  had  hoped  to  accomplish.     In  the  midst 


314  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

of  discussions  going  on  in  Congress  in  regard  to  the 
various  measures  proposed  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
great  contest,  events  occurred  which  soon  made  it  clear 
that  the  administration  of  President  Buchanan  could  not 
treat  successfully  the  great  questions  which  had  brought 
about  the  secession  of  several  of  the  Southern  States. 
One  by  one  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  resigned ;  the 
disturbing  question  was  a  proposition  to  reinforce  the 
forts  in  Charleston  harbor.  Mr.  Floyd,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  opposed  any  steps  in  that  direction,  and  while  the 
President  still  hesitated  to  take  any  decided  step  in 
regard  to  the  measure,  General  Cass,  Secretary  of  State, 
sent  in  his  resignation.  Honorable  Howell  Cobb,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  had  already  resigned,  and 
returned  to  his  residence  in  Georgia.  Soon  after,  Mr. 
Floyd,  the  Secretary  of  War,  not  being  able  to  induce 
the  President  to  withdraw  the  garrison  from  Charleston 
harbor,  resigned.  The  events  which  soon  after  occurred, 
led  to  the  resignation  of  the  Honorable  Jacob  Thompson, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  who  returned  to  his  home  in 
Mississippi.  Honorable  Joseph  Holt,  acting  Secretary  of 
War,  with  the  sanction  of  the  President  and  his  Cabinet, 
made  an  attempt  to  send  reinforcements  to  Major  Ander- 
son by  the  steamer  Star  of  the  West,  which  sailed  from 
New  York  January  5th,  and  arrived  off  Charleston  on  the 
9th.  The  ship  was  fired  at  from  batteries  manned  with 
the  forces  of  the  State,  and  returned  without  effecting 
her  purpose.  Resolutions,  belligerent  in  their  tone,  were 
adopted  by  the  legislatures  of  New  York,  Ohio,  and 
Massachusetts ;  the  whole  military  power  of  those  States 
was  offered  to  the  President.  The  legislature  of  South 
Carolina  declared  that  any  attempt  to  reinforce  Fort 
Sumter  would  be  an  act  of  war. 

Mr.  Buchanan  would  sanction  no  further  attempts  to 
reinforce  Fort  Sumter ;  his  administration  was  about  to 
close,  and  he  was  reluctant  to  perform  any  act  which 


THE    CONFEDERATE    GOVERNMENT  ORGANIZED.      315 

would  bring  about  hostilities  between  the  government  ot 
the  United  States  and  the  several  States  of  the  South 
which  had  so  recently  withdrawn  from  it ;  he  was  the 
last  in  the  line  of  Presidents,  beginning  with  Washington, 
who  had  administered  the  government  in  the  spirit  of 
the  Constitution,  who  had  witnessed  the  steady  growth 
of  the  country  until  it  reached  that  splendid  development 
which  attracted  the  attention  of  the  whole  world,  and  it 
was  his  wish  as  he  retired  from  his  great  office  to  leave  it 
undisturbed  by  the  sound  of  war,  and  unstained  by  a 
drop  of  fraternal  blood.  The  government  was  soon 
to  pass  into  the  hands  of  those  who  had  been  elected 
by  a  powerful  section,  and  a  new  dynasty  was  to  succeed, 
while  portentous  clouds  darkened  the  horizon  of  the 
future. 

In  the  meantime  the  States  that  had  seceded  from  the 
Union  proceeded  to  organize  a  Confederate  government. 
A  Congress  composed  of  delegates  from  these  States  met 
according  to  appointment  at  Montgomery  on  the  4th 
of  February,  1861.  Honorable  Howell  Cobb  of  Georgia 
was  chosen  to  preside  over  it. 

A  provisional  constitution  for  the  Confederacy  about 
to  be  established  by  the  States  which  had  declared  their 
independence,  to  be  styled  "  Confederate  States  of 
America,"  was  adopted  on  the  8th  of  February,  for  the 
term  of  one  year,  unless  superseded  by  a  permanent 
organization. 

The  next  day  an  election  was  held  for  the  chief  execu- 
tive offices,  and  Honorable  Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi 
was  elected  President,  and  Honorable  Alexander  Stephens 
of  Georgia  Vice-President.  Mr.  Davis  was  not  present  at 
the  time  of  his  election  to  the  presidency,  but  arrived  in 
the  course  of  a  few  days. 

He  was  inaugurated  as  President  of  the  Confederate 
States  on  the  18th  of  February,  in  the  presence  of  a  large 
assemblage  of  the  people,  who  greeted  him  with  enthusi- 


316  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

asm.  Demonstrations  of  joy  were  made  in  the  city  of 
Montgomery  at  the  moment  of  the  inauguration  of  the 
President,  and  the  residences  were  generally  illuminated 
in  the  evening. 

Mr.  Davis,  after  being  inaugurated,  proceeded  to  the 
formation  of  his  Cabinet.  It  seems  to  have  been  his 
purpose  to  appoint  Mr.  Barnwell  of  South  Carolina  Secre- 
tary of  State,  and  to  invite  Mr.  Toombs  of  Georgia  to 
take  charge  of  the  Treasury  Department.  Mr.  Barnwell 
having  declined  to  accept  the  office  tendered  him,  Mr. 
Toombs  was  offered  the  State  Department,  and  accepted 
it.  Mr.  Memminger  of  South  Carolina,  who  had  a  high 
reputation  in  his  own  State  for  integrity,  and  for  his 
acquaintance  with  financial  affairs,  was  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury.  Mr.  L.  P.  Walker  of  Alabama,  a 
distinguished  member  of  the  bar,  was  offered  the  War 
Department,  and  accepted  it.  Mr.  Mallory  of  Florida, 
who  had  been  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  in  the  United  States  Senate,  was  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy.  Mr.  Reagan  of  Texas,  who  had  been 
a  distinguished  Representative  in  the  United  States  Con- 
gress from  that  State,  accepted  the  office  of  Postmaster- 
General.  Mr.  Benjamin  of  Louisiana,  who  had  a  great 
reputation  as  a  lawyer,  and  who  had  served  with  distinc- 
tion in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  was  called  to  the 
post  of  Attorney-General.  A  permanent  constitution  was 
unanimously  adopted  by  Congress  on  March  nth.  Its 
provisions  resembled  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  but  some  changes  were  made  to  meet  the  con- 
ditions of  the  new  government.  Some  of  them  were  im- 
provements, and  among  these  was  a  provision  for  the 
election  of  President  and  Vice-President,  the  official  term 
having  been  extended  to  six  years,  and  the  President  in- 
eligible to  re-election. 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  inaugurated 
at  Washington.     In  his  inaugural  address  he  argued  that 


MR.    STEPHENS'    VIEWS.  317 

no  State  upon  its  own  mere  motion  can  lawfully  go  out  of 
the  Union,  and  declared  that  all  resolves  and  ordinances 
to  that  effect  were  illegal  and  void.     He  said : 

"  I  therefore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken  ;  and  to  the  extent  of  my 
ability  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  itself  expressly 
enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully  exe- 
cuted in  all  the  States." 

In  March  Mr.  Stephens  delivered  a  speech  at  Savannah, 
in  which  he  expounded  the  principles  upon  which  the 
Confederate  government  had  been  organized.  Opposed 
as  he  had  been  to  secession,  he  had  accepted  the  place  of 
Vice-President  in  the  new  government,  and  he  thought  it 
proper  to  state  his  views  clearly  in  regard  to  its  provisions. 
He  said : 

"  The  new  Constitution  has  put  at  rest  forever  all  the  agi- 
tating questions  relating  to  our  peculiar  institutions — African 
slavery  as  it  exists  among  us  ;  the  proper  status  of  the  negro 
in  our  form  of  civilization.  This  was  the  immediate  cause  of 
the  late  rupture  and  present  revolution.  Jefferson,  in  his  fore- 
cast, had  anticipated  this  as  the  rock  upon  which  the  old  Union 
would  split.  The  prevailing  ideas  entertained  by  him,  and 
most  of  the  old  statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the 
old  Constitution,  were  that  the  enslavement  of  the  African  was 
in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  ;  that  it  was  wrong  in  prin- 
ciple, socially,  morally,  and  politically.  Our  new  government 
is  founded  upon  exactly  opposite  ideas  ;  its  foundations  are 
laid,  its  corner-stone  rests  upon  the  great  truth  that  the  negro 
is  not  equal  to  the  white  man  ;  that  slavery,  subordination  to 
the  superior  race,  is  his  natural  and  normal  condition.  This, 
our  new  government,  is  the  first  in  the  history  of  the  world 
based  upon  this  great  physical,  philosophical,  and  moral  truth. 
It  is  the  first  government  ever  instituted  upon  principles  in 
strict  conformity  to  nature,  and  the  ordination  of  Providence, 
in  furnishing  the  materials  of  human  society.     Many  govern- 


318  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ments  have  been  founded  upon  the  principle  of  enslaving  cer- 
tain classes  ;  but  the  classes  thus  enslaved  were  of  the  same 
race  and  enslaved  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  nature.  Our  sys- 
tem commits  no  such  violation  of  nature's  laws  ;  the  negro,  by 
nature  or  by  the  curse  against  Canaan,  is  fit  for  that  condition 
which  he  occupies  in  our  system.  .  .  .  It  is  indeed  in 
conformity  with  the  Creator.  It  is  not  for  us  to  inquire  into 
His  ordinances,  or  to  question  them." 

Mr.  Lincoln  in  forming  his  Cabinet  appointed  Honorable 
William  H.  Seward  of  New  York  Secretary  of  State,  a 
statesman  of  great  ability,  but  committed,  by  repeated 
expressions  of  his  sentiments,  to  the  support  of  measures 
hostile  to  slavery  wherever  it  existed,  and  to  its  exclusion 
from  all  territory  embraced  within  the  government  of  the 
United  States. 

Honorable  Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio  accepted  the 
Department  of  the  Treasury.  This  really  great  statesman 
gave  strength  to  the  new  administration — illustrated  its 
whole  course,  and  by  his  financial  ability  enabled  it  to 
conduct  successfully  the  war  waged  against  the  States 
that  had  declared  their  independence  of  the  Union. 

The  new  administration  soon  exhibited  its  purpose  to 
coerce  the  States  that  had  withdrawn  from  the  Union  to 
obedience  to  the  authority  of  the  general  government.  It 
decided  that  a  fleet  should  be  sent  to  Charleston  to  rein- 
force Major  Anderson,  who  still  held  possession  of  Fort 
Sumter.  A  squadron  carrying  supplies  and  soldiers  sailed 
from  New  York  and  other  Northern  ports  early  in  April, 
and  on  the  8th  formal  notice  was  given  to  the  Governor 
of  South  Carolina  that  the  fleet  was  on  its  way  with 
instructions  to  relieve  the  fort.  Up  to  that  time  it  had 
been  hoped  that  no  change  would  be  made  in  the  status 
of  Fort  Sumter  until  further  efforts  at  reconciliation  had 
been  tried.  General  Beauregard,  who  was  in  command  at 
Charleston  of  the  Confederate  forces,  immediately  tele- 
graphed the  sailing  of  the  fleet  and  its  object  to  the  Secre- 


FORT  SUMTER.  319 

tary  of  War  at  Montgomery.  At  a  Cabinet  meeting,  at 
which  Mr.  Davis  presided,  the  question  was  discussed,  and 
it  was  decided  to  instruct  General  Beauregard  to  demand 
the  immediate  surrender  of  the  fort.  This  order  was 
given  in  view  of  the  measure  just  adopted  by  the  adminis- 
tration at  Washington.  The  squadron  under  way  for 
Charleston  consisted  of  eight  vessels,  carrying  twenty-six 
guns,  and  about  fourteen  hundred  men,  including  the 
troops  sent  for  reinforcement  of  the  garrison.  Mr.  Davis 
saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  anticipating  the 
impending  assault.  A  communication  was  received  from 
General  Beauregard,  dated  Charleston,  April  8th,  addressed 
to  L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War,  as  follows : 

"  An  authorized  messenger  from  President  Lincoln  just 
informed  Governor  Pickens  and  myself  that  provisions  would 
be  sent  to  Fort  Sumter  peaceably,  or  otherwise  by  force. 

"G.  T.  Beauregard." 

General  Walker  addressed  the  following  order  to  Gen- 
eral Beauregard : 

"  Montgomery,  10th. 

"  If  you  have  no  doubt  of  the  authorized  character  of  the 
agent  who  communicated  to  you  an  intention  of  the  Washing- 
ton government  to  supply  Fort  Sumter  by  force,  you  will  at 
once  demand  its  evacuation,  and  if  this  is  refused  proceed,  in 
such  manner  as  you  may  determine,  to  reduce  it." 

General  Beauregard  replied  promptly :  "  The  demand 
will  be  made  to-morrow  at  twelve  o'clock."  Mr.  Walker 
immediately  instructed  General  Beauregard :  "  Unless 
there  are  especial  reasons  connected  with  your  own  condi- 
tion, it  is  considered  proper  that  you  should  make  the 
demand  at  an  early  hour."  General  Beauregard  replied  : 
"  The  reasons  are  special  for  twelve  o'clock." 

On  April  12,  1861,  at  2  P.M.,  General  Beauregard  in- 
formed Major  Anderson  that  he  had  been  ordered  by  the 
government  of   the   Confederate    States   to  demand   an 


320  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter,  stating  that  his  aides,  Colonel 
Chesnut  and  Captain  Lee,  were  authorized  to  make  such 
demand.  He  stated  that  all  proper  facilities  would  be 
afforded  for  the  removal  of  Major  Anderson  and  com- 
mand, together  with  company  arms  and  property,  and 
private  property,  to  any  post  in  the  United  States  which 
he  might  elect.  He  added :  "  The  flag  which  you  have 
upheld  so  long  and  with  so  much  fortitude,  under  the 
most  trying  circumstances,  may  be  saluted  by  you  on 
taking  it  down."  Major  Anderson  promptly  replied, 
declining  with  regret  the  demand  for  the  evacuation 
of  the  fort,  with  which  his  sense  of  honor  and  of 
obligation  to  his  government  prevented  his  compliance, 
and  tendered  his  thanks  for  "  the  fair,  manly,  and 
courteous  terms  proposed,  and  for  the  high  compliment 
paid  "  him. 

Under  instructions  received  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
at  Montgomery,  General  Beauregard,  in  consequence  of 
verbal  observations  made  by  his  aides,  Messrs.  Chesnut 
and  Lee,  as  to  the  disposition  of  Major  Anderson  to 
arrange  for  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter  without  the 
useless  effusion  of  blood,  addressed  a  communication  to 
that  officer  suggesting  that  he  should  name  the  time 
when  he  would  evacuate  the  fort.  On  April  12th,  at 
half-past  two  in  the  morning,  General  Beauregard  re- 
ceived from  Major  Anderson  a  reply  to  his  communica- 
tion of  the  nth  inst.  that  he  would,  "if  provided  with 
the  proper  and  necessary  means  of  transportation,  evacu- 
ate Fort  Sumter  by  noon  on  the  15th  inst.,  should  he  not 
receive  prior  to  that  time  controlling  instructions  from 
his  government,  or  additional  supplies  ;  and  that  he 
would  not  in  the  meantime  open  fire  upon  the  Con- 
federate forces,  unless  compelled  to  do  so  by  some  hos- 
tile act  against  the  fort  or  the  flag  of  his  government." 
Within  one  hour  after  receiving  this  communication — 
3.20  A.M. — General  Beauregard  notified  Major  Anderson 


SURRENDER   OF  FORT  SUMTER.  32 1 

that  he  would  open  the  fire  of  his  batteries  upon  Fort 
Sumter  in  one  hour  from  that  time. 

It  was  known  to  the  Confederate  government  that 
instructions  were  already  issued  to  Major  Anderson  to 
hold  Fort  Sumter,  and  that  additional  supplies  were 
momentarily  expected  by  that  officer  to  arrive ;  and  that 
any  attempt  to  introduce  the  supplies  would  compel  the 
opening  of  the  fire  upon  the  vessels  bearing  them  under 
the  flag  of  the  United  States.  It  was  plain  that  Major 
Anderson's  conditions  could  not  be  accepted. 

The  decision  of  the  government  at  Washington  to  hold 
Fort  Sumter  after  South  Carolina  had  by  a  solemn  ordi- 
nance of  secession  withdrawn  from  the  Union,  precipi- 
tated the  war  that  followed.  The  sending  of  a  fleet  with 
arms,  supplies,  and  men  to  reinforce  the  fort  held  by 
Major  Anderson,  who  was  ordered  to  hold  it  to  the  last, 
was  an  act  of  war. 

General  Beauregard  met  the  threatened  assault  with 
prompt  decision,  and  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  orders 
received  from  the  government  at  Montgomery.  The 
batteries  under  his  command  opened  their  fire  upon  Fort 
Sumter  at  half-past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  April  12, 
1861.  Major  Anderson  responded  with  the  guns  of  the 
fort.  A  terrific  bombardment  followed,  which  continued 
through  the  day  and  the  night  ;  the  guns  of  large  calibre 
used  on  both  sides  were  effective,  and  in  the  course  of 
thirty-four  hours  the  fort,  having  been  shattered  by  shot, 
was  set  on  fire  by  shells. 

Major  Anderson  could  resist  no  longer ;  he  surrendered 
the  fort  on  the  13th  of  April,  after  a  defence  which 
heightened  his  reputation  as  a  man  and  an  officer.  The 
terms  were  accorded  to  him  which  had  been  offered  by 
General  Beauregard  in  his  note  of  April  nth  demanding 
an  evacuation  of  the  fort.  It  is  remarkable  that  not  a 
casualty  occurred  to  any  one  on  either  side  during  this 
great  engagement.     After  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  by 


322  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  explosion  of  a  gun  used  in  the  firing  of  a  salute  to  the 
United  States  flag  by  the  garrison,  one  man  was  killed 
and  several  others  wounded. 

The  fleet  sent  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson  took  no 
part  in  the  engagement ;  it  had  been  lying  off  the  mouth 
of  the  harbor,  and  was  hindered  entering  by  a  gale  of 
wind. 

General  Beauregard  immediately  placed  a  strong  garri- 
son in  Fort  Sumter,  and  strengthened  the  fort  so  that  it 
defied  assault.  It  was  held  by  the  Confederate  garrison, 
notwithstanding  the  bombardments  made  against  it  more 
than  once  by  the  heavily  armed  fleets  of  the  United 
States,  until  the  close  of  the  war. 

This  momentous  event,  an  account  of  which  was  trans- 
mitted by  telegraph  from  Charleston  to  all  parts  of  the 
country,  created  the  greatest  excitement.  The  demonstra- 
tions of  joy  in  Charleston  expressed  the  exultation  of  the 
people.  Governor  Pickens  addressed  a  great  crowd  as- 
sembled in  a  speech  which  aroused  their  enthusiasm  to 
the  highest  pitch.     He  said  : 

"  We  have  humbled  the  flag  of  the  United  States.  We  have 
defeated  their  twenty  millions  ;  we  have  brought  down  in 
humility  the  flag  that  has  triumphed  for  seventy  years  ;  to- 
day, on  this  13th  day  of  April,  it  has  been  humbled,  and 
humbled  before  the  glorious  little  State  of  South  Carolina." 

The  government  at  Montgomery  was  greatly  elated  by 
the  triumph  ;  splendid  demonstrations  of  joy  were  made 
by  the  people.  I  observed  the  scene,  and  was  impressed 
by  the  display  of  popular  enthusiasm. 

Mr.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War,  addressed  the  people  in 
glowing  terms,  and  predicted  the  complete  success  of  the 
revolution  which  had  commenced,  and  which  had  just 
achieved  such  a  signal  triumph.  The  government  at 
Washington  acted  promptly  upon  receiving  an  account  of 


SECESSION  OF    VIRGINIA.  323 

what  had  occurred.  President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclama- 
tion calling  forth  the  militia  of  the  several  States  of  the 
Union  to  the  aggregate  number  of  seventy-five  thousand, 
in  order  to  suppress  the  combination,  which  he  said  had 
been  made,  and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be  duly  executed. 
He  commanded  the  persons  composing  the  combinations 
to  disperse,  and  retire  peaceably  to  their  respective  abodes 
within  twenty  days.  He  called  both  Houses  of  Congress 
to  convene  in  their  respective  chambers  at  12  o'clock 
noon,  on  Thursday,  the  following  4th  of  July.  Great 
meetings  were  held  in  the  large  cities  of  the  North,  and 
the  call  of  President  Lincoln  for  troops  was  promptly 
responded  to  by  the  governors  of  the  Northern  States. 
The  North  was  thoroughly  roused.  But  the  governors  of 
the  border  States  replied  to  the  requisition  for  troops  in 
terms  of  defiance,  and  refused  to  furnish  any.  The  fight 
at  Sumter  produced  a  great  effect ;  and  several  States 
which  had  up  to  that  time  declined  to  secede  from  the 
Union  promptly  took  steps  for  the  accomplishment  of 
that  object. 

The  Virginia  convention,  a  few  days  previously,  had 
refused  to  pass  an  ordinance  of  secession.  On  the  17th 
of  April,  four  days  after  the  bombardment  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, the  same  convention,  by  a  vote  of  88  to  55,  declared 
its  independence  of  the  Union,  and  its  adherence  to  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 

Mr.  Stephens,  Vice-President  of  the  Confederate  govern- 
ment, was  in  Richmond  as  a  commissioner  from  his  gov- 
ernment, and  had  exerted  all  his  power  to  induce  Virginia 
to  join  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

Hitherto  I  had  taken  no  part  in  the  measures  which 
resulted  in  the  secession  of  Alabama,  nor  in  the  sub- 
sequent proceedings  of  the  Confederate  government.  In 
full  sympathy  with  the  South,  it  was  understood  that  I 
was  opposed  to  the  steps  which  had  been  taken.  My  in- 
tercourse with  President  Davis  and  the  members  of  his 


324  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Cabinet,  and  other  leading  statesmen  of  the  Confederacy- 
was  free  and  cordial,  but  I  took  no  part  in  public  affairs. 

The  purpose  of  President  Lincoln  to  coerce  the  seceding 
States  into  obedience  to  the  authority  of  the  federal 
government  was  now  revealed.  Without  awaiting  the 
assembling  of  Congress  he  assumed  the  right  to  raise  an 
army  for  the  invasion  of  the  Southern  States.  He  pro- 
posed to  make  war  upon  the  States  that  had  in  conven- 
tions of  their  people  decided  to  withdraw  from  the 
Union,  and  to  organize  an  independent  government, 
upon  the  ground  that  it  was  his  duty  to  suppress  an 
insurrection. 

I  regarded  this  as  an  act  in  flagrant  violation  of  the 
Constitution.  This  usurpation  of  authority  was  in  conflict 
with  the  principles  of  free  government  and  the  spirit  of 
our  institutions.  The  history  of  the  federal  government 
showed  that  its  framers  had  not  only  not  conferred  this 
power  upon  the  President,  but  had  withheld  it  even  from 
Congress  when  it  had  been  proposed  to  grant  it. 

The  crisis  called  for  statesmanship  of  the  highest  order. 
The  situation  which  confronted  the  new  administration  at 
Washington  required  the  adoption  of  measures  in  accord- 
dance  with  the  spirit  of  the  American  government ;  not  a 
rash  and  imperious  act  of  usurped  authority,  such  as  might 
have  been  expected  from  the  absolute  ruler  of  a  despotic 
state. 

The  crisis  involved  the  stability  of  free  institutions  on 
this  continent.  It  seemed  to  me  that  it  was  an  occasion 
which  called  for  forbearance,  and  a  consultation  with  the 
leading  statesmen  of  all  sections  upon  the  state  of  the 
country.  A  convention  of  all  the  States  should  have 
been  called  with  a  view  to  the  adjustment  of  the  great 
conflict,  and  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  perpetuity 
of  friendly  relations  between  the  States  for  the  future. 
I  firmly  believed  that  everything  could  have  been  settled 
upon  terms  honorable  to  the  South  and  satisfactory  to  the 


INTERVIEW    WITH  MR.    DAVIS.  325 

North,  which  would  have  strengthened  the  government 
of  the  United  States  for  all  time  to  come. 

I  was  seated  in  my  library  writing,  when  I  received  a 
note  from  the  Honorable  L.  P.  Walker,  Secretary  of  War, 
stating  that  the  President  desired  an  interview  with  me. 
I  had  not  the  slightest  idea  that  I  should  be  invited  by 
the  President  to  confer  with  him,  and  was  therefore 
unable  to  conjecture  what  object  he  might  have  in  view. 
I  walked  to  the  public  buildings,  and  was  shown  into  an 
audience  room,  adjoining  that  in  which  the  sessions  of 
the  Cabinet  were  held.  Mr.  Davis  was  awaiting  me,  and 
received  me  with  an  expression  of  gratification,  that  I 
had  accepted  his  invitation.  He  then  said  to  me  that 
Mr.  Stephens  had  consented  to  go  to  Richmond  to  repre- 
sent the  Confederate  government,  and  present  consid- 
erations to  the  Virginia  convention,  which  might  induce 
that  body  to  hesitate  no  longer  in  withdrawing  from  the 
Union. 

Tennessee  was  another  border  State  which  it  was  im- 
portant to  have  in  co-operation  with  us.  A  short  time 
since  a  commissioner  had  been  sent  to  Nashville,  to  pre- 
sent considerations  which  it  was  hoped  might  effect  that 
object ;  but  nothing  was  accomplished.  He  then  informed 
me  that  it  was  believed  that  the  late  act  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  in  proposing  to  raise  an  armed  force 
for  the  invasion  of  the  seceding  States,  would  induce  me  to 
consent  to  serve  the  Confederate  government.  He  was 
acquainted  with  my  relations  with  the  leading  men  of 
Tennessee,  and  it  was  his  wish  that  I  should  proceed 
promptly  to  Nashville,  as  the  representative  of  the  gov- 
ernment. I  replied  that  it  was  well  understood  that  my 
opposition  to  the  secession  of  Alabama  was  based  upon 
considerations  that  seemed  to  me  controlling  at  that  time; 
that  the  situation  had  undergone  a  great  change,  and  that 
I  was  ready  to  serve  the  Confederate  States  government 
if  I  could  do  so.      As  to  the  mission  to  Tennessee,  which 


326  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

it  was  proposed  to  offer  me,  I  regarded -it  as  honorable, 
but  full  of  responsibility  ;  if,  in  the  judgment  of  the  gov- 
ernment, it  should  be  decided  to  authorize  me  to  repre- 
sent it  in  Nashville,  I  should  certainly  do  so.  Mr.  Davis 
expressed  his  great  gratification,  shook  me  cordially  by 
the  hand,  and  invited  me  to  enter  the  next  room,  where 
the  Cabinet  was  holding  a  meeting.  I  was  invited  to  be 
seated,  and  we  proceeded  to  discuss  the  situation.  The 
President  asked  me  when  it  would  suit  me  to  leave  for 
Nashville,  I  replied  :  "  To-morrow  morning."  He  said  : 
"  Can  you  not  go  to-night,  the  legislature  of  Tennessee  is 
in  session  ?  Honorable  Mr.  Whitthorne,  Speaker  of  the 
House,  is  in  the  city ;  he  leaves  to-night,  and  I  shall  be 
glad  if  you  will  accompany  him."  I  replied  :  "  I  will  go 
to-night,  Mr.  President." 

The  necessary  papers  were  prepared  at  once  :  the  object 
of  my  mission,  instructions  as  to  my  course,  and  a  state- 
ment of  the  resources  of  the  Confederate  government. 
These  having  been  delivered  to  me  in  the  course  of  the 
evening,  I  set  out  that  night  upon  my  important  mission. 

When  I  arrived  in  Nashville  I  was  received  by  Governor 
Isham  G.  Harris  with  great  warmth  ;  he  expressed  his 
satisfaction  that  I  had  consented  to  come  as  the  commis- 
sioner of  the  Confederate  States,  and  assured  me  that  he 
believed  that  Tennessee  would  promptly  take  steps  to 
withdraw  from  the  Union.  Governor  Harris  immediately 
addressed  a  message  to  the  legislature,  informing  them 
of  my  arrival,  and  expressed  a  wish  that  I  should  be 
received,  and  an  opportunity  should  be  given  to  me  to 
explain  the  objects  of  my  mission.  Both  houses  of  the 
legislature  adopted  proper  resolutions,  and  invited  me  to 
address  them  the  next  day.  In  company  with  Governor 
Harris  and  several  other  gentlemen  of  distinction,  I  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Capitol  at  the  hour  appointed,  and  was 
escorted  to  the  Hall  of  Representatives,  where  I  found 
the  Senate  also  present,  ready  to  receive  me.  An  immense 


ADDRESS   TO    THE    TENNESSEE  LEGISLATURE.      327 

audience  had  assembled,  and  I  was  greeted  with  applause 
which  satisfied  me  of  the  enthusiasm  of  those  who  had 
come  to  hear  me  speak  as  the  representative  of  the  Con- 
federate States.  Having  been  introduced,  I  proceeded  to 
address  the  assembled  legislature,  setting  forth  the  objects 
of  the  Confederate  government  in  empowering  me  to  visit 
Nashville.  I  delivered  a  full  speech,  calling  attention  to  the 
state  of  the  country,  and  expressing  my  earnest  desire 
that  Tennessee  should  co-operate  with  the  seceding  States 
which  had  organized  a  government  at  Montgomery.  In 
the  course  of  my  speech  I  stated  that  the  time  had  come 
for  Tennessee  to  decide  the  great  question,  whether  she 
would  remain  a  member  of  the  Union  and  give  her  sup- 
port to  measures  projected  by  the  President  for  bringing 
the  several  States  that  had  already  seceded  into  obedience 
to  the  federal  government ;  or,  whether  she  would  take 
her  stand  with  her  kindred  people  who  had  organized  an 
independent  government  for  the  protection  of  their 
rights.  I  denounced  in  strong  terms  the  act  of  President 
Lincoln  in  issuing  a  proclamation  calling  for  troops  with 
which  he  proposed  to  invade  the  States  that  had  with- 
drawn from  the  Union,  and  declaring  his  purpose  of  treat- 
ing them  as  insurgents.     I  said  : 

"  Gentlemen,  it  is  no  longer  a  question  of  secession  ;  several 
States  have  already  taken  that  step  ;  the  time  is  at  hand  when 
a  great  battle  is  to  be  fought  in  vindication  of  constitutional 
liberty.  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  usurped  the 
authority  to  make  war,  and  he  proposes  to  march  an  army  into 
the  Southern  States  upon  the  ground  that  it  is  his  duty  to  sup- 
press an  insurrection.  It  is  for  Tennessee  to  decide  on  which 
side  she  will  take  her  stand  ;  whether  she  will  contribute  her 
strength  to  uphold  a  government  that  transcends  in  its  action 
the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  undertakes  to  define  its 
authority  over  States,  and  to  enforce  it  by  arms — or  whether 
she  will  range  herself  by  the  side  of  that  new  government 
which  has  been  instituted  in  defence  of  constitutional  law,  the 


328  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

public  right,  and  the  honor  of  the  South.  Virginia,  confront- 
ing the  approaching  invasion,  has  just  thrown  down  her  gage 
of  battle,  shouting  out  in  the  spirit  of  revolutionary  times  '  Sic 
semper  tyrannis.*  Will  Tennessee,  with  her  heroic  sons, 
whose  battles  and  victories  have  illustrated  the  State,  join  us, 
and  help  us  to  repel  an  invasion  which  is  monstrous  on  this 
continent,  and  in  this  nineteenth  century  ?  Every  considera- 
tion appeals  to  you  to  range  yourselves  by  our  side." 

I  proceeded  to  present,  for  the  consideration  of  the 
legislature,  a  statement  of  our  plans  and  purposes,  and 
concluded  by  saying  that  if  the  federal  government 
should  succeed  in  overrunning  the  Southern  States  with 
an  invading  army,  and  subject  them  once  more  to  its 
authority,  I  saw  but  little  hope  for  constitutional  liberty. 

At  the  conclusion  of  my  speech  I  was  greeted  on  all 
sides  by  leading  men  who  were  present,  in  terms  which 
gratified  me  beyond  expression. 

I  called  on  Mrs.  Polk,  and  was  warmly  welcomed.  I 
had  known  her  at  Washington  when  she  graced  the 
Executive  Mansion  during  President  Polk's  administra- 
tion ;  and  while  I  was  a  member  of  Congress  from  Ala- 
bama. She  still  retained  a  blended  dignity  and  warmth 
of  manner  which  distinguished  her  in  the  White  House, 
and  made  her  elegant  mansion  in  Nashville  a  place  which 
attracted  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  She 
honored  me  with  attentions,  and  put  her  carriage  at  my 
disposal,  sending  it  to  me  in  charge  of  the  coachman  who 
had  been  in  the  service  of  President  Polk  in  Washington. 

It  was  important  to  enter  into  an  agreement  regulating 
the  relations  between  Tennessee  and  the  Confederate 
States,  until  the  ordinance  of  secession,  submitted  to  the 
people,  should  be  ratified. 

The  legislature  by  joint  resolution  directed  the  Gov- 
ernor to  enter  into  such  alliance.  Governor  Harris 
appointed  three  distinguished  gentlemen  of  the  State  to 
negotiate  with  me — Archibald  O.  Totten,  of  the  Supreme 


TENNESSEE   SECEDES  FROM    THE    UNION.         329 

Court,  Honorable  Washington  Barrow,  and  Honorable 
Gustavus  A.  Henry.  On  May  7th,  an  alliance  was  entered 
into  by  us  on  the  same  plan  as  that  which  had  been  made 
with  Virginia ;  which  was  submitted  to  the  legislature  by 
the  Governor.  It  was  ratified  by  both  houses;  in  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  14  to  6 ;  in  the  House  by  a  vote 
of  42  in  its  favor  to  15  against  it.  On  the  day  pre- 
vious the  legislature  had  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  ratification ;  a 
return  of  the  votes  cast  to  be  made  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  on  the  24th  of  June  ensuing ;  and  if  a  majority 
of  the  votes  were  given  in  favor  of  it,  the  Governor 
should  immediately  issue  his  proclamation  declaring  all 
connection  between  the  State  of  Tennessee  and  the 
federal  government  dissolved,  and  that  Tennessee  is  a 
free  and  independent  government — free  from  all  obliga- 
tions to,  or  connection  with,  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  The  act  further  set  forth  specifically  an 
ordinance  for  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  of  the 
provisional  government  of  the  Confederate  States,  pro- 
viding for  "  representation  in  the  Confederate  Congress." 
It  also  provided  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the 
Confederate  Congress  in  case  the  provisional  constitu- 
tion should  be  adopted  by  the  popular  vote.  The  act 
passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  24  yeas  to  4  nays,  and 
passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  46  yeas  to  24  nays. 

The  majority  in  favor  of  both  ordinances  so  set  forth 
in  the  act  of  the  legislature  submitting  them  to  a  vote 
of  the  people  was  57,665. 

A  full  delegation  was  also  chosen  to  represent  the  State 
in  the  Confederate  Congress. 

When  it  was  known  in  Nashville  that  the  legislature 
had  passed  acts  proposing  that  Tennessee  should  secede 
from  the  Union,  the  demonstrations  of  popular  joy  were 
great.  In  the  evening  the  city  was  illuminated,  and 
bonfires  blazed  at  several  places.      Entering  a  carnage 


330 


POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 


with  Governor  Harris,  we  drove  from  place  to  place,  and 
made  brief  addresses  to  the  people.  It  was  a  brilliant 
scene,  which  will  never  be  forgotten  by  those  who  wit- 
nessed it. 

Returning  to  Montgomery,  I  called  on  the  President 
and  reported  the  result  of  my  mission  to  Tennessee.  He 
congratulated  me,  and  said :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  you  have 
transcended  my  expectations." 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

State  of  the  Country — Session  of  Congress  at  Montgomery,  April  29,  1861 — 
President  Davis'  Message — Patriotic  Ardor  in  Support  of  the  Govern- 
ment— North  Carolina — Arkansas — Robert  E.  Lee — Albert  Sidney 
Johnston — Removal  of  the  Seat  of  Government  to  Richmond — Visit 
to  Richmond — Battle  of  Manassas — War — President  Lincoln's  Eman- 
cipation Proclamation — General  Lee's  Surrender — General  Grant — 
General  Joseph  E.  Johnston's  Surrender — General  Sherman — Fall  of 
the  Confederate  Government — Principles  Involved  in  the  Struggle. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  and  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Confederate  States  confronted  each  other. 

In  response  to  the  call  of  President  Lincoln  for  troops, 
active  military  preparations  were  made  for  an  invasion  of 
the  Southern  States. 

President  Davis  called  a  meeting  of  Congress  at  Mont- 
gomery on  April  29,  1861.  In  his  message  he  called 
attention  to  the  proclamation  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  saying : 

"  Apparently  contradictory  as  are  the  terms  of  this  singular 
document,  one  point  is  unmistakably  evident.  The  President 
of  the  United  States  calls  for  an  army  of  seventy-five  thou- 
sand men,  whose  first  service  is  to  be  the  capture  of  our  forts. 
It  is  a  plain  declaration  of  war  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to 
disregard  because  of  my  knowledge  that  under  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  the  President  is  usurping  a  power 
granted  exclusively  to  Congress." 

33i 


332  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

After  bringing  to  view  the  state  of  the  country,  he  said 
in  conclusion  : 

"  We  protest  solemnly,  in  the  face  of  mankind,  that  we  de- 
sire peace  at  any  sacrifice  save  that  of  honor.  In  independence 
we  seek  no  conquest,  no  aggrandizement,  no  concession  of  any 
kind  from  the  States  from  which  we  have  lately  been  con- 
federated." 

He  declared  that  the  purpose  of  the  Confederate 
government  was  to  resist  an  attempt  at  its  subjugation 
by  arms : 

"  The  moment  that  this  pretension  is  abandoned  the  sword 
will  drop  from  our  grasp,  and  we  shall  be  ready  to  enter  into 
treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  that  cannot  but  be  mutually 
beneficial.  So  long  as  this  pretension  is  maintained,  with  a 
firm  reliance  on  that  Divine  Power  which  covers  with  its 
protection  the  just  cause,  we  must  continue  to  struggle  for  our 
inherent  right  to  freedom,  independence,  and  self-govern- 
ment." 

Congress  passed  acts  authorizing  the  President  to  use 
the  whole  land  and  naval  forces  to  meet  the  necessities  of 
the  war  thus  commenced  ;  to  issue  to  private  armed  ves- 
sels letters  of  marque,  in  addition  to  the  volunteer  force 
authorized  to  be  raised  ;  to  accept  services  of  volunteers 
to  serve  during  the  war ;  to  receive  into  the  service  various 
companies  of  the  different  arms ;  to  make  a  loan  of  fifty 
millions  of  dollars  in  bonds  and  notes ;  and  to  hold  an 
election  for  officers  of  the  permanent  government  under 
the  new  constitution.  An  act  was  passed  to  complete 
the  internal  organization  of  the  government  and  to  estab- 
lish the  administration  of  public  affairs. 

Patriotic  ardor  in  support  of  the  new  government  was 
everywhere  exhibited  ;  a  greater  number  of  troops  than 
had  been  called  for  offered  their  services ;  and  arms  could 
not  at  that  time  be  supplied  to  them  ;  but  the  most  active 
measures  were  adopted  to  obtain  them. 


PREPARATION  AGAINST  INVASION.  333 

The  attempt  to  coerce  the  States  into  obedience  to  the 
federal  government  by  an  invading  army  resulted  in 
bringing  many  of  the  friends  of  the  Union  to  the  support 
of  the  Confederate  government.  Virginia  and  Tennessee 
had  already  taken  steps  to  withdraw  from  the  Union. 
North  Carolina  and  Arkansas  declared  their  independence 
and  joined  the  Confederate  States.  Men  of  the  highest 
order  throughout  the  country,  distinguished  for  their 
loyalty  and  their  patriotic  services,  came  to  the  aid  of  the 
government  which  had  just  been  organized  in  defence  of 
their  principles  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. Like  Hampden,  who  loved  the  government 
and  cherished  its  glorious  history — the  greatest  and  freest 
in  the  world — but  who  took  up  arms  to  defend  the  liberties 
of  the  people  of  England  against  the  perversion  of  its  pow- 
ers by  the  reigning  monarch,  they  came  to  the  support  of 
the  Confederate  government  in  its  resistance  to  the  threat- 
ened invasion.  They  felt  as  Lord  Chatham  did — that  to 
resist  the  usurpation  of  powers  of  the  government  was  a 
duty,  and  to  aid  those  who  had  ranged  themselves  for  the 
defence  of  the  liberties  of  the  people  was  a  patriotic  act. 

Robert  E.  Lee  resigned  his  commission  in  the  United 
States  army  and  tendered  his  services  to  Virginia ;  he  was 
made  commander-in-chief  of  the  military  and  naval  forces 
of  the  commonwealth. 

General  Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  whose  services  had 
won  for  him  great  distinction  in  the  United  States  army, 
and  whose  qualities  made  him  the  peer  of  any  military 
commander  in  the  world,  then  in  command  of  the  De- 
partment of  California,  resigned  his  commission  and 
travelled  by  land  from  San  Francisco  to  Richmond  to 
tender  his  services  to  the  Confederate  States. 

The  Confederate  Congress  in  session  at  Montgomery, 
on  the  21st  of  May,  1861,  resolved  "That,  this  Congress 
will  adjourn  on  Tuesday  next  to  meet  again  on  the  20th 
day  of  July  at  Richmond,  Virginia." 


334  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

About  this  time  I  was  called  to  Richmond  to  visit  my 
youngest  son,  Camillus  B.  Hilliard,  who  had  a  short  time 
before  returned  from  Europe,  and  had  been  appointed 
assistant  surgeon  in  the  Confederate  army.  He  had 
attended  three  courses  of  lectures,  and  had  received  his 
degree  at  Philadelphia,  but  wishing  to  pursue  his  studies  in 
Paris  he  had  gone  to  that  city  in  i860,  where  he  remained 
until  the  early  part  of  1861.  Mrs.  Hilliard  accompanied 
me,  and  we  found  our  son  extremely  ill ;  it  was  several 
weeks  before  he  recovered.  He  entered  again  upon  his 
duties,  and  soon  advanced  to  the  rank  of  surgeon,  a  post 
which  he  held  until  the  end  of  the  war. 

In  pursuance  of  its  resolutions  Congress  assembled  at 
Richmond  on  the  day  appointed,  and  President  Davis 
delivered  a  message  in  which  he  stated  that  the  aggressive 
movement  of  the  enemy  required  prompt  and  energetic 
action. 

I  passed  some  months  in  Richmond,  and  was  deeply 
interested  in  the  important  events  which  occurred  at  that 
time. 

The  first  great  battle  between  the  army  of  the  United 
States  and  that  of  the  Confederate  States  occurred  at 
Manassas,  July  21,  1861.  The  United  States  forces  were 
under  the  command  of  General  McDowell,  and  those  of 
the  Confederate  army  under  the  command  of  General 
Joseph  E.  Johnston  and  General  Beauregard.  The  battle 
began  before  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  and 
continued  until  the  afternoon  of  that  day ;  great  gallantry 
being  displayed  by  officers  and  men  on  both  sides.  A 
writer,  whose  account  seems  authentic,  says : 

"  At  four  o'clock  the  advantage  seemed  clearly  on  the  Union 
side  ;  McDowell  ordered  an  attack  upon  the  centre,  which  he 
hoped  would  decide  the  day.  But  at  the  very  moment  his 
whole  right  came  rushing  down  in  confusion.  The  Confeder- 
ates had  struck  a  blow  upon  an  unexpected  quarter.     Ever 


THE  FIRST  GREAT  BATTLE   OF   THE    WAR.        335 

since  noon  Beauregard  had  commanded  on  the  plateau,  while 
Johnston  took  a  post  in  the  rear,  from  which  he  could  over- 
look the  whole  field,  and  direct  the  reinforcements  as  they 
came  up.  At  two  o'clock  Kirby  Smith's  brigade,  which  had 
been  left  behind  the  previous  day,  came  in  sight.  Johnston 
hurried  up  every  regiment ;  some  were  sent  to  strengthen 
Beauregard's  line,  which  began  to  advance  ;  others,  with 
Smith's  brigade,  were  hurled  upon  the  flank  and  rear  of  the 
Union  right,  which  was  driven  in  upon  the  centre,  now  moving 
to  attack.  In  a  quarter  of  an  hour  all  was  over.  The  plateau 
was  swept  clear,  and  the  whole  Union  army  streamed  wildly 
back  towards  the  bridge  and  fords.  The  eight  companies  of 
regulars  alone  kept  anything  like  military  order.  In  retreating 
they  presented  a  firm  front,  and  checked  the  pursuit  until  the 
fugitives  had  gained  a  fair  start.  The  Confederate  infantry 
was  in  no  condition  to  make  a  vigorous  pursuit  ;  half  of  them 
had  been  engaged  for  hours,  and  the  rest  were  exhausted  by 
long  marches.  Some  regiments  pursued  for  a  mile  and  were 
then  recalled  ;  only  a  few  hundred  cavalry  and  a  light  battery 
keeping  up  the  chase.  By  one  route  or  another  the  fugitives 
crossed  Bull  Run  and  reached  the  turnpike  leading  to  Centre- 
ville.  This  was  crossed  by  a  brook  over  which  was  a  narrow 
wooden  bridge.  A  crowd  of  sightseers  from  Washington  had 
come  thus  far  in  carriages  and  on  horseback,  to  look  upon  a 
battle  which  they  had  been  told  was  already  a  victory.  A 
cannon  shot  overturned  a  caisson  which  was  crossing  the 
bridge  and  blocked  the  way.  The  artillery  horses  were  cut 
from  their  traces,  and  the  drivers,  mounting,  rode  from  the 
throng.  Finally  the  crowd  got  over  the  stream,  some  by  the 
bridge,  others  by  wading,  and  hurried  to  Centreville,  where 
Miles'  division  had  remained  all  day.  The  pursuing  horsemen 
were  checked  by  the  sight  of  a  regiment  of  these  drawn  up 
across  the  road.  It  was  now  evening.  A  hurried  council  of 
war  was  held  and  it  was  determined  to  fall  back  to  Washing- 
ton, but  the  routed  regiments  were  already  on  their  way,  and 
reached  the  capital  before  daylight  next  morning.  In  six 
hours  of  darkness  they  had  traversed  the  distance  which  it  had 
taken  them  forty  hours  to  accomplish  in  their  advance." 


336  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

There  was  great  exultation  in  Richmond  when  the  news 
of  this  battle  was  received.  Couriers  came,  and  cavalry 
officers,  giving  full  accounts  of  the  engagement.  The 
next  day  the  body  of  General  Bernard  Bee,  of  South 
Carolina — that  fine  officer  who,  observing  the  steadiness 
of  General  Jackson's  regiment  in  the  battle,  said  to  his 
aides :  "  Look  at  Jackson  ;  his  command  stands  like  a  stone 
wall,"  giving  that  commander  a  name  which  will  never 
perish — was  brought  in.  The  body  of  Colonel  Bartow,  of 
Savannah,  who  had  commanded  a  Georgia  regiment,  also 
was  brought  in.  They  were  both  placed  in  the  Capitol  at 
Richmond,  where  for  some  time  they  lay  in  state. 

I  do  not  propose  to  give  an  account  of  the  military 
events  which  occurred  from  the  victory  at  Manassas  to 
the  surrender  at  Appomattox.  For  years  a  storm  of  war 
swept  over  the  country,  in  which  great  forms  appeared 
struggling  for  the  mastery — heroic  men  whose  faces  were 
lighted  with  patriotic  ardor  and  high  courage  ;  they  will  go 
down  in  history  with  brows  encircled  with  laurel  wreaths 
to  meet  the  coming  generations.  They  bore  their  part  in 
the  greatest  civil  war  that  the  world  ever  saw;  and  true 
men  of  all  sections  and  all  countries  will  unite  in  paying 
a  tribute  to  their  memory.  America  honors  them  as  her 
sons,  and  the  seasons  as  they  pass  in  their  ceaseless  visits 
to  our  land  shed  their  night  dews  and  kindle  their  sun- 
beams upon  the  graves  where  they  sleep. 

"How  sleep  the  brave  who  sink  to  rest, 
By  all  their  country's  wishes  blest ! 

There  honor  comes,  a  pilgrim  gray, 
To  bless  the  turf  that  wraps  their  clay  ; 
And  freedom  shall  awhile  repair, 
To  dwell  a  weeping  hermit  there  !  " 

Collins. 

On  the  ist  of  January,  1863,  President  Lincoln  issued 
the  emancipation  proclamation  that  had  been  previously 
foreshadowed.     It  proclaimed  that : 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  337 

"  All  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State,  or  designated 
part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  should  then  be  in  rebellion, 
should  be  then,  thenceforward,  and  forever  free,  and  the  execu- 
tive government,  including  the  military  and  naval  authority 
thereof,  would  maintain  such  freedom." 

This  paper  was  as  momentous  as  a  great  battle.  It 
startled  the  country — it  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
civilized  world.  It  was  a  bold  usurpation  of  power  that 
gave  a  shock  to  our  system  of  free  government.  It  is 
understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  repeatedly  declared  that 
he  had  no  rightful  authority  to  issue  such  an  order.  He 
resisted  the  importunities  of  impatient  anti-slavery  men 
for  months.  But  when  he  looked  out  upon  great  con- 
tending armies  struggling  with  each  other,  he  believed 
that  the  existence  of  the  Union  was  imperilled,  and  he 
decided  to  issue  that  important  paper  as  a  war  measure. 
He  undertook  to  annul  valid  laws  of  States  regulating 
the  domestic  relations  of  their  people — States  which  he 
declared  to  be  still  within  the  Union.  Light  is  shed  upon 
his  motives  by  the  statements  which  he  made  both  before 
and  after  he  issued  the  proclamation.  In  a  public  tele- 
graphic dispatch  addressed  to  Horace  Greeley — a  great 
force  in  the  anti-slavery  movement, — on  August  22,  1862, 
he  said  : 

"  My  paramount  object  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  not  either 
to  save  or  destroy  slavery.  If  I  could  save  the  Union  without 
freeing  any  slave,  I  would  do  it  ;  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing 
all  the  slaves,  I  would  do  it  ;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing 
some  and  leaving  others  alone,  I  would  also  do  that.  What  I 
do  about  slavery  and  the  colored  race  I  do  because  I  believe 
it  helps  to  save  this  Union  ;  and  what  I  forbear,  I  forbear 
because  I  do  not  believe  it  will  help  to  save  the  Union.  I 
shall  do  less  whenever  I  shall  believe  what  I  am  doing  hurts 
the  cause  ;  and  I  shall  do  more  whenever  I  believe  doing  more 
will  help  the  cause." 


338  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

In  February,  1865,  at  Hampton  Roads  conference, 
where  he  appeared  with  Mr.  Seward  to  meet  the  com- 
missioners appointed  by  the  Confederate  government,  he 
spoke  freely  in  regard  to  this  subject.  Honorable  Alex- 
ander H.  Stephens  says : 

"  He  (the  President)  went  into  a  prolonged  course  of  re- 
marks about  the  proclamation.  He  said  it  was  not  his  inten- 
tion in  the  beginning  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  ; 
that  he  never  would  have  done  it,  if  he  had  not  been  compelled 
by  necessity  to  do  it,  to  maintain  the  Union  ;  that  he  had 
hesitated  for  some  time,  and  had  resorted  to  this  measure  only 
when  driven  to  it  by  public  necessity  ;  that  he  had  been  in 
favor  of  the  general  government  prohibiting  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  the  Territories,  but  did  not  think  that  the  govern- 
ment possessed  power  over  it  as  a  war  measure  ;  and  that  he 
had  always  himself  been  in  favor  of  emancipation,  but  not 
immediate  emancipation  even  by  the  States.  Many  evils 
attending  this  appeared  to  him." 

Mr.  Stephens  continued : 

"  After  pausing  for  some  time,  his  head  rather  bent  down,  as 
if  in  deep  reflection  while  all  were  seated,  he  rose  up  and  used 
these  words,  almost  if  not  quite  identical :  '  Stephens,  if  I  were 
in  Georgia  and  entertained  the  sentiments  I  do,  though  I  sup- 
pose I  should  not  be  permitted  to  stay  there  long  with  them  ; 
but  if  I  resided  in  Georgia  with  my  present  sentiments,  I  tell 
you  what  I  would  do  if  I  were  in  your  place  ;  I  would  go 
home,  and  get  the  governor  of  the  State  to  call  the  legislature 
together,  and  get  them  to  recall  all  the  State  troops  from  the 
war ;  elect  senators  and  members  to  Congress,  and  ratify  this 
constitutional  amendment  prospectively,  so  as  to  take  effect — 
say  in  five  years.  Such  a  ratification  would  be  valid  in  my 
opinion.  I  have  looked  into  the  subject,  and  think  such  a 
prospective  ratification  would  be  valid.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  views  of  your  people  before  the  war,  they  must  be 
convinced  now,  that  slavery  is  doomed.     It  cannot  last  long 


MR.   LINCOLN'S    VIEWS.  339 

in  any  event,  and  the  best  course,  it  seems  to  me,  would  be  to 
adopt  such  a  policy  as  would  avoid,  so  far  as  possible,  the  evils 
of  immediate  emancipation.  This  would  be  my  course  if  I 
were  in  your  place.'  " 

We  comprehend,  then,  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  when,  from 
his  standpoint,  he  issued  the  emancipation  proclamation, 
he  overrode  the  Constitution,  annulled  the  laws  of  States, 
and  undertook  to  set  free  immediately  the  slaves,  notwith- 
standing the  danger  of  a  servile  war  in  States  of  common 
origin,  and  occupied  by  kindred  people.  He  asserted  that 
he  issued  the  proclamation  as  a  war  measure. 

In  an  interesting  notice  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  by  Honorable 
Joshua  F.  Speed,  written  December  6,  1866,  he  says: 

11  My  own  opinion  of  the  history  of  the  emancipation  proc- 
lamation is,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  foresaw  the  necessity  for  it  long 
before  he  issued  it.  He  was  anxious  to  avoid  it,  and  came  to 
it  only  when  he  saw  that  the  measure  would  subtract  from  its 
labor,  and  add  to  our  army  quite  a  number  of  good  fighting 
men.  I  have  heard  of  the  charge  of  duplicity  against  him  by 
certain  Western  members  of  Congress  ;  I  never  believed  the 
charge,  because  he  has  told  me  from  his  own  lips  that  the 
charge  was  false.  I,  who  knew  him  so  well,  could  never  after 
that  credit  the  report.  At  first  I  was  opposed  to  the  procla- 
mation, and  so  told  him.  I  remember  well  our  conversation  on 
the  subject.  He  seemed  to  treat  it  as  certain,  that  I  would 
recognize  the  wisdom  of  the  act,  when  I  should  see  the  har- 
vest of  good  which  we  would  ere  long  glean  from  it.  In  that 
conversation,  he  alluded  to  the  incident  in  his  life,  long  past, 
when  he  was  so  much  depressed,  that  he  almost  contemplated 
suicide.  At  the  time  of  his  deep  depression,  he  said  to  me, 
that  he  had  done  nothing  to  make  any  human  being  remember 
he  had  lived,  and  that  to  connect  his  name  with  the  events 
transpiring  in  his  own  day  and  generation,  and  so  impress 
himself  upon  them,  as  to  link  his  name  with  something  that 
would  redound  to  the  interest  of  his  fellow-man,  was  what  he 
desired  to  live  for.     He  reminded  me  of  that  conversation, 


340  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

and  said  with  earnest  emphasis,  \  I  believe  that  in  this  measure 
[meaning  his  proclamation]  my  fondest  hope  will  be  realized.' 
Over  twenty  years  had  passed  between  the  two  conversations." 

The  end  of  the  great  conflict  was  at  hand.  The 
Southern  army  after  a  long  and  heroic  defence  against 
overwhelming  numbers  could  resist  no  longer.  Its  great 
leader,  General  Robert  E.  Lee,  whose  career  shed  new 
lustre  upon  the  name  of  Virginia,  and  recalled  memories 
of  the  glorious  Revolutionary  struggle,  who  had  long 
been  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  sight  of  the  world,  and 
who,  though  of  our  times,  takes  rank  with  the  great  cap- 
tains of  antiquity,  felt  that  it  was  due  to  his  people  and 
to  the  remnant  of  the  gallant  army  that  still  surrounded 
him,  to  surrender  the  cause. 

On  Sunday,  the  2d  of  April,  1865,  he  sent  a  telegram 
to  President  Davis  that  he  was  about  to  withdraw  from 
Petersburg.  He  had  some  time  previously  in  an  interview 
with  Mr.  Davis  stated  that  his  extended  line  of  defence 
could  not  be  much  longer  maintained.  The  President  was 
in  Saint  Paul's  Church  in  Richmond  when  General  Lee's 
telegram  was  delivered  to  him ;  he  rose  and  quietly 
walked  out  of  the  church.  He  immediately  proceeded  to 
make  preparation  for  the  evacuation  of  Richmond.  Gen- 
eral Lee  withdrew  his  army  from  Petersburg  and  retired 
before  General  Grant's  massive  column,  until  he  reached 
Appomattox  Court  House.  On  the  evening  of  the  8th 
General  Lee  decided,  after  conference  with  his  corps 
commanders,  that  he  would  make  a  stand  if  the  state  of 
his  army  was  in  a  condition  to  do  so.  The  reports 
brought  in  to  him  satisfied  him  that  the  time  had  come  to 
surrender  his  army  to  General  Grant.  A  communication, 
under  a  white  flag,  was  made  by  General  Lee  to  General 
Grant,  inviting  him  to  come  to  Appomattox  where  terms 
of  surrender  could  be  agreed  upon.  General  Grant  came 
promptly,  and  entering  a  room  which  had  been  prepared 


THE   SURRENDER  AT  APPOMATTOX.  34 1 

for  their  conference,  the  two  Generals  took  their  seats  at 
a  small  table.     General  Lee  opened  the  interview  thus : 

"  General,  I  deem  it  due  to  proper  candor  and  frankness  to 
say  from  the  beginning  of  this  interview  that  I  am  not  willing 
even  to  discuss  any  terms  of  surrender  inconsistent  with  the 
honor  of  my  army  which  I  am  determined  to  maintain  to  the 
last." 

General  Grant,  appreciating  the  character  of  General 
Lee,  replied  : 

"  I  have  no  idea  of  proposing  dishonorable  terms,  General, 
and  I  would  be  glad  if  you  would  state  what  you  consider 
honorable  terms." 

After  a  brief  statement  of  the  terms  by  General  Lee  upon 
which  he  was  willing  to  surrender,  General  Grant  expressed 
himself  as  satisfied  with  them,  and  they  were  formally 
reduced  to  writing.  The  terms  agreed  upon  were  honor- 
able to  both  parties,  and  illustrate  the  great  qualities  of 
the  two  commanders  who  arranged  them. 

General  Lee  was  firm  ;  General  Grant  was  magnani- 
mous. They  were  representative  men,  and  as  they  sat 
face  to  face  they  constituted  a  picture  that  will  be  his- 
toric ;  they  comprehended  each  other. 

General  Grant  addressed  his  communication,  submitting 
the  terms  of  settlement,  to  "  General  R.  E.  Lee,  Com- 
manding Confederate  States  Army  "  ;  and  signed  it  "  Very 
respectfully,  U.  S.  Grant,  Lt.-General."  General  Lee 
sent  a  prompt  reply  accepting  the  proposed  terms. 

On  April  18,  1865,  near  Durham  Station  in  North  Caro- 
lina a  memorandum  of  agreement  between  General  Joseph 
E.  Johnston,  commanding  the  Confederate  army,  and 
Major-General  W.  T.  Sherman,  commanding  the  army  of 
the  United  States  in  North  Carolina,  was  made, — liberal 
in  its  terms,  and  honorable  to  its  great  commanders. 

A  patriotic  spirit  prompted  these  two  important  settle- 


342  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ments ;  they  were  characterized  by  an  American  tone, 
and  they  were  worthy  of  the  great  commanders  who  had 
confronted  each  other  in  a  gigantic  civil  war. 

The  Confederate  States  government  had  fallen.  The 
principles  involved  in  the  conflict  were,  on  the  one  side 
the  preservation  of  the  Union  ;  and,  on  the  other,  the  vin- 
dication of  the  right  of  the  people  of  co-ordinate  States 
to  a  full  participation  in  the  benefits  of  a  common  govern- 
ment. Questions  affecting  the  interests,  and  exciting  the 
passions  of  the  people  engaged  on  either  side  affected  the 
conflict,  but  the  great  controlling  principle  asserted  by  the 
Southern  States  which  had  formed  an  independent  gov- 
ernment was,  that  a  State  had  the  right  under  the  Con- 
stitution to  withdraw  from  the  Union  when,  in  the  course 
of  events,  its  people  solemnly  declared  in  convention  that 
its  interests  demanded  a  separation.  A  strong  anti-slavery 
sentiment  prevailed  at  the  North.  In  the  South  the  peo- 
ple felt  that  the  subordination  of  the  negro  race  to  the 
white  race  was  absolutely  essential  for  the  maintenance  of 
their  system  of  civilization, — a  system  which  existed  pre- 
vious to  the  formation  of  the  government,  and  recognized 
in  the  Constitution,  which  provided  for  a  basis  of  repre- 
sentation of  that  servile  class. 

We  have  emerged  from  a  great  civil  war ;  our  political 
system  is  still  a  federal  government  composed  of  co-ordi- 
nate States ;  the  Union  is  to  stand,  and  the  Constitution 
is  supreme.  One  flag  known  and  honored  by  all  nations 
under  the  whole  heavens  floats  as  our  national  ensign, 
from  the  Atlantic  gilded  with  the  morning  beams  of  the 
sun,  to  the  Pacific  where  he  sheds  his  evening  splendors 
upon  that  broad  ocean. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Assassination  of  President  Lincoln — A  National  Calamity — The  North  and 
the  South  both  Mourned  his  Death,  and  Paid  Tributes  to  his  Memory — 
His  Character — His  Place  in  History — Accession  of  Andrew  Johnson 
to  the  Presidency — Reconstruction  Measures — Mr.  Seward — Chief-Jus- 
tice Chase. 

The  war  was  over.     Peace  returned  to  our  land. 

President  Lincoln  made  a  brief  visit  to  Richmond.  The 
torch  of  the  incendiary  had  done  its  work,  and  a  great 
part  of  the  beautiful  city  was  in  ruins. 

Returning  to  Washington,  he  received  the  gratulations 
of  the  nation.  In  the  supreme  hour  of  his  triumph  he 
fell  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  He  attended,  by  invita- 
tion, a  performance  in  Ford's  Theatre  on  the  evening 
of  April  14th,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  two 
guests.  He  entered  the  crowded  theatre  at  9.20 ;  the 
audience  rose  and  cheered  enthusiastically  as  the  presi- 
dential party  passed  to  the  "  state  box "  reserved  for 
them. 

At  10  o'clock  John  Wilkes  Booth  swiftly  entered  the 
box,  and  drawing  a  pistol,  fired.  The  shot  was  fatal — the 
ball  entered  just  behind  Mr.  Lincoln's  left  ear,  and  imme- 
diately produced  complete  unconsciousness.  Springing 
upon  the  stage,  he  rushed  across  it,  and  escaped  through 
a  back  door.  The  President  was  in  his  chair  unconscious 
when  Miss  Laura  Keene  and  others  entered  the  box  with 
water  and  stimulants.  Medical  aid  soon  came  ;  it  was 
too  late.     The  dying  President  was  immediately  carried 

343 


344  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

to  a  house  opposite  the  theatre,  where  at  7.22  the  next 
morning,  the  15th  of  April,  he  expired. 

The  event  was  tragic  beyond  description.  It  is  stated 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  had  often  said  that  he  had  a  presenti- 
ment that  he  would  rise  to  a  high  position  and  be  sud- 
denly cut  off ;  but  on  this  evening  no  cloud  seemed  to 
rest  upon  him.  The  heart  of  the  nation  was  moved.  The 
President,  who  only  a  few  weeks  before,  on  March  4th, 
standing  in  front  of  the  Capitol,  and  for  the  second  time 
inaugurated  for  his  great  office,  uttering  words  of  kind- 
ness which  will  be  ever  memorable :  "  With  malice 
toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the 
right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  finish  the 
work  we  are  in  ;  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds,  to  care 
for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his 
widow  and  orphans ;  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and 
cherish  a  just  and  a  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  all 
nations," — had  been  suddenly  stricken  down  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin. 

It  was  a  national  calamity.  The  North  and  the  South 
mourned  his  death ;  both  paid  tributes  to  his  memory. 
Assassination  never  advances  civilization  ;  it  sometimes 
inflicts  an  irreparable  injury  upon  public  liberty.  In  the 
case  of  President  Lincoln  the  country  lost  by  his  death 
the  only  man  who  could  restore  to  it  tranquillity.  Many 
of  the  leaders  of  his  party  who  surrounded  him  were 
inflamed  with  resentment  against  the  South ;  they  dis- 
played neither  statesmanship  nor  magnanimity.  He  alone 
could  control  his  party ;  he  had  their  confidence,  and 
they  respected  his  views  of  public  affairs.  If  he  had 
lived  the  South  would  have  found  in  him  a  statesman 
of  broad  views  and  a  friendly  spirit  in  the  adjustment 
of  the  great  questions  which  affected  her  relations  to  the 
government  at  the  close  of  the  war.  No  occurrence  in 
our  time  had  so  affected  the  nation  as  the  death  of  the 
President. 


TRIBUTE    TO  MR.   LINCOLN.  345 

Among  the  tributes  paid  to  him  as  he  was  borne  from 
the  capital  to  Springfield,  where  he  was  to  be  interred, 
was  an  eloquent  discourse  by  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  from 
which  I  quote  a  paragraph  : 

"And  now  the  martyr  is  moving  in  triumphal  march, 
mightier  than  when  living.  The  nation  rises  up  at  every 
stage  of  his  coming.  Cities  and  States  are  his  pall-bearers, 
and  the  cannon  speaks  the  hours  with  solemn  progression. 
Dead,  dead,  dead,  he  yet  speaketh.  Is  Washington  dead  ? 
Is  Hampden  dead  ?  Is  any  man  who  was  ever  fit  to  live 
dead  ?  Disenthralled  of  flesh,  risen  to  the  unobstructed 
sphere  where  passion  never  comes,  he  begins  his  illimitable 
work.  His  life  is  now  grafted  upon  the  Infinite,  and  will 
be  fruitful,  as  no  earthly  life  can  be.  Pass  on,  thou  that  hast 
overcome." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  character  was  not  generally  understood. 
Unfortunately  for  his  fame  his  measures  at  the  very  be- 
ginning of  his  administration  displayed  a  rash  purpose  to 
maintain  the  government  by  the  usurpation  of  powers  not 
granted  in  the  Constitution.  In  the  place  of  forbearance 
there  was  a  call  for  an  army  of  invasion.  In  the  course 
of  the  great  events  that  followed  he  seemed  to  have  but 
one  purpose — to  overrun  the  South  by  powerful  armies. 
That  was  his  highest  idea  of  statesmanship.  Those  who 
were  nearest  to  him,  some  of  his  early  friends,  knew  the 
kindliness  of  his  nature.  I  knew  him  in  Congress,  where 
he  served  two  sessions.  We  were  both  Whigs,  and  we 
occupied  seats  near  each  other.  In  our  intercourse  I 
found  him  agreeable  and  entertaining,  exhibiting  fine 
sense,  his  conversation  sparkling  with  wit  and  his  genial 
nature  unfailing.  In  a  contribution  to  a  biography  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  which  has  recently  been  published,  Honorable 
Joshua  L.  Speed  gives  an  interesting  notice  of  him.  Mr. 
Speed  states  that  after  having  done  an  act  of  marked 
kindness  to  two  women  who  had  come  to  him  in  the 


346  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Executive   Mansion  with  an  entreaty  for   clemency  he 
said  : 

"  That  old  lady  was  no  counterfeit  ;  the  mother  spoke  out 
in  every  feature  in  her  face.  It  is  more  than  one  can  often 
say  that  in  doing  right  one  has  made  two  people  happy  in  one 
day.  Speed,  die  when  I  may,  I  want  it  said  of  me  by  those 
who  know  me  best  that  I  always  plucked  a  thistle  and  planted 
a  flower  when  I  thought  a  flower  would  grow." 

The  place  which  he  will  fill  in  history  can  be  seen  to- 
day ;  twenty-five  years  have  gone  by  since  his  death  ;  we 
can  speak  of  him  with  calm  frankness  and  perfect  fairness. 
Egypt  never  judged  her  kings  while  they  reigned,  but 
passed  upon  them  after  death,  giving  them  their  true 
place  in  their  successive  dynasties.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  an 
extraordinary  man  ;  not  educated  in  the  schools  where 
statesmen  were  taught,  but  in  the  walks  where  men  are 
sometimes  trained  by  the  influences  of  actual  life,  by  the 
law  of  natural  development,  until  they  attain  a  strength 
that  fits  them  for  the  grandest  achievements  in  the  con- 
duct of  human  affairs.  Such  a  man  was  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  world  is  now  acquainted  with  him.  The  emancipa- 
tion proclamation  of  President  Lincoln  was  the  act  of  his 
administration  that  won  for  him  the  applause  of  the 
world  ;  it  made  his  name  immortal.  Disregarding  the 
Constitution,  annulling  the  laws  of  States,  looking  out 
upon  the  storm  of  war  that  raged  about  him,  he  stood 
up,  and,  in  the  presence  of  the  nation,  issued  a  decree 
giving  liberty  to  millions  of  slaves. 

Andrew  Johnson,  the  Vice-President,  came  to  the  presi- 
dency ;  a  great  opportunity  was  before  him,  but  he  did 
not  comprehend  it.  The  times  required  statesmanship  of 
the  highest  order.  The  States  lately  at  war  might  have 
been  reconciled  upon  terms  that  would  have  strengthened 
the  Union,  and  have  awakened  the  sentiments  of  loyalty 


RECONSTRUCTION  MEASURES.  347 

to  the  government  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  throughout 
the  nation.  The  existing  State  governments  should  have 
been  promptly  recognized,  and  senators  and  representa- 
tives chosen  by  them  should  have  been  admitted  in  both 
houses  of  Congress.  This  policy  had  been  foreshadowed 
by  President  Lincoln.  The  war  was  at  an  end  ;  the  sev- 
eral ordinances  of  secession  were  declarations  of  inde- 
pendence to  be  upheld,  if  need  be,  upon  the  field  of 
battle.  The  Confederate  States  had  lost  the  great  battle, 
and  the  States  were  still  within  the  Union.  They  were 
treated  as  conquered  provinces,  and  terms  were  named 
upon  which  they  should  be  re-admitted  to  the  Union. 
Never  in  the  history  of  free  governments  had  such  a  mis- 
take been  made. 

Mr.  Johnson's  first  blunder  was  his  rejection  of  the 
settlement  made  between  General  Joseph  E.  Johnston 
and  General  Sherman.     It  verified  the  French  proverb. 

A  series  of  measures  adopted  by  the  new  administration 
served  to  hinder  the  great  work  of  national  reconciliation. 
President  Johnson  made  known  the  terms  upon  which  he 
would  grant  a  pardon  to  those  who  had  resisted  the  gov- 
ernment ;  and  constructed  a  plan  which  was  so  full  of  the 
spirit  of  distrust  and  resentment  as  to  make  it  similar  to 
an  act  of  pardon  from  Charles  II.  upon  his  restoration — 
that  was  offensive  to  Englishmen.  Mr.  Johnson's  plan 
was  unworthy  of  a  President  confronting  the  American 
people.  Mr.  Lincoln  would  have  avoided  all  this  and 
have  controlled  his  party.  Mr.  Johnson  had  no  influence 
with  his  party,  and  a  great  quarrel  followed  which  came 
near  unseating  him. 

There  were  men  like  myself  in  the  South  who  earnestly 
desired  a  restoration  of  the  Union.  Having  known  Mr. 
Seward  in  Congress,  a  Whig  as  I  was,  and  in  friendly  in- 
tercourse with  him,  I  wrote  him  in  regard  to  that  subject, 
and  received  the  following  reply : 


348  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

"Department  of  State, 
"Washington,  io  August,  1865, 
"  To  the  Honorable 

Henry  W.  Hilliard. 
"  My  Dear  Sir  : 

"  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  first  of  August,  and  I 
desire  to  lose  no  time  in  expressing  my  cordial  agreement  with 
you  in  the  opinions  you  have  expressed  concerning  the  true 
policy  of  the  hour  and  the  ultimate  destiny  of  the  nation. 
What  is  now  urgently  wanted  is  the  reorganization  of  society 
in  the  insurgent  States  upon  such  principles  as  will  enable 
them  to  win  back  the  confidence  of  the  people  who  made  the 
sacrifices  required  for  the  preservation  of  the  national  life. 
The  country  has  indeed  suffered  much.  It  has  suffered 
deeply  in  every  part.  But  its  life  and  its  integrity  of  heart 
and  even  limb  remains.  It  has  escaped  not  only  the  evils  of 
foreign  intervention,  but  even  the  demoralization  of  foreign 
influence,  and  therefore  it  may  well  be  believed  to  have  been 
really  strengthened  rather  than  enfeebled  by  the  trials  through 
which  it  has  passed.  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  we  are  to  have 
your  co-operation  in  the  work  of  reorganization  and  harmo- 
nizing, and  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  you  when  you  come  to  the 
capital. 

"  With  great  regard  and  esteem, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"William  H.  Seward." 

Some  few  weeks  later  I  visited  Washington.  A  num- 
ber of  Southern  gentlemen  were  at  the  capital  interview- 
ing the  President,  and  submitting  their  applications  for 
the  pardon  promised  in  his  proclamation.  The  morning 
after  my  arrival  I  called  at  the  White  House,  and  found  a 
large  number  awaiting  a  reception  by  the  President. 
When  his  doors  were  thrown  open  he  entered  the  large 
reception  room  and  I  advanced  to  a  place  near  where  the 
President  was  standing.  He  looked  around,  recognized 
me,  and  extended  his  hand,  saying :  "  I  am  glad  to  see 
you."     We  entered  into  conversation  and  I  informed  him 


AN  EVENING    WITH  MR.    SEWARD.  349 

of  the  object  of  my  visit.  He  suggested  that  I  should 
leave  my  papers  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Speed,  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, when,  in  due  time,  they  would  be  submitted  to  him. 
I  had  served  in  Congress  for  some  years  with  Mr.  John- 
son, but  had  not  met  him  since,  and  I  was  gratified  at  his 
cordial  reception.  Acting  upon  his  suggestion  I  called 
at  the  office  of  the  Attorney-General  and  left  my  applica- 
tion to  be  presented  to  the  President. 

I  called  on  the  President  next  day,  and  he  inquired  if  I 
intended  to  go  farther  North,  and  being  informed  that  I 
wished  to  pass  some  few  weeks  in  New  York,  he  said  that 
upon  my  return  he  would  act  on  my  case. 

I  called  on  Mr.  Seward  at  the  State  Department  and 
was  received  with  friendly  warmth.  Before  taking  leave 
he  invited  me  to  pass  the  evening  with  him. 

I  found  Miss  Seward  when  I  entered,  and  she  continued 
to  sit  with  us  for  some  time  after  tea  was  served.  The 
surroundings  were  familiar ;  Mr.  Seward  occupied  the 
house  where  I  had  my  apartments  when  in  Congress, — a 
handsome  building  near  the  White  House.  Mr.  Seward 
entered  into  an  extended  conversation  with  me  in  regard 
to  public  affairs,  and  we  both  spoke  with  frankness  of  the 
state  of  the  country.  He  spoke  of  Mr.  Stephens,  and 
seemed  to  distrust  the  authenticity  of  his  speech  at  Savan- 
nah as  to  slavery  being  the  corner-stone  of  the  Confeder- 
ate government.  There  was  not  a  word  uttered  during 
the  evening  which  expressed  an  unfriendly  feeling  towards 
the  South.  He  gave  me  an  account  of  the  assault  made 
upon  him  by  Payne  on  the  night  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassi- 
nation. He  had  some  days  before  been  injured  by  a  fall 
from  his  carriage  and  was  in  bed  ;  his  son  and  one  or  two 
friends  were  seated  in  the  room.  Visitors  were  strictly 
excluded,  and  when  Payne  entered  the  resistance  to  him 
by  his  son  disturbed  him,  but  he  did  not  change  his  posi- 
tion ;  the  bed  was  a  very  wide  one  and  he  was  on  the  side 
farthest  from  the  door.     As  Payne,  raising  his  arm  over 


350  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

him  laid  the  blade  of  his  weapon  on  the  side  of  his  face, 
he  saw  that  the  sleeve  of  his  coat  was  of  Confederate 
gray ;  the  blade  seemed  cold,  and  then  it  rained,  the 
blood  from  the  wound  producing  that  sensation.  He  was 
saved  from  assassination  by  the  width  of  the  bed  and  the 
exertions  of  those  who  held  Payne,  and  who  finally  forced 
him  out  of  the  door.  I  was  deeply  interested  in  this 
vivid  account  of  the  escape  of  the  great  statesman  from 
the  murderous  assault  of  an  armed  athlete. 

Upon  my  return  to  Washington  from  my  visit  to  New 
York  I  found  my  friend,  ex-Governor  Herschel  V.  John- 
son, of  Georgia,  at  Willard's  Hotel,  where  I  also  stayed. 

The  next  day  he  called  with  me  on  the  President.  He 
informed  me  on  the  way  that  a  new  rule  had  been 
adopted, — a  card  placed  on  the  table  of  the  secretary  by 
the  visitor  would  bring  prompt  attention  to  the  applica- 
tion by  the  President. 

A  large  party  entered  the  reception  room  with  us,  and 
after  placing  my  card  on  the  secretary's  table  we  waited 
for  some  time  before  we  could  speak  with  the  President. 
He  received  me  as  before,  and  spoke  of  my  visit  to  New 
York  in  terms  of  friendly  interest.  I  said  that  in  con- 
formity to  his  rule  I  had  placed  my  card  on  the  secre- 
tary's table,  and  hoped  that  it  would  receive  early  attention. 
Governor  Johnson  expressed  his  interest  in  me  ;  the  Presi- 
dent smiled  and  said  :  "  I  was  rather  partial  to  Hilliard  in 
Congress."  I  said  :  "  Yes,  we  were  good  friends."  Gov- 
ernor Johnson  then  remarked  :  "  You  had  better  pardon 
him ;  I  don't  think  he  has  done  much  harm."  "  Now," 
replied  the  President,  "  I  know  all  about  him."  We  took 
leave,  impressed  by  the  President's  friendly  disposition. 

Still  the  President  would  not  allow  my  papers  to  be 
delivered  to  me.  He  held  me  responsible  for  my  mission 
from  the  Confederate  government  to  Tennessee,  his  own 
State.  For  weeks  I  waited  his  action  ;  I  saw  the  applica- 
tion of  others  acted  on  favorably ;    even  General  L.  P. 


AT   THE  EXECUTIVE  MANSION.  351 

Walker's,  ex-Confederate  Secretary  of  War,  received  early 
attention  ;  but  while  I  was  uniformly  received  cordially, 
the  important  document  was  withheld  from  me.  At 
length  I  decided  to  wait  no  longer.  At  the  expiration  of 
some  three  weeks,  on  Saturday  morning  I  called  as  usual 
at  the  Executive  Mansion,  but  did  not  enter  the  reception 
room  ;  I  sent  in  a  note  to  the  President,  stating  that  I 
was  about  to  return  home,  and  requested  immediate 
attention  to  my  application. 

In  about  thirty  minutes  the  President's  secretary  walked 
into  the  corridor  where  I  was  seated,  and,  coming  to  me, 
informed  me  that  I  would  find  the  paper  which  I  wished 
to  receive  at  the  Department  of  State.  I  called  at  the 
department  and  obtained  it  immediately. 

It  was  Saturday,  and  I  proposed  to  leave  Washington 
on  Monday,  to  avoid  travelling  on  Sunday.  At  the 
breakfast  table  Sunday  morning  a  lady  accompanied  by 
her  daughter  took  a  seat  near  me.  I  recognized  her  as 
Mrs.  Bayley,  formerly  the  wife  of  Honorable  Thomas  H. 
Bayley,  of  Virginia ;  she  presented  me  to  Miss  Bayley, 
her  daughter,  and  immediately  requested  me  to  accom- 
pany her  the  next  morning  on  a  visit  to  the  President. 
She  was  now  Mrs.  Perkins,  wife  of  a  distinguished  mem- 
ber of  the  Confederate  Congress  from  Louisiana,  a  planter 
of  great  wealth,  who,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  had  gone  to 
Mexico  to  await  the  results.  I  could  not  decline  her 
request.  I  recalled  the  time  when  I  had  intervened  in 
behalf  of  General  Bayley. 

On  Monday  morning  I  accompanied  Mrs.  Perkins  to 
the  Executive  Mansion,  and  we  had  an  interview  with 
the  President.  Mrs.  Perkins  stated  the  object  of  her 
visit — to  obtain  a  pardon  for  Mr.  Perkins.  The  President 
asked  :  "  Where  is  Mr.  Perkins  ?  "  "  In  Mexico,"  replied 
Mrs.  Perkins.  "  Well,"  said  the  President,  "  he  must  come 
back  to  his  flag."  She  then  inquired  if  the  President 
would  grant  him    a   pardon    upon  his  return.     He  said, 


/ 


352  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES, 

smiling :  "  You  see  what  is  going  on  here ;  you  must 
draw  your  own  inferences."  I  then  said  to  Mrs.  Perkins 
that  she  could  not  expect  the  President  to  do  more. 
We  took  leave,  Mrs.  Perkins  much  cheered  with  the 
President's   words. 

The  emancipation  of  the  slave  was  the  inevitable  result 
of  the  war  between  the  States.  It  was  a  great  step  in  the 
march  of  civilization  ;  slavery  was  an  anachronism  in  the 
nineteenth  century ;  its  abolition  was  in  harmony  with 
the  spirit  of  the  age. 

The  South  is  relieved  of  an  incubus,  and  has  advanced 
with  the  stride  of  a  giant  in  the  progress  of  the  nations — 
in  the  development  of  a  grander,  truer,  happier  civilization. 
The  emancipated  slaves  are  secured,  too,  in  the  enjoy- 
ments of  their  rights  under  the  law  which  grants  them 
equal  protection. 

It  is  yet  to  be  seen  how  the  measure  granting  them  the 
ballot  will  work.  It  seemed  to  me  that  they  should  have 
been  trained  by  a  gradual  method  for  the  exercise  of  this 
great  function.  So  far,  it  has  disturbed  the  harmony  of 
the  races.  No  man  is  more  sincerely  the  friend  of  the 
negro  than  myself ;  my  life  has  shown  it ;  but  I  firmly 
believe  that  the  supremacy  of  the  white  race  is  absolutely 
essential  to  the  existence  of  our  social  system  in  these 
Southern  States. 

The  framers  of  our  government  never  provided  for  the 
admission  of  the  negro  race  into  any  participation  in  its 
administration.  I  stated  my  objection  to  the  measure, 
when  it  was  projected,  in  a  public  letter.  Chief-Justice 
Chase,  my.  personal  friend,  undertook  to  convince  me 
that  my  distrust  of  the  measure  was  unfounded,  and 
addressed  a  letter  to  me,  which  is  published  in  his  in- 
teresting biography.  It  expresses  his  views  in  a  states- 
manlike manner,  and,  as  he  attached  importance  to  the 
letter,  I  give  it  a  place. 


LETTER  FROM   CHIEF-JUSTICE   CHASE.  353 

"  To  Honorable  Henry  W.  Hilliard, 

etc.,  etc.,  etc. 

"  Washington,  April  27,  1868. 

"...  Some  days  since  I  received,  from  an  unknown 
hand,  a  paper  containing  a  letter  of  yours,  which  I  read  with 
great  interest. 

"  My  acquaintance  with  you  when  we  were  both  in  Congress 
— you  in  the  House  and  I  in  the  Senate — was  very  slight ;  but, 
slight  as  it  was,  I  take  occasion  from  it  to  write  you  a  few  lines, 
suggested  by  your  letter. 

"  Ever  since  the  war  closed  I  have  been  very  anxious  for 
the  earliest  practicable  '  restoration '  of  the  States  of  the 
South,  to  their  proper  relations  to  the  other  States  of  the 
Union.  I  adopt  your  own  statement  of  the  problem  to  be 
worked  out,  because  I  agree  with  you  in  the  opinion,  that 
these  '  States  have  never  been  other  than  States  within  the 
Union  since  they  became  parties  to  the  federal  government, 
and  that  the  failure  to  maintain  their  assertions  of  indepen- 
dence in  the  conflict  of  arms  which  followed,  left  them  States 
still  within  the  Union.' 

"  The  point  on  which  I  probably  differ  from  you  is  this  : 
the  people  for  whom  and  through  whom  these  States  were  to 
be  organized  at  the  close  of  the  war  was  not,  as  I  think,  the 
same  people  as  that  which  existed  in  them  when  the  war 
began. 

"  In  my  judgment  the  refusal  of  the  proprietary  class,  if  it 
may  be  so  called,  to  recognize  this  fact  and  its  legitimate  and 
indeed  logical  consequences,  and  the  convictions  of  large 
majorities  in  the  States  which  adhered  to  the  national  gov- 
ernment in  respect  to  it,  caused  most  of  the  trouble  of  the  last 
three  years. 

"  I  have  not  time  to  go  at  large  into  this  subject,  but  I  may 
say  briefly,  that  emancipation  came  to  be  regarded  by  these 
majorities  as  a  military  necessity  ;  that  the  faith  of  the  nation 
was  pledged,  by  the  proclamation  of  emancipation,  to  maintain 
the  emancipated  people  in  the  possession  and  enjoyment  of  the 
freedom  it  conferred  ;  that  to  this  end  the  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  prohibiting  slavery  throughout  the  United  States 


354  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

was  proposed  and  ratified  ;  that,  becoming  freemen,  the  eman- 
cipated people  became  necessarily  citizens  ;  and  that  as  citi- 
zens they  were  entitled  to  be  consulted  in  respect  to  reorgani- 
zation, and  to  the  means  of  self-protection  by  suffrage.  This 
is  a  very  brief,  but  I  think  a  perfectly  correct  statement  of 
what  may  be  called,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  the  Northern  view 
of  this  matter.  It  would,  perhaps,  be  more  correct  to  call  it 
the  loyal  view  North  and  South,  using  the  word  loyal  as  dis- 
tinguishing the  masses  who  support  the  national  government 
from  the  masses  who  opposed  it  during  the  war. 

"  Now  the  particular  matter  to  which  I  wish  to  draw  your 
attention  is,  whether  policy  and  duty  do  not  require  the  class 
which  I  have  called  proprietary,  meaning  thereby  the  educated 
and  cultivated  men  of  the  South — whether  property  holders  or 
not — to  accept  this  view  fully  and  act  upon  it.  Is  it  possible 
to  doubt  that,  had  this  view  been  accepted  and  acted  upon 
three  years  ago,  after  the  surrender  of  Lee  and  Johnston,  the 
Southern  States  would  have  been  richer  to-day  by  hundreds  of 
millions  than  they  are,  and  that  long  ago,  universal  amnesty, 
and  the  removal  of  all  disabilities  would  have  prepared  the 
hearts  of  men  on  both  sides  for  a  real  Union  ?  Can  it  be  a 
J  matter  of  question  that  the  colored  voters,  finding  in  the  edu- 
cated classes  true  friendship,  evidenced  by  full  recognition  of 
their  rights  and  practical  acts  of  good-will,  would  have  gladly 
given  to  those  classes,  substantially,  their  old  lead  in  affairs, 
directed  now,  however,  to  union  and  not  to  disunion  ;  to  the 
benefit  of  all,  and  not  exclusively  to  the  benefit  of  a  class  ? 

"  I  observe  you  say  that  the  attempt  to  carry  on  the  govern- 
y  ment  with  the  privilege  of  universal  suffrage  incorporated  as 
one  of  its  elements,  is  full  of  danger.  Danger  is  the  condition 
of  all  governments  ;  because  no  form  of  government  ensures 
wise  and  beneficent  administration.  But  I  beg  you  to  con- 
sider, is  there  not  a  greater  danger  without  than  with  universal 
suffrage  ?  You  cannot  make  suffrage  less  than  universal  for 
the  whites,  and  will  not  the  attempt  to  discriminate  excite  such 
jealousies  and  ill-feeling  as  will  postpone  to  the  distant  future 
what  seems  so  essential,  namely,  the  restoration  of  general 
good  will,  and  bringing  into  lead  the  educated  men  and  the 


THE   STATUS  OF   THE  NEGRO.  355 

men  of  property,  and  so  securing  the  best  and  most  beneficial 
administration  of  affairs  for  all  classes  ?  take  universal  suffrage 
and  universal  amnesty,  and  all  will  be  well.  Can  you,  my 
dear  sir,  devote  your  fine  powers  to  a  better  work  than  com- 
plete restoration  on  this  basis  ?..'." 

Of  course  I  do  not  look  for  any  change  in  the  status  of    <j 
the  negro ;    his  right  to  the  ballot  will  never  be  revoked, 
and  he  should  be  allowed  to  exercise  the  privilege  con- 
ferred on  him  freely. 

The  future  of  our  country  is  full  of  promise ;  the  tone 
of  our  people  is  American,  and  the  enlightening  and 
elevating  power  of  Christianity  will  exert  still  greater 
influence  over  our  national  life  in  the  cycles  that  open 
before  us. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

President  Hayes — Hon.  Richard  W.  Thompson — Hon.  William  M.  Evarts — 
Mission  to  Brazil — Steamer  Russia — London — Paris — Stuttgart — Voy- 
age from  Bordeaux  to  Rio  de  Janeiro — Arrival — First  Impressions. 

President  Hayes  was  inaugurated  on  Monday,  March 
5,  1877.  His  address  on  the  occasion  was  of  a  high  order ; 
it  was  distinguished  for  its  breadth  of  view  and  patriotic 
tone.  It  prepared  the  country  for  his  statesmanlike  course 
at  the  outset  of  his  administration. 

He  promptly  removed  the  United  States  troops  from 
the  States  where  they  had  been  in  antagonism  with  the 
civil  authority ;  he  recognized  the  right  of  local  govern- 
ment ;  and  he  adopted  measures  for  the  promotion  of  a 
speedy  reconciliation  between  all  sections  of  the  Union. 

The  supremacy  of  the  Constitution  was  restored. 

He  organized  a  Cabinet  composed  of  statesmen  of 
ability,  character,  and  well-earned  reputation. 

I  made  a  visit  to  Washington  shortly  after  Mr.  Hayes 
entered  upon  his  administration.  I  met  him  for  the  first 
time  at  a  reception  given  by  Mrs.  Hayes,  and  was  treated 
with  consideration.  Calling  at  the  White  House  at  an 
informal  evening  reception,  I  enjoyed  a  conversation  with 
Mrs  Hayes,  and  appreciated  the  manners  and  the  qualities 
which  already  distinguished  her,  and  which  won  for  her, 
while  she  presided  at  the  social  entertainments  given  at 
the  Executive  Mansion,  friends  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  who  then  admired  her,  and  who  still  revere  her 
memory. 

356 


THE  MISSION   TO  BRAZIL.  357 

Hon.  Richard  W.  Thompson,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
was  a  friend  whom  I  had  known  intimately  when  we 
served  in  Congress.  We  were  Whigs,  and  attracted  to 
each  other  by  our  strong  sympathy  upon  other  subjects. 
His  abilities  won  for  him  distinction,  and  his  exalted 
character  gave  him  a  high  rank  in  the  country.  Soon 
after  my  arrival  in  Washington,  I  passed  an  evening  at 
Mr.  Thompson's  residence,  and  he  informed  me  that  the 
President  would  offer  me  a  place  in  the  diplomatic  ser- 
vice. I  had  not  said  anything  to  the  President  in  regard 
to  an  appointment  under  his  administration,  and  was 
grateful  for  this  unsolicited  mark  of  his  favor.  Mr. 
Thompson  made  known  to  me  the  President's  views,  and 
proposed  to  accompany  me  to  the  Department  of  State, 
and  introduce  me  to  Mr.  Evarts. 

The  next  morning  we  called  on  Mr.  Evarts,  and  I  was 
presented  to  him.  The  great  reputation  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  was  of  course  well  known  to  me,  but  I  had 
not  met  him  before.  I  appreciated  the  cordial  recep- 
tion which  he  gave  me.  I  had  two  interviews  with  him 
in  regard  to  the  mission  which  might  be  offered  for  my 
acceptance.  After  an  extended  conversation  upon  the  sub- 
ject, it  was  understood  that  upon  the  return  of  the  Hon. 
J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis  from  Germany,  I  should  be  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him  ;  he  had  given  notice  of  his 
purpose  to  come  home,  but  had  not  stated  at  what  time 
he  would  relinquish  his  post.  On  a  visit  to  Washington 
some  time  later,  I  was  informed  by  Mr.  Evarts  that  the 
mission  to  Germany  was  not  yet  vacant.  He  stated  that 
the  Minister  to  Brazil  had  forwarded  his  resignation,  and 
suggested  that  I  could  be  appointed  to  it,  if  I  would 
accept  it ;  but  that  my  ideas,  he  knew,  were  all  European, 
and  that  the  place  might  not  be  agreeable  to  me.  He 
proposed  that  I  should  see  the  President.  I  called  on  the 
President  immediately  and  made  known  to  him  what  had 
occurred  at  the  Department  of  State.    He  said  he  did  not 


358  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

know  when  the  mission  to  Berlin  would  be  vacant ;  but 
that  my  appointment  to  Brazil  would  be  made  immedi- 
ately if  I  would  accept  it.  I  said  :  "  Mr.  President,  ought 
I  to  accept  it?  "  He  replied  that  he  did  not  like  to  speak 
for  another  man,  but  as  a  large  number  of  Southern  men 
had  gone  to  Brazil  at  the  close  of  the  war,  I  might  ren- 
der important  service  to  the  country  by  accepting  the 
mission  to  Rio.  I  said  that  after  having  heard  the  ex- 
pression of  his  views  in  regard  to  the  mission  to  Brazil,  I 
could  not  hesitate  to  accept  it. 

The  appointment  was  promptly  made,  and  returning 
home  I  made  my  arrangements  for  an  early  departure. 

I  sailed  with  my  family  from  New  York  in  the  steam- 
ship Russia  of  the  Cunard  Line,  on  a  bright  morning 
for  Liverpool.  It  was  not  a  new  ship,  but  possessed 
certain  advantages,  and  excluded  steerage  passengers. 
The  captain  had  long  experience  in  conducting  a  ship 
across  the  Atlantic  ;  he  was  second  in  command  of  the 
Columbia,  on  which  I  had  made  a  voyage  years  before 
with  Captain  Judkins.  Everything  was  auspicious ;  the 
weather  was  fine ;  we  were  on  a  summer  sea ;  and 
the  passengers  were  agreeable  people.  Our  two  daugh- 
ters had  never  before  been  on  the  sea,  but  they  were  not 
much  disturbed  by  the  waves.  The  daily  walk  on  the 
deck  of  the  ship,  and  the  cheerful  surroundings,  relieved 
the  monotony  of  the  voyage. 

A  bright  day  welcomed  us  upon  our  arrival  at  Liver- 
pool, and  we  passed  a  few  hours  there  in  looking  at 
some  objects  of  interest. 

Our  travel  to  London  on  the  railway  was  pleasant  ;  the 
glimpses  we  caught  of  scenery — the  fields  rich  with  grain, 
the  whole  aspect  of  a  country  under  fine  cultivation — were 
enjoyed  by  us.  As  we  approached  London  everything 
interested  us  ;  and  when  we  entered  the  great  metropolis 
we  felt  that  we  were  in  a  city  full  of  attractions  for  us. 
We   took  apartments    at    the    Charing  Cross  Hotel,  and 


FROM   LONDON    TO   PARIS.  359 

found  it  good.  It  was  thoroughly  English  in  all  its 
appointments,  and  the  ladies  enjoyed  it.  I  called  at  the 
banking-house  of  Messrs.  Morton,  Rose,  &  Co.,  the  bankers 
of  the  United  States  in  London,  and  had  a  most  agree- 
able interview  with  them. 

Our  sight-seeing  in  London  was  limited  by  the  short 
time  which  we  gave  to  it.  To  an  American,  Westminster 
Abbey  is  the  most  interesting  place  in  London  ;  its  his- 
toric glory,  its  mementos  of  monarchs,  of  the  mighty 
dead  who  served  the  Church  and  the  State,  its  scholars, 
its  poets — all  awaken  emotions  which  no  other  spot  in 
Europe  can  excite. 

Fine  weather  still  favored  us  ;  the  travel  to  Dover,  the 
brief  run  over  the  Channel,  and  the  stepping  on  the  soil 
of  France  were  all  enjoyed  by  us.  As  I  landed  at  Calais 
an  official  person  in  handsome  uniform  addressed  me  as 
"  General,"  and  asked  if  I  were  "  English."  I  replied : 
"  No,  American  !  "  He  gave  me  a  military  salute.  It 
was  an  unexpected  tribute  to  my  soldierly  appearance, 
and  amused  us  as  a  mark  of  French  politeness.  The 
travel  to  Paris  from  Calais  was  delightful ;  we  saw  France 
under  its  most  pleasing  aspect,  and  were  much  charmed 
by  the  expanding  view  of  that  beautiful  country.  Eng- 
land awakens  in  me  emotions  which  no  other  country  in 
the  world  can  excite,  outside  of  my  own  native  land.  I 
feel  that  I  can  claim  a  part  in  its  glorious  history  ;  its  lan- 
guage, religion,  law,  are  mine ;  but  I  love  France,  and  I 
find  an  unfailing  interest  in  looking  upon  its  sunny 
plains,  and  seeing  its  bright,  cheerful  people.  To  heighten 
the  charm  of  the  view  an  afternoon  shower  came  up,  and 
a  resplendent  rainbow  spanned  the  fair  fields  through 
which  we  were  passing.  We  reached  Paris  before  sunset, 
and  caught  the  first  view  of  that  beautiful  city  under 
a  clear  sky.  We  drove  to  the  Hotel  Meurice,  and  took 
apartments.  This  charming  hotel  is  in  the  Rue  de  Rivoli, 
opposite  the  Gardens  of  the  Tuileries,  and  I  preferred  it 


360  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

to  any  hotel  in  Europe.  I  was  a  guest  there  upon  my 
first  visit  to  Paris. 

We  could  not  linger  in  that  most  attractive  of  all  cities, 
proposing  to  make  a  later  visit,  and  pass  some  time  there. 
The  view  which  the  ladies  caught  of  it  was  delightful. 

It  was  my  purpose  before  leaving  home  to  take  my 
family  to  Stuttgart  and  arrange  for  a  year's  residence  for 
them  while  I  proceeded  to  Rio.  In  Paris  I  met  Mr. 
Partridge,  my  predecessor  at  the  court  of  Brazil ;  he  ex- 
pected me,  and  called  on  me  promptly.  He  devoted 
his  time  to  me  and  rendered  important  service  in  posting 
me  as  to  affairs  in  Brazil,  and  in  other  ways.  I  informed 
him  of  my  purpose  to  leave  my  family  in  Stuttgart ;  he 
thoroughly  approved  it,  and  said  that  it  would  be  well  to 
arrange  for  their  residence  there  during  my  stay  at  Rio. 
He  informed  me  that  several  members  of  the  Diplomatic 
Corps  left  their  families  in  Europe.  The  climate  at  Rio 
at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  was  such  as  to  make  it  un- 
desirable as  a  residence.  A  leave  of  absence  obtained 
from  time  to  time  would  enable  me  to  visit  my  family, 
who  would  in  the  meanwhile  enjoy  advantages  which 
could  not  be  secured  in  Brazil. 

After  a  brief  but  a  very  pleasant  stay  in  Paris  we  pro- 
ceeded to  Stuttgart.  The  travel  from  Paris  to  Stuttgart 
interested  us.  We  had  a  view  of  Strasbourg,  its  grand 
cathedral  rising  before  us  with  its  lofty  spire  higher  than 
the  Great  Pyramid  of  Egypt,  and  we  crossed  the  Rhine. 

Stuttgart  makes  a  fine  impression  on  the  visitor  from 
the  first  hour  of  his  arrival.  Its  railway  station  is  mag- 
nificent, and  it  has  one  of  the  best  hotels  in  Europe. 
This  charming  place,  seated  in  the  midst  of  vine-clad  hills, 
possessed  every  advantage  as  a  residence  for  Mrs.  Hilliard 
and  our  daughters.  As  a  school  for  music  it  is  not 
excelled  in  Europe.  I  succeeded  in  making  satisfactory 
arrangements  for  my  family.  Mr.  Potter,  our  Consul, 
gave  us  his  best  services,  and  I  found   in   Mr.  Schulz,  an 


ARRIVAL   IN  BRAZIL.  361 

eminent  banker,  a  gentleman  who  undertook  to  provide 
facilities  for  meeting  the  requirements  of  Mrs.  Hilliard 
during  her  stay. 

Returning  to  Paris,  I  found  that  I  was  too  late  to  secure 
a  passage  in  the  French  steamer  for  Rio.  I  engaged  a 
passage  in  one  of  the  ships  of  the  Pacific  Line  of  Royal 
Mail  Steamers,  which,  leaving  Liverpool,  called  at  Bor- 
deaux for  passengers. 

The  voyage  from  Bordeaux  to  Rio  was  delightful.  We 
called  at  Lisbon,  and  I  was  impressed  by  the  magnificence 
of  the  view  which  the  city  presented.  It  is  a  grand 
amphitheatre,  spreading  over  hills,  which  are  covered 
with  palaces,  churches,  and  private  residences,  constituting 
a  beautiful  picture.  y 

The  ocean  was  tranquil,  and  day  after  day  we  enjoyed 
the  voyage,  which  revealed  to  us,  as  we  approached  the 
coast  of  South  America,  scenery  which  was  new  to  us,  and 
in  the  full  verdure  of  tropical  luxuriance.  At  night  the 
heavens  were  magnificent ;  the  constellations  shone  with 
a  splendor  that  we  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  the 
unclouded  firmament  revealed  to  us  its  full  beauty. 

Pernambuco  was  the  first  place  we  saw  on  the  coast  of 
Brazil ;  its  towers,  and  the  domes  of  its  public  buildings, 
rising  to  view  out  of  the  water  as  we  approached  it.  We 
did  not  enter  the  city ;  it  was  inaccessible  to  our  large 
ship.  We  had  a  view,  far  to  the  right,  of  Olinda,  a  beau- 
tiful suburb  seated  on  a  hill  in  the  midst  of  palm  trees  and 
bananeiros.  Its  once  famous  law  school,  with  its  three 
hundred  students,  no  longer  exists.  A  natural  reef  pro- 
tects the  harbor  of  Pernambuco,  and  those  who  visit  it  are 
taken  in  small  boats  through  the  rough  sea  to  the  city. 
Pernambuco  is  a  place  of  commercial  importance,  and  is  */ 
the  greatest  sugar  mart  in  Brazil. 

When  we  arrived  at  Bahia,  a  great  city,  the  second  in 
importance  in  the  empire,  we  found  that  the  French 
steamer,  in  which  I  so  much  desired  to  secure  a  passage, 


362  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

was  a  wreck.  It  had  foundered  on  a  rock  near  the  en- 
trance of  the  harbor  and  sank  so  rapidly  that  the  passen- 
gers barely  escaped  with  their  lives,  losing  not  only  their 
trunks,  but  their  satchels — not  even  saving  their  jewelry. 
It  was  an  impressive  illustration  of  the  truth  so  often 
shown  us  in  life,  that  it  is  better  to  submit  ourselves  to  the 
*/ guidance  of  a  Divine  Providence  than  to  undertake  to 
shape  our  own  ends.  If  I  had  been  on  board  the  French 
steamer  I  should  have  lost  not  only  my  valuables  but  the 
papers  from  my  government  which  accredited  me  to  the 
Imperial  Government  of  Brazil. 

As  we  approached  Rio  de  Janeiro  the  scenery  which 
rose  to  view  was  surpassingly  beautiful ;  not  only  was  the 
tropical  verdure  in  perfection,  but  the  whole  aspect  of  the 
coast  far  transcended  anything  in  sublimity  that  I  had 
seen  in  any  country.  The  morning  was  bright ;  not  a 
cloud  shut  out  of  view  any  point  of  the  unrivalled  picture 
that  opened  before  us.  There  was  a  blended  majesty  and 
beauty — an  expanding  stretch  of  water,  a  range  of  moun- 
tains towering  to  great  heights,  on  some  sides  precipitous 
and  bare,  and  on  others  robed  in  the  green  verdure  of 
the  tropics. 

The  Bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  is  the  most  beautiful  in  the 
world.  The  harbor  is  entered  through  a  deep  and  narrow 
passage  between  two  granite  mountains,  and  yet  the  en- 
trance is  so  safe  that  the  presence  of  a  pilot  is  not  re- 
quired. Gardner,  an  English  botanist,  gives  a  description 
of  it: 

"  It  is  quite  impossible  to  express  the  feelings  which  arise 
in  the  mind  while  the  eye  surveys  the  beautiful,  varied  scenery 
which  was  disclosed  on  reaching  the  harbor — scenery  which 
is  perhaps  unequalled  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  in  the  pro- 
duction of  which  nature  seems  to  have  exerted  all  her  energies. 
Since  then  I  have  visited  many  places  celebrated  for  their 
beauty  and  grandeur,  but  none  of  them  have  left  a  like  im- 
pression on  my  mind.     As  far  as  the  eye  can  reach   lovely 


WELCOME  AT  RIO.  363 

little  verdant  and  palm-clad  islands  were  to  be  seen  rising  out 
of  its  dark  bosom,  while  the  hills  and  lofty  mountains  which 
surround  it  on  all  sides,  gilded  by  the  rays  of  the  setting  sun, 
formed  a  befitting  frame  for  such  a  picture. 

Looking  about  you,  after  passing  the  narrow  entrance, 
you  see  on  the  left  the  Sugar  Loaf  towering  up  twelve 
hundred  feet  in  height,  while  the  Corcavado,  seen  on  the 
other  side  of  the  city,  rises  twenty-three  hundred  feet. 
In  the  distance,  through  an  opening  in  the  bay,  the  peaks 
of  the  Organ  mountains  rise  into  view. 

While  our  steamer  awaited  the  visit  of  the  officers 
whose  business  it  is  to  inspect  it,  a  number  of  Ameri- 
can residents  at  Rio  engaged  a  boat,  and  decorating  it 
with  the  United  States  flag,  came  on  board  to  welcome 
me  ;  I  was  cheered  by  this  warm  welcome  from  my  coun- 
trymen, and  expressed  my  deep  sense  of  their  kind 
consideration. 

As  I  ascended  the  steps  at  the  landing  I  was  met  by 
two  gentlemen,  Mr.  Greenough  and  Colonel  Shannon,  who 
awaited  me  and  gave  me  a  reception,  which  was  the  begin- 
ning of  a  life-long  friendship. 

When  I  entered  the  apartments  reserved  for  me  at  the 
Hotel  des  Etrangeres  I  was  surprised  to  see  on  the  walls 
three  portraits  which  interested  me.  One  of  General  Wash- 
ington, one  of  King  Leopold  I.  of  Belgium,  and  one  of 
the  Queen.     The  pictures  seemed  to  welcome  me. 


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CHAPTER  XXX. 

Palace  of  San  Cristovao — Emperor  and  Empress — Colonel  Richard  Cutts 
Shannon — Imperial  Family — Count  Koskul,  Russian  Minister — Season 
in  Rio — Tijuca — Mr.  Gillett,  Navy  Agent — Mr.  Midwood — Apartments 
in  Rio — Mr.  Wilson. 

The  imperial  palace  of  San  Cristovao  is  situated  so 
beautifully  that  the  spot  where  it  stands  is  named  Boa 
Vista.  It  is  an  impressive  structure,  and  the  views  from 
it  are  charming.  The  approach  to  it  reveals  the  mountain 
range  of  Tijuca  behind  it,  crowned  with  the  unchanging 
verdure  of  tropical  scenery. 

Soon  after  my  arrival  in  Rio  I  had  an  interview  with  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  a  day  was  appointed  for 
my  presentation  to  the  Emperor. 

The  evening  was  fine,  and  I  drove  to  the  palace  accom- 
panied by  Colonel  Shannon,  who  had  been  Secretary 
of  Legation  under  my  predecessor,  Mr.  Partridge,  but  who 
had  before  my  arrival  resigned  his  post.  He  still  resided 
in  Rio,  and  was  associated  with  Mr.  Greenough,  the 
founder  of  the  Botanical  Garden  Railroad.  I  was  so 
fortunate  as  to  induce  him  to  resume  his  functions  in 
the  absence  of  a  secretary  ;  and  his  acquaintance  with  the 
court  enabled  him  to  render  me  important  services.  A 
scholarly,  accomplished  gentleman,  no  one  could  be  better 
qualified  for  the  place. 

Upon  reaching  the  palace  we  were  conducted  to  a  large 
reception  room,  and  awaited  the  time  when  I  was  to  be 
presented   to   his   Majesty.     About  the  same  time  Mr. 

364 


PRESENTATION    TO    THE  EMPEROR.  365 

Potestad,  the  newly  appointed  Spanish  Minister,  entered 
the  room  and  awaited  his  presentation.  I  was  soon  in- 
formed that  the  Emperor  would  receive  me,  and  we 
entered  the  Throne  Room,  where  I  was  presented  to 
his  Majesty  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The 
Emperor  stood  in  front  of  the  throne,  and,  accompanied 
by  Colonel  Shannon,  I  advanced,  and  being  announced  as 
the  Minister  of  the  United  States  of  America,  I  addressed 
his  Majesty,  delivering  a  speech  prepared  for  the  occasion, 
without  notes.     I  said  : 

"  Honored  in  having  been  chosen  to  represent  the  United 
States  of  America  near  the  Imperial  Government  of  Brazil, 
I  come  to  give  assurances  to  your  Majesty  of  the  warm  friend- 
ship which  the  President  entertains  for  you  personally,  and  the 
earnest  desire  which  he  feels  to  draw  still  closer  the  ties  which 
already  bind  the  two  great  nations  to  each  other. 

"  The  recent  visit  of  your  Majesty  to  our  country  has  made 
you  well  known  to  our  government  and  to  our  people,  and  it 
has  heightened  their  respect  and  strengthened  their  regard  for 
the  ruler  of  this  great  Empire.  Coming  to  us  at  a  time  when 
we  were  celebrating  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  our  ex- 
istence as  an  independent  government,  we  appreciated  your  in- 
terest in  our  growth  as  a  nation,  and  the  success  of  our  free 
political  institutions. 

"  A  deeper  interest  was  given  to  your  Majesty's  visit  by  the 
presence  of  the  Empress,  who,  when  she  left  our  shores,  bore 
with  her  the  warm  regards  of  our  whole  people. 

"  The  magnificent  display,  too,  of  the  products  and  industry 
of  Brazil,  at  the  International  Exhibition,  has  increased  our 
desire  to  strengthen  the  commercial  relations  between  the  two 
countries,  and  we  hope  soon  to  witness  an  improvement  in  the 
means  for  the  accomplishment  of  that  object.  Greater  facili- 
ties for  a  rapid  transit  between  the  principal  ports  of  the 
United  States  and  those  of  Brazil  are  so  important  to  the  travel 
and  trade  of  the  two  countries  that  they  must  soon  be  pro- 
vided. 


366  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

1  It  shall  be  my  aim,  while  I  have  the  honor  to  represent 
my  country  here,  to  contribute  all  that  I  can  to  strengthen 
the  friendship  that  already  exists  between  the  United 
States  and  Brazil,  and  to  promote  the  interests  of  both  by 
encouraging  a  more  active  commercial  intercourse  between 
them. 

"  There  are  considerations  which  make  it  most  important  to 
cultivate  relations  of  perfect  friendship.  Occupying  a  large 
part  of  this  American  continent,  we  are  charged  with  the 
grand  interests  of  those  who  to-day  live  under  the  protection 
of  the  two  governments,  and  with  the  destinies  of  coming 
generations.  Separated  from  Europe  by  an  ocean,  we  shall 
not  be  disturbed  by  the  conflicting  interests  of  their  govern- 
ments, and  we  shall  be  able  to  co-operate  with  each  other  in 
the  peaceful  development  of  the  vast  resources  which  our 
countries  contain.  In  the  order  of  Providence,  we  are  neigh- 
bors, and  holding  such  relations,  neither  country  can  be 
indifferent  to  the  growth,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the 
other.  Spreading  out  the  map  of  the  world,  it  is  impossible 
to  overlook  the  important  relations  which  must  ever  exist 
between  the  United  States  and  Brazil ;  there  can  be  no  con- 
flict between  their  interests,  and  there  should  be  as  little 
restriction  as  possible  on  their  trade. 

"  I  hope  the  coming  centuries  will  witness  the  growth  of 
both  nations,  not  only  in  wealth  and  power,  but  in  Christian 
civilization,  and  in  the  development  of  the  principles  of  good 
government. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  deliver  to  your  Majesty  a  letter  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  accrediting  me  as  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  near  your 
Majesty's  Government." 

His  Majesty  replied  in  a  brief  speech  of  welcome, 
expressing  his  deep  interest  in  the  United  States,  and  his 
consideration  for  me  personally  as  the  representative  of 
its  government. 

I  bowed  and  left  the  Throne  Room,  going  into  the 
adjoining  reception  room. 


THE   IMPERIAL   FAMILY.  $6? 

The  Minister  of  Spain  was  then  presented  to  the 
Emperor,  and  delivered  his  credentials. 

Presently  his  Majesty  entered  the  reception  room,  and, 
coming  to  me,  engaged  for  some  time  in  friendly  conver- 
sation. The  appearance  of  the  Emperor  was  impressive : 
his  physique  was  magnificent, — upwards  of  six  feet  in 
height,  and  finely  proportioned  ;  his  head  well  developed, 
and  his  intellectual  face  expressive  of  generous  qualities, 
gave  him  an  air  of  distinction. 

Taking  leave  of  me,  he  advanced  to  Mr.  Potestad,  the 
Spanish  Minister. 

I  was  then  conducted  to  the  Empress,  whose  reception 
room  was  at  the  other  end  of  the  palace.  Her  Majesty 
received  me  graciously,  standing  and  attended  by  two  or 
three  ladies  of  her  court.  Her  appearance  was  pre- 
possessing, the  face  expressing  amiable  qualities,  and  her 
manner  animated  and  pleasing.  After  a  brief  conversation 
with  the  Empress,  I  took  leave. 

The  imperial  family  was  of  great  distinction  on  both 
sides.  The  Emperor's  lineage  embraces  the  Braganzas, 
the  Bourbons,  and  the  Hapsburgs.  He  is  the  son 
of  Dom  Pedro  I.,  whose  brilliant  career  displayed  great 
qualities,  and  illustrated  the  history  of  Brazil  and  Por- 
tugal. He  gave  up  two  thrones,  and  was  only  in  the 
forty-third  year  of  his  age  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
There  were  some  striking  incidents  that  preceded  his 
abdication  of  the  imperial  throne  in  favor  of  his  son. 
A  violent,  popular  outbreak  occurred  ;  a  demand  was 
made  upon  him  for  the  reinstatement  of  a  Cabinet 
he  had  dismissed  ;  he  refused  to  yield,  and  exclaimed  : 
"  I  will  do  everything  for  the  people,  but  nothing  by 
the  people."  The  insurgent  populace  grew  impatient ; 
the  Emperor  stood  up  firmly  ;  he  was  full  of  courage 
and  dignity  in  vindicating  his  imperial  authority  under 
the  constitution.  At  last,  finding  himself  unsupported, 
at  a  late  hour  of  the  night,  all  alone,  he  wrote  his  abdica- 


368  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

tion,  full  of  dignity,  and  delivered  it  to  the  messenger 
from  the  people. 

"  Availing  myself  of  the  right  which  the  Constitution  con- 
cedes to  me,  I  declare  that  I  have  voluntarily  abdicated  in 
favor  of  my  dearly  beloved  and  esteemed  son,  Dom  Pedro 
de  Alcantaro. 

"Boa  Vista,  7th  of  April,  1831  ;  tenth  year  of  the  Inde- 
pendence of  the  Empire." 

Soon  after  he  embarked  for  Lisbon  in  the  Warspite,  an 
English  line-of-battle  ship,  accompanied  by  the  ladies  of 
his  family,  the  Empress — his  second  wife — daughter  of 
Prince  Eugene  Beauharnais,  and  his  eldest  daughter,  lately 
Queen  of  Portugal. 

The  mother  of  Dom  Pedro  II.  was  Leopold  Dina,  Arch- 
Duchess  of  Austria  and  sister  of  Maria  Louisa,  who  mar- 
ried the  Emperor  Napoleon  after  his  separation  from 
Josephine.     She  was  greatly  beloved  in  Rio. 

The  Empress,  Donna  Theresa,  too,  was  of  a  family 
greatly  distinguished.  She  was  a  daughter  of  his  Majesty 
Francis  I.,  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  One  of  her  sisters 
married  a  son  of  Charles  X.  of  France,  and  another  was 
the  Queen  of  Spain. 

Dom  Pedro  II.  was  but  five  years  of  age  at  the  time  of 
his  father's  abdication,  and  a  regency  took  charge  of  the 
government.  In  1840  the  regency  was  abolished,  and 
the  accession  of  Dom  Pedro  II.  to  the  full  exercise  of  his 
prerogative  as  an  emperor  was  declared.  His  coronation 
took  place  with  great  splendor  on  July  18,  1841. 

The  marriage  of  the  young  Emperor  and  the  Princess 
Donna  Theresa  was  solemnized  at  Naples  in  the  spring 
of  1843,  and  a  Brazilian  squadron,  fitted  up  to  conduct 
the  Empress  to  her  new  home,  arrived  at  Rio  in  Sep- 
tember. 

The  Imperial  Prince,  Dom  Affonso,  was  born  in  1844, 
but  died  the  next  year. 


RESIDENCE  IN  RIO.  369 

The  Princess  Isabella  was  born  in  1846,  and  in  1864 
was  married  to  Prince  Louis  Philippe  d'Orleans,  Count 
d'Eu,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  de  Nemours. 

The  Princess  Leopold  Dina  was  born  in  1847,  and 
married  the  Prince  Auguste  de  Saxe-Coburg  in  1864  ;  she 
died  in  1871,  leaving  four  sons. 

The  Princess  Isabella  was  the  presumptive  heir  to  the 
throne,  and  was  regent  during  the  Emperor's  absence 
from  Brazil.  At  the  time  of  my  residence  in  Rio,  Princess 
Isabella  was  the  mother  of  two  sons.  She  was  recognized 
as  a  superior  woman,  handsome,  accomplished,  and  full 
of  character. 

Count  Koskul,  the  Russian  Minister,  occupied  apart- 
ments in  the  Hotel  des  Etrangers  near  my  own.  I  was 
pleased  with  him  at  our  first  meeting,  and  our  inter, 
course  grew  into  friendly  interest.  A  superior  man,  of 
fine  attainments,  agreeable  manners,  and  a  large  acquaint- 
ance with  the  world,  he  always  attracted  me.  We  both 
felt  that  there  could  be  no  rivalry  between  us  as  the 
representatives  of  two  great  nations  whose  traditional 
friendship  was  well  known.  Like  myself,  the  Count  was 
alone,  having  left  his  wife  in  Europe,  and  we  found  our- 
selves constantly  brought  together.  Our  walks  were 
cheered  by  each  other's  presence  and  conversation. 

I  had  arrived  at  Rio  in  October,  and  felt  the  heat  even 
then  oppressive.  The  seasons  south  of  the  equator  are 
the  reverse  of  ours  in  Europe  and  in  the  United  States. 
The  heated  term  in  Rio  begins  in  November  and  con- 
tinues until  April,  and  at  some  seasons  longer.  It  is  not 
an  agreeable  or  a  safe  residence  during  that  term ;  the 
yellow  fever  prevails.  The  imperial  family  pass  the  time 
in  Petropolis,  a  beautiful  place  some  thirty  miles  from  the 
city  in  the  midst  of  the  mountains.  The  Diplomatic 
Corps  and  many  of  the  wealthy  citizens  seek  retreats 
either  at  Tijuca  or  Petropolis.  I  had  made  a  visit  to  the 
family  of  Mr.  Gillett  at  Tijuca,  and  found  the  place  most 


S 


370  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

attractive.  The  scenery  is  beautiful  beyond  description, 
the  air  fine,  and  the  families,  who  live  in  tasteful  and 
sometimes  elegant  homes,  are  people  of  culture  and  re- 
finement. I  decided,  therefore,  to  take  apartments  in  an 
English  hotel  some  two  miles  distant  from  Mr.  Gillett's 
residence.  Tijuca,  though  situated  in  the  mountains,  is 
only  some  ten  miles  distant  from  Rio,  and  is  not  regarded 
as  a  perfectly  safe  retreat.  There  is  daily  intercourse  with 
the  city,  and  one  unconsciously  loses  his  sense  of  danger 
by  visits  to  a  place  where  the  deadly  fever  prevails.  Still 
I  was  controlled  by  my  inclinations  rather  than  by  my 
apprehension,  and  became  a  guest  at  the  Estabelecimento 
White,  as  it  was  called. 

Mr.  Francis  Gillett  was  the  United  States  Navy  agent 
at  Rio,  where  he  had  his  office,  and  which  his  clerks  at- 
tended daily.  But  his  residence  was  at  Tijuca,  and  a 
more  attractive  place  I  do  not  know  in  Brazil.  He  was 
from  Indiana,  young,  accomplished,  with  every  good 
quality.  His  wife  was  a  lovely  woman  and  an  admirable 
representative  of  our  countrywomen,  with  the  most 
pleasing  manners,  bright,  hospitable,  and  true  as  a 
woman  ever  was.  She  had  two  daughters — one  about 
seventeen,  at  home  with  her,  and  a  younger  one  absent 
at  school.  It  would  not  be  too  much  to  say  that  Mr. 
Gillett's  home  reminded  me  of  Blennerhassett's  described 
by  Wirt  in  his  splendid  speech  delivered  on  the  trial 
of  Burr. 

There  was  a  young  Englishman,  Mr.  Midwood,  con- 
nected with  one  of  the  great  commercial  houses  in  Rio, 
in  which  his  father,  who  resided  in  Birmingham,  had  a 
large  interest,  and  he  was  engaged  to  Miss  Gillett. 

At  a  dinner,  given  at  Mr.  Gillett's  residence,  where  I 
was  one  of  the  invited  guests,  the  engagement  of  the 
young  people  was  announced.  Everything  was  propitious. 
Week  after  week  went  by,  and  the  coming  wedding  was 
delayed,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  Bishop  of  the  Falk- 


SAD   DEATHS  FROM  YELLOW  FEVER.  37 1 

land  Islands,  whose  diocese  embraces  Rio,  and  who  was 
to  solemnize  the  marriage. 

A  sudden  change  came  over  this  bright  scene.  About 
the  middle  of  February,  Mr.  Gillett  returned  from  a 
business  meeting  with  an  officer  of  the  United  States 
Navy  in  the  evening,  and  was  somewhat  indisposed.  His 
illness  soon  disclosed  an  attack  of  yellow  fever,  and  in  the 
course  of  two  or  three  days  he  died. 

Mrs.  Gillett,  with  her  daughters,  came  to  the  hotel 
where  I  was  residing,  and  passed  some  two  weeks 
there.  Mr.  Midwood  was  already  a  guest  there.  Mrs. 
Gillett  conferred  with  me  in  regard  to  the  immediate 
marriage  of  Miss  Gillett  to  Mr.  Midwood  ;  and  in  view 
of  the  circumstances,  I  advised  it.  Her  home  had  been 
thoroughly  disinfected,  and  she  returned  to  it.  The  day 
for  the  marriage  at  the  English  Church  in  Rio  had  been 
agreed  on,  and  I  was  to  give  the  bride  away.  I  was  pre- 
paring to  take  a  carriage  and  call  for  the  ladies  at  an 
early  hour,  when  a  gentleman  called  on  me  to  say  that 
Mr.  Midwood  was  too  ill  to  go  to  Rio  that  day.  I  went 
instantly  to  the  apartment  of  Mr.  Midwood,  and  found 
him  much  indisposed,  and  distressed  at  being  unable  to 
keep  his  engagement  that  morning.  I  said  that  I  would 
call  at  once  at  Mrs.  Gillett's,  and  arrange  for  a  postpone- 
ment of  the  marriage  until  his  convalescence.  Miss  Gillett, 
during  our  interview,  controlled  her  emotions,  and  said 
that  she  would  write  a  note  to  Mr.  Midwood  to  cheer 
him,  and  hoped  that  he  was  not  distressed  by  the  temporary 
postponement.  Her  bearing  was  admirable,  and  height- 
ened my  regard  for  her.  Upon  my  return  to  the  hotel,  I 
called  on  Mr.  Midwood  to  deliver  the  note,  but  he  was 
too  languid  to  read  it.  In  the  course  of  a  day  or  two  he 
died  of  yellow  fever. 

Two  days  later,  Mrs.  Gillett  followed  Mr.  Gillett  and 
Mr.  Midwood,  all  victims  of  that  fatal  fever  which  pre- 
vailed in  Rio. 


372  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

This  illustrates  what  occurs  at  some  seasons  in  that 
great  city,  so  rich  in  everything,  and  clothed  with  un- 
changing tropical  verdure. 

There  was  an  incident  that  heightened  the  dramatic 
effect  of  this  scene.  A  brother  of  Mr.  Midwood,  who  had 
come  from  England  to  be  present  at  the  marriage,  was 
informed  of  his  death  before  leaving  the  ship,  and  he  de- 
clined to  come  ashore,  but  returned  home  in  the  ship  that 
brought  him  over. 

Friends  surrounded  Miss  Gillett  and  her  sister,  and  did 
everything  that  they  could  to  cheer  them, — took  them  to 
their  homes,  and  arrangements  were  made  for  their  early 
return  to  the  United  States. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  I  returned  to  Rio,  and 
engaged  a  suite  of  apartments  in  one  of  the  most  elegant 
and  pleasant  houses  in  the  city,  near  the  Hotel  des 
Etrangers. 

Soon  after  my  first  arrival  in  Rio,  I  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  a  gentleman  to  whom  I  was  afterwards  indebted 
for  constant  attentions  during  my  residence  there,  and 
who  entertained  with  unsurpassed  elegance — Mr.  Wilson. 
He  called  on  me  early,  and  I  found  in  his  beautiful  home 
a  place  where,  from  time  to  time,  I  met  some  of  the 
most  agreeable  people  in  the  city.  He  was  distinguished 
for  his  wealth  and  the  elegant  style  in  which  he  lived,  and 
Mrs.  Wilson  and  her  daughters,  who  were  greatly  admired, 
made  their  home  very  attractive  to  their  visitors. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

Trade-Mark  Treaty — Botanical  Garden  Railroad — Mr.  Greenough — Even- 
ing at  Mr.  Wilson's — Madame  Durand — Tamagno — Leave  of  Absence 
— Visit  to  Stuttgart — Return  to  Rio. 

At  the  time  of  my  appointment  to  the  mission  of  Brazil 
the  importance  of  adopting  measures  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  commercial  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  that  country  had  engaged  the  attention  of  our  gov- 
ernment. The  great  disproportion  between  the  amount 
of  our  importations  from  Brazil  and  our  exports  to  that 
country  attracted  the  attention  of  the  business  men  of  the 
United  States.  They  brought  the  subject  to  the  notice 
of  the  administration,  and  an  inquiry  was  set  on  foot  to 
ascertain  the  causes  which  produced  it.  We  purchased 
much  the  larger  part  of  the  coffee  crop  of  Brazil,  and  an 
immense  quantity  of  her  india-rubber ;  and  yet  England, 
through  her  great  commercial  establishments  in  the 
empire,  supplied  the  people  with  products  to  an  amount 
far  in  excess  of  those  sent  from  the  United  States.  It  is 
stated  that  in  1878  the  United  States  purchased  one  third 
of  all  the  exports  of  Brazil,  while  our  exports  to  that 
country  did  not  amount  to  a  seventh  part  of  her 
imports. 

The  cause  which  had  injured  the  sale  of  our  products 
in  Brazil  was  clearly  understood  to  be  the  counterfeit  of 
American  trade-marks  by  foreigners.  Inferior  goods  in 
imitation  of  those  of  good  quality  produced  in  the  United 
States  were  sent  to  Brazil,  bearing  the  trade-marks  of 

373 


374  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

American  producers.  So  great  had  been  the  increase  of 
the  balance  of  trade  with  Brazil  against  the  United  States, 
resulting  from  this  cause,  that  our  government  decided  to 
take  measures  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce. 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1878  I  received  instructions 
from  Mr.  Evarts,  Secretary  of  State,  to  ascertain  if  a 
treaty  could  be  negotiated  with  the  imperial  govern- 
ment for  the  protection  of  American  trade-marks,  and 
stating  that  if  I  could  obtain  an  expression  from  the  gov- 
ernment favorable  to  such  a  convention  between  the  two 
countries,  I  should  be  invested  with  the  proper  power  to 
negotiate  it.  I  had  an  interview  with  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  and  discussed  the  subject  with  him.  He 
assented  to  my  proposition,  and  said  he  was  satisfied  that 
the  conclusion  of  such  a  treaty  would  benefit  the  com- 
merce of  both  countries. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  my  despatch  to  Mr.  Evarts  inform- 
ing him  of  the  result  of  my  interview  with  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  he  brought  the  subject  to  the  attention 
of  the  President.  He  sent  me  a  commission  investing  me 
with  full  power  and  authority  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  to  confer  with  any  person  invested  with  like 
authority  by  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Brazil,  and  to 
negotiate  with  him  a  treaty  for  the  protection  of  our 
trade-marks. 

Soon  after  being  invested  with  this  power  I  negotiated 
a  treaty  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  we  both 
signed  it,  representing  our  governments.  I  forwarded  the 
treaty  to  Mr.  Evarts,  and  he  submitted  it  to  the  Presi- 
dent, who  sent  it  to  the  Senate  with  a  message  recom- 
mending its  ratification.  The  Senate  acted  promptly  in 
accordance  with  the  President's  message,  and  ratified  the 
treaty.  The  importance  of  the  treaty  was  appreciated  at 
home.  The  following  reference  is  made  to  it  in  a  recent 
edition  of  that  interesting  and  valuable  book  "  Brazil  and 
the  Brazilians  "  : 


THE  BOTANICAL   GARDEN  RAILROAD.  375 

"  A  third  cause  which  has  stood  in  the  way  of  American 
commerce  in  Brazil  has  been  the  counterfeit  of  American  trade- 
marks by  unscrupulous  foreigners.  But  the  trade-mark  treaty, 
or  convention,  recently  effected  by  the  United  States  Minister 
Plenipotentiary,  the  Honorable  Mr.  Hilliard,  will,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  do  away  with  this  hindrance  to  American  manufactures. 
A  recent  letter  from  Rio  de  Janeiro  to  New  York  says  :  '  The 
moral  and  material  advantages  secured  by  this  convention  will 
be  of  inestimable  service  in  our  commercial  relations  with 
Brazil,  and  through  it  I  shall  hope  to  see  in  good  time  a  great 
part  of  the  fraudulently  called  American  goods  driven  out  of 
this  market.' " 

There  are  several  street-car  lines  in  Rio,  which  con-  ^ 
tribute  much  to  the  comfort  of  the  people  of  that  great 
city.  From  the  central  part  of  the  city  the  suburbs  ex- 
tend for  miles  in  several  directions,  and  its  five  hundred 
thousand  inhabitants  enjoy  the  increased  facilities  for 
travelling.  Of  these  the  Botanical  Garden  Railroad  is 
by  far  the  finest  and  the  most  important.  Through  the 
central  part  of  the  city,  beginning  at  the  Ouvidor,  its 
finest  street,  it  extends  through  the  aristocratic  quarter, 
Botafoga,  to  the  magnificent  Botanical  Gardens,  and  to  the 
suburb  beyond  them.  This  great  tramway,  one  of  the 
finest  in  the  world,  was  constructed  by  a  company  organ- 
ized by  Mr.  C.  B.  Greenough,  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
who  possessed  both  capital  and  enterprise.  His  plan, 
when  first  submitted  to  the  wealthy  men  of  Rio,  seemed 
to  be  impracticable,  and  he  was  able  to  enlist  but  few 
capitalists  in  its  support.  But  soon  after  the  completion 
of  the  road  its  success  was  such  as  to  place  its  stock  high 
in  the  market ;  and  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  two  it  was 
quoted  at  such  a  rate  as  to  make  its  holders  unwilling  to 
part  with  it. 

It  was  a  great  American  enterprise,  and  its  charter 
obtained  from  the  imperial  government  secured  the 
stockholders  against  any  trespass  on  their  right  of  way. 


376  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Another  charter  for  a  similar  road  had  been  obtained 
from  the  government,  and  its  projectors  from  time  to 
time  seemed  determined  to  push  their  line  into  contact 
with  that  of  the  Botanical  Garden  Railroad.  I  was  fre- 
quently appealed  to  in  behalf  of  those  who  held  this 
great  American  property  to  intervene  for  its  protection ; 
and  I  never  failed  to  do  so  successfully.  The  administra- 
tion always  vindicated  the  good  faith  of  the  government. 

Mr.  Greenough  was  an  extraordinary  man  ;  his  person, 
manners,  and  intellect  were  all  fine,  and  his  integrity  was 
perfect.  Unfortunately,  the  climate  of  Rio  was  not 
favorable  to  his  health,  and  he  said  to  me  :  "I  must  quit 
breathing  this  hot  air."  Mrs.  Greenough,  a  noble  woman, 
of  engaging  manners,  and  full  of  character,  cheered  him, 
and  shared  all  the  dangers  of  a  residence  at  Rio  with  him 
to  the  last. 

Mr.  Greenough  returned  to  the  United  States,  leaving 
Colonel  Shannon,  in  every  way  competent  for  the  place, 
in  charge  of  the  road,  and  he  conducted  its  affairs  with 
great  ability  and  fidelity. 

Mr.  Greenough  resided  for  a  time  in  Colorado,  and 
hoped  that  its  fine  climate  would  restore  his  health,  but 
not  recovering  his  strength,  he  decided  to  go  to  Europe. 
Accompanied  by  Mrs.  Greenough,  he  went  to  Paris,  and 
took  a  house  in  the  Boulevard  Haussmann,  fitting  it  up 
in  accordance  with  their  tastes.  He  was  for  a  time 
benefited  by  this  agreeable  residence,  but  did  not 
recover  his  failing  strength.  Returning  from  an  evening 
drive  he  was  fatigued,  and,  reclining  on  a  sofa,  died 
suddenly  and  painlessly.  It  was  the  peaceful  close  of  a 
noble  life. 

I  recall  an  evening  passed  at  Mr.  Wilson's ;  it  was  a 
very  bright  one,  and  illustrates  life  in  Rio.  Madame 
Marie  Durand,  an  American  prima-donna,  a  native  of 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  was  present.  She  was  much 
admired  at  that  season,  and  heightened  the  reputation 


MADAME   D UK AND   AND   M.    TAMAGNO.  377 

which  she  had  won  in  Europe.  She  was  a  very  hand- 
some woman,  her  person  full,  and  her  bearing  graceful ; 
her  dark  hair  and  eyes,  and  a  complexion  that  harmonized 
with  them,  gave  her  a  look  of  Southen  splendor  that  was 
very  attractive.  Her  voice  was  rich,  clear,  and  strong, 
and  its  tones  were  singularly  sweet.  She  was  intensely 
American.  M.  Tamagno,  the  celebrated  tenor,  was  also 
a  guest  of  the  evening ;  even  then  he  had  a  great  reputa- 
tion, which  has  been  heightened  by  his  success  in  Europe 
and  the  United  States.  His  appearance  was  impressive — 
tall,  erect,  and  finely  proportioned. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  both  Madame  Durand  and 
M.  Tamagno  consented  to  sing.  Miss  Wilson,  who  was  a 
superb  performer,  seated  herself  at  the  piano,  and  ren- 
dered the  instrumental  music,  while  the  two  great  singers 
sang  a  passage  from  the  opera,  Ruy  Bias,  in  the  highest 
style  of  their  art.  Those  of  us  who  were  present  enjoyed 
it  very  greatly. 

Having  obtained  leave  of  absence  I  sailed  for  Europe 
in  one  of  the  Liverpool  and  Pacific  Royal  Mail  steamers. 
As  we  approached  Lisbon  the  sea  became  rough,  and 
some  of  the  passengers  hoped  that  the  steamer  would  not 
leave  the  port  before  morning ;  but  the  captain  bravely 
took  us  out  to  sea.  The  view  of  Lisbon  by  night  was 
splendid.  The  city  seemed  to  be  illuminated,  and  I 
enjoyed  the  brilliant  spectacle  until  it  was  lost  to  sight. 
When  we  reached  the  Bay  of  Biscay  we  observed  that  a 
great  storm  had  swept  it,  and  its  billows  were  still  running 
high.     We  passed  near  two  ships  that  had  been  wrecked. 

I  enjoyed  a  brief  stay  in  Bordeaux.  Leaving  by  an 
early  train  for  Paris,  I  found  the  country  covered  with 
snow.  After  leaving  that  city  the  next  day  for  Stutt- 
gart, I  observed  that  the  snow  extended  to  the  Rhine. 

My  visit  to  Stuttgart  was  limited  to  a  few  days,  but" 
was  a  most  agreeable  one.  My  family  were  delightfully 
surrounded  ;  several  English  residents  were  in  Stuttgart, 


378  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

who  gave  great  interest  to  the  society  of  the  place.  Mr. 
Gordon  and  his  family  were  agreeable  people,  and  gave 
me  a  reception  during  my  stay. 

Mr.  Schulz,  the  banker,  and  his  family  had  been  un- 
remitting in  their  attentions  to  Mrs.  Hilliard  and  our 
daughters,  and  while  I  was  there  we  were  their  guests  at 
a  splendid  entertainment.  A  friendship  grew  up  with 
that  interesting  family  which  still  survives,  and  we  con- 
tinue to  interchange  letters.  We  receive  from  them  from 
time  to  time  marks  of  sincere  regard.  I  met,  too,  one  of 
our  own  countrywomen,  who  was  a  most  agreeable  lady, 
Mrs.  Swann,  a  member  of  the  family  of  Governor  Swann, 
of  Maryland. 

We  were  projecting  a  visit  to  Italy  when  I  received  a 
cablegram  from  Mr.  Evarts,  stating  that  my  leave  of 
absence  could  not  be  extended.  I  therefore  abandoned 
the  proposed  visit  to  that  land  so  full  of  interest  to  me, 
and  soon  after  took  leave,  and  returned  to  Rio. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Petropolis — The  Emperor — Mr.  Ford,  English  Minister — Mr.  Goschen, 
Secretary  of  Legation — Baron  Schreiner,  Austrian  Minister — Mr.  Na- 
buco — Return  to  Rio — Statesmen  of  Brazil — The  Press. 

Petropolis,  the  summer  residence  of  the  imperial 
family,  is  in  the  midst  of  the  mountains,  about  three 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  It  is  reached 
by  an  interesting  line  of  travel.  A  short  run  across  the 
bay,  in  a  steamboat,  brings  the  passengers  to  Maua, 
named  for  the  baron  who  constructed  the  line  of  railroad, 
ten  miles  in  length,  which  reaches  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains. Here  an  animated  scene  is  witnessed  ;  carriages, 
from  ten  to  thirty  in  number,  drawn  each  by  four  mules, 
are  in  waiting  to  take  the  passengers  to  Petropolis.  The 
Emperor's  coach,  too,  is  there  for  the  service  of  his  Ma- 
jesty and  family. 

A  magnificent  road  is  constructed  over  the  mountains, 
at  an  immense  outlay  of  money  by  the  government,  which 
rivals  any  of  the  passes  across  the  Alps.  Some  parts  of 
this  winding  road  over  the  steep  ascent  are  brought  in 
some  places  so  near  to  other  parts  that  the  carriages  pass- 
ing in  the  other  direction  seem  almost  within  reach  of  the 
hand.  On  reaching  the  summit,  which  is  attained  before 
sunset,  one  of  the  finest  views  in  the  world  is  spread  out 
before  you.  The  bay  with  its  matchless  beauty,  the  city 
of  Rio,  and  the  picturesque  plain  below  present  a  picture 
which  cannot  be  rivalled  in  the  world.  Here  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  residents  of  Petropolis  drive  out  in  their  car- 

379 


380  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

riages  to  witness  the  arrival  of  the  coaches  and  to  welcome 
friends.  I  often  witnessed  this  scene,  and  it  never  lost  its 
interest  for  me. 

Petropolis  is  in  a  valley,  and  the  mountain  sides  are 
covered  with  the  residences  of  the  wealthy  class  of  Rio, 
who  make  it  a  summer  resort.  Bright,  clear  streams,  with 
walled  banks  run  through  the  streets,  and  are  crossed  by 
ornamental  bridges.  The  palace  of  the  Emperor,  sur- 
rounded by  gardens,  is  beautifully  situated  near  the  centre 
of  the  place.  Fine  roads  are  seen  stretching  away  in  the 
distance,  affording  delightful  walks  and  drives.  Finer 
views  of  mountain  stretches,  of  scenery  surrounding  the 
town,  I  have  never  seen.  I  have  walked  for  hours  through 
the  enchanting  country  that  meets  the  view  in  every 
direction. 

The  Emperor  enjoys  his  summer  sojourn  here.  He  has 
his  books,  and  takes  short  excursions,  driving  or  walking. 
There  are  settlements  in  the  neighborhood  where  colonists 
from  Germany  and  Switzerland  live  in  contentment. 

I  have  met  the  Emperor  walking  in  the  streets  of  Pe- 
tropolis as  a  private  gentleman  from  time  to  time,  when 
he  would  stand  and  converse  with  me  in  a  pleasant  social 
way.  His  ministers  came  from  Rio  to  confer  with  him, 
and  he  made  regular  visits  to  the  capital.  The  presence 
of  several  members  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  in  Petropolis 
heightened  the  interest  of  this  fine  summer  residence. 

Mr.  Ford,  the  English  Minister,  had  a  residence  of  rare 
attractions,  where  his  daughter  welcomed  guests  and  gave 
brightness  to  the  hospitable  home.  My  intercourse  with 
Mr.  Ford  was  full  of  interest  to  me ;  his  fine  attainments, 
his  sympathy  with  the  people  of  my  country,  his  scholarly 
tastes,  and  his  genial  disposition  attracted  me  from  the 
first  hour  of  our  meeting. 

Mr.  Goschen,  Secretary  of  Legation,  had  married  an 
American  lady,  a  bright,  beautiful  woman,  who  still  loved 
her  country  ;  and  I  always  found  his  house  one  of  the 


A    SUMMER   AT  PETROPOLIS.  38 1 

most  attractive  places  in  Petropolis.  He  was  a  brother  of 
Honorable  Mr.  Goschen,  member  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, who  was  so  distinguished  for  his  financial  ability. 

Baron  Schreiner,  the  Austrian  Minister,  had  a  house 
there,  and  I  found  him  an  interesting  man,  a  statesman 
of  large  experience  and  liberal  views.  He  had  served  in 
the  United  States,  and  felt  a  warm  regard  for  our  country. 
The  Baroness,  a  lady  of  culture  and  pleasing  manners, 
still  retained  pleasant  remembrances  of  Washington. 

At  that  time  a  gentleman  was  passing  the  summer  at 
Petropolis  whom  I  had  met  in  Rio,  and  of  whom  I  had 
formed  a  high  estimate — Mr.  Nabuco.  Young,  thor- 
oughly educated,  already  acquainted  with  Europe,  having 
been  attached  to  the  Brazilian  Embassy  at  London  ;  of 
splendid  physique  and  captivating  manners,  a  member 
of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  a  statesman  of  high 
promise,  he  bestowed  attentions  upon  me  which  were  ap- 
preciated. In  the  whole  course  of  my  life  I  had  met  no 
one  whose  future  seemed  brighter.  He  was  the  son  of  an 
eminent  man — a  learned  jurist  and  a  great  statesman, 
whose  splendid  career  was  cut  short  by  death.  The  son 
promised  to  fulfil  the  destiny  of  his  distinguished  father. 
We  were  much  together,  meeting  in  society,  and  walking 
and  driving  day  after  day.  He  glittered  in  the  firmament 
of  his  country  like  a  morning  star,  and  his  subsequent 
career  has  fulfilled  the  promise  of  his  youth.  He  already 
gave  his  support  to  measures  for  the  advancement  of  his 
country  in  the  march  of  nations.  Ambitious,  but  unself- 
ish, he  devoted  his  fine  powers  to  the  cause  of  humanity. 
Foremost  among  those  who  desired  the  emancipation  of 
the  slaves,  he  had  been  elected  president  of  the  Anti- 
slavery  Society  of  Brazil. 

At  the  close  of  the  summer  we  returned  to  Rio — the 
Emperor,  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  and  those  who  had 
sought  a  retreat  from  the  discomfort  and  the  danger  of  a 
residence  at  the  capital  during  that  season. 


382  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

The  opening  of  the  session  of  the  parliament  gave  ani- 
mation and  interest  to  the  city. 

The  statesmen  of  Brazil  exhibited  great  interest  in 
public  affairs.  Some  of  them  were  men  of  culture,  and 
had  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  European  travel.  From 
an  early  period  the  statesmen  of  the  empire  had  been 
distinguished  for  ability  and  learning.  They  had  guided 
the  political  affairs  of  the  country  successfully.  While 
some  of  the  other  states  of  South  America  had  been  dis- 
turbed by  revolutions,  the  imperial  government,  under 
its  liberal  constitution,  had  exhibited  a  stability  that  won 
for  it  the  respect  and  the  confidence  of  other  nations. 

Those  who  controlled  public  affairs  during  my  resi- 
dence there  were  men  of  a  high  order,  conservative  and 
yet  progressive,  extending  the  protection  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  most  remote  part  of  the  vast  country  which 
it  embraced. 

Its  foreign  representatives  were  recognized  as  men  of 
ability  and  character,  and  illustrated  the  diplomatic  ser- 
vice ;  they  maintained  the  dignity  of  the  imperial 
government. 

The  financial  affairs  of  the  nation  were  conducted  with 
great  success,  and  the  public  credit  was  high  in  the  great 
commercial  centres  of  Europe. 

The  press  is  as  free  and  independent  in  Rio  as  it  is  in 
London  and  New  York.  The  papers  published  there 
display  enterprise  and  great  ability ;  they  are  in  full  sym- 
pathy with  the  best  journals  of  the  great  cities  in  Europe 
and  the  United  States.  The  circulation  of  some  of  them 
is  very  large,  and  their  influence  is  powerful  over  public 
sentiment. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

Leave  of  Absence  to  Visit  the  United  States — Meet  Mrs.  Hilliard  and 
Daughters  in  Paris — London — Sunday — Mr.  Spurgeon — Evening  Service 
in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral — Liverpool — Voyage — New  York — Washington 
— President  Hayes — Georgia. 


Leave  of  absence  was  granted  me  to  visit  home.  Mrs. 
Hilliard  and  daughters  had  passed  some  three  years  in 
Stuttgart,  and  had  greatly  enjoyed  their  residence  there. 
No  place  in  Europe  could  have  been  more  agreeable  to 
them  or  offered  greater  advantages.  They  had  made  excur- 
sions to  the  Rhine,  to  Switzerland,  and  other  attractive 
resorts.     They  now  desired  to  return  home. 

Having  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  Rio  to  visit  the 
United  States,  I  arranged  that  my  family  should  meet  me 
in  Paris.  Anticipating  my  coming,  they  took  leave  of 
Stuttgart,  and  had  been  in  Paris  some  time  before  I 
reached  there.  They  met  some  agreeable  people  from 
our  country  in  that  city,  and  had  with  them  already  en- 
joyed some  sight-seeing. 

Upon  my  arrival  we  passed  some  days  in  looking 
through  picture  galleries,  and  visiting  places  of  interest  in 
the  city  and  its  environs.  We  enjoyed  a  visit  to  Ver- 
sailles greatly.  The  magnificence  of  the  palaces,  the  his- 
toric associations,  the  works  of  art — statues  and  pictures, — 
the  gardens  and  fountains  were  objects  of  attraction  to 
us  for  hours.  Two  works  of  art  specially  interested  the 
ladies.  One  was  David's  picture  of  the  coronation  of 
Napoleon,  which  I  had  seen  before.     The   Emperor,  self- 

383 


384  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

crowned,  heroic,  in  robes  which  recalled  the  glory  of 
antiquity,  placed  the  diadem  upon  the  head  of  Josephine, 
who  knelt  before  him ;  the  surrounding  objects  were  re- 
minders of  unparalleled  triumphs. 

The  other — the  statue  which  represents  Napoleon  at 
St.  Helena  in  his  declining  days,  seated,  the  grand  head, 
the  open  drapery  revealing  the  frame  wasting  under  the 
touch  of  disease,  the  map  of  Europe  spread  before  him, 
his  right  hand  resting  upon  France,  his  eyes  expressing 
the  depth  of  a  shadow  that  was  upon  his  soul — constituted 
the  most  impressive  work  of  the  sculptor  that  I  had  ever 
seen. 

We  took  leave  of  Paris  with  regret ;  when  we  reached 
Calais  and  embarked  for  Dover  we  found  the  channel 
rough,  but  the  day  was  bright,  and  we  bore  up  cheerfully 
through  our  short  run  to  Dover. 

Once  more  in  London  we  took  apartments  at  the 
Charing  Cross  Hotel.  We  waited  over  until  after  Sun- 
day, which  is  a  day  of  real  interest  to  me  in  London. 
Sunday  morning  opened  brightly,  and  we  made  our  way 
to  Spurgeon's  Tabernacle.  The  doors  were  not  yet 
opened,  and  a  large  number  of  people  stood  waiting  to 
be  admitted ;  we  were  so  fortunate  as  to  find  a  friendly 
usher  as  we  entered,  who  conducted  us  to  the  first  gal- 
lery, and  found  places  for  us  near  the  pulpit,  where  we 
had  a  good  view  of  the  preacher  and  the  audience.  There 
must  have  been  upwards  of  six  thousand  people  present, 
many  of  them  standing,  and  a  large  number  filling  the 
doorways.  Mr.  Spurgeon  had  not  yet  entered.  I  studied 
with  interest  the  picture  before  me.  The  auditorium 
was  immense,  and  in  the  form  of  an  amphitheatre,  with 
galleries  rising  one  above  the  other.  The  pulpit  was 
a  desk  placed  on  a  wide  platform,  upon  which  several 
gentlemen — official  persons — were  seated.  I  had  never 
seen  the  great  preacher  who  had  awakened  such  a  won- 
derful religious  interest  in  London,  and  who  had  already 


SPURGE  ON.  385 

brought  thousands  to  make  a  public  profession  of  faith 
in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  When  he  came  in  and  took  a 
seat  on  the  platform,  his  appearance  was  so  unlike  the 
ideal  picture  of  him  I  had  drawn,  that  I  supposed  for  a 
moment  that  another  minister  had  come  to  take  his  place 
for  the  occasion,  and  felt  something  of  resentment  against 
him.  There  was  nothing  of  intellectual  force  in  his  ex- 
pression, his  bearing  was  quiet,  and  there  was  no  promise 
of  oratorical  power  in  his  appearance.  But  when  he  rose 
and  advanced  to  the  desk  to  open  the  services,  all  this 
was  changed.  He  read  the  hymn  impressively,  and  the 
opening  prayer  was  most  impressive.  His  voice,  clear, 
rich,  and  sympathetic,  was  heard  uttering  an  earnest 
appeal  to  the  throne  of  grace.  I  was  touched  by  his 
supplication,  which  he  offered  for  the  great  English- 
speaking  nation  beyond  the  sea.  When  the  prayer  was 
ended,  my  impression  of  the  man  was  strangely  altered  ; 
I  could  not  see  where  his  power  lay,  but  there  was  a 
latent  force  in  him  which  might  be  expressed,  when  he 
came  to  rouse  himself,  in  a  way  to  bring  the  whole  audi- 
ence under  his  influence.  There  was  no  instrumental 
music,  but  a  precentor  rose  and  led  the  singing,  while  the 
vast  audience  joined  in  it,  swelling  it  into  a  great  volume 
of  praise.  The  passage  of  Scripture  upon  which  he 
proceeded  to  deliver  his  discourse  was  taken  from  1st 
Samuel,  12th  chapter,  embracing  the  first  five  verses.  As 
he  proceeded  to  describe  the  scene,  Samuel  standing  up 
before  all  Israel  and  calling  upon  the  people  to  say,  now 
that  he  was  about  to  retire  from  the  great  office  which  he 
had  so  long  filled,  a  king  having  been  appointed,  according 
to  their  request,  if  he  had  wronged  any  man,  or  taken  a 
bribe  out  of  any  man's  hand,  or  oppressed  any  man ;  the 
scene  rose  before  us  with  the  vividness  and  impressiveness 
of  real  life.  We  could  hear  the  voice  of  the  people  say- 
ing: "Thou  hast  not  defrauded  us,  nor  oppressed  us, 
neither  hast  thou  taken  aught  of  any  man's  hand."     The 


386  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

discourse  was  a  grand  statement  of  the  principles  of  the 
Divine  government,  as  represented  throughout  his  admin- 
istration, and  the  willing  tribute  of  the  people  to  him  was 
a  glorious  triumph. 

In  the  evening  we  attended  divine  services  in  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral.  It  was  a  splendid  service,  held  under  the  dome, 
where  seats  were  provided  for  three  thousand  persons. 
There  were  a  large  number  of  ministers  present  who  wore 
their  robes,  and  a  great  company  of  choristers  thronged 
the  place.  The  whole  service  was  magnificent.  The 
spectacle  was  a  grand  display  of  the  Church  of  England 
in  the  fulness  of  its  ecclesiastical  strength.  The  sermon 
was  good,  impressing  upon  us  the  importance  of  contrib- 
uting our  full  influence  to  advancing  the  power  of  Christ's 
kingdom. 

In  the  course  of  a  day  or  two  we  left  London  for  Liv- 
erpool ;  the  weather  was  fine,  and  the  journey  was  delight- 
ful. England  was  beautiful  in  its  summer  verdure.  We 
had  engaged  state-rooms  in  the  Celtic  of  the  White  Star 
Line,  and  went  on  board  the  next  day  with  much  com- 
fort. The  ship  was  a  fine  one,  and  we  enjoyed  the 
voyage. 

A  bright  morning  welcomed  us  home,  and  the  Bay  of 
New  York  never  appeared  more  beautiful. 

We  took  apartments  in  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  where 
I  had  for  years  been  accustomed  to  stay.  As  I  registered 
my  name,  the  clerk  looked  up  and  said  :  "  Mr.  Hilliard, 
you  have  been  a  guest  here  before."  I  replied  :  "  Yes, 
I  had  rooms  here  twenty  years  ago."  He  said  :  "  I  will 
give  you  the  same  suite  of  rooms  that  you  occupied  at 
that  time."  The  suite  of  apartments  was  on  the  floor  with 
parlors.  We  passed  some  days  there  receiving  and  visit- 
ing friends. 

At  Washington  I  stayed  a  day  or  two.  The  President 
received  me  with  his  accustomed  friendly  interest,  and 
Mrs.   Hayes  welcomed  me  kindly.     My  family  did  not 


A    BRIEF  STAY  IN  WASHINGTON. 


387 


stop,  but  continued  their  journey  to  Georgia,  where  rela- 
tives and  friends  were  awaiting  their  coming. 

The  President  was  in  sympathy  with  my  views  of  the 
public  service,  and  expressed  himself  in  terms  which  were 
personally  very  gratifying  to  me. 

After  a  brief  stay  in  Washington,  where  I  met  my 
friend,  Honorable  B.  H.  Hill,  and  other  gentlemen,  I  pro- 
ceeded on  my  journey,  and  joined  my  family  in  Georgia. 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

Return  to  Brazil,  via  England  and  France — London — House  of  Lords — 
Lord  Granville — Paris — Chamber  of  Deputies — Gambetta — General 
Grant — Voyage  from  Bordeaux  to  Rio — Count  Koskul — Arrival  at  Rio. 

After  a  brief  visit  to  friends  in  Georgia,  I  returned  to 
my  post  at  Rio. 

I  reached  New  York  in  time  to  engage  a  state-room  in 
the  Germanic,  of  the  White  Star  Line,  and  in  this  fine 
ship  enjoyed  the  voyage  to  Liverpool. 

When  I  arrived  in  London  I  decided  to  attend  the  ses- 
sion of  the  House  of  Lords.  A  great  debate  was  to  take 
place  on  the  Irish  question.  As  I  entered  the  corridor 
leading  to  the  House,  I  observed  that  there  was  a  large 
attendance.  Much  as  I  desired  to  hear  the  debate,  I  did 
not  send  in  my  card,  supposing  that  the  discussion  of  a 
measure  of  such  importance  would  be  continued  the  next 
evening. 

Upon  opening  The  Times  the  next  morning  I  saw  that 
the  great  debate  had  been  concluded  the  previous  even- 
ing. Lord  Salisbury,  the  Earl  of  Beaconsfield  (Disraeli), 
Lord  Granville,  Lord  Cairns,  and  other  eminent  men  had 
taken  part  in  it.  I  attended  the  session  the  next  evening. 
Sending  my  card  to  Lord  Granville,  I  was  ushered  into 
the  House,  and  was  shown  a  place  occupied  by  persons 
admitted  to  the  floor.     Nothing  of  interest  occurred. 

The  Earl  of  Beaconsfield  had  left  the  city  in  the  morn- 
ing for  his  country  seat.  This  extraordinary  man  had 
greatly  interested  me ;  splendid  in  literature,  brilliant  in 

388 


THE   EARL    OF  BEACONSFIELD.  389 

debate,  and  great  in  statesmanship.  I  lost  the  oppor- 
tunity of  hearing  him  on  the  occasion  when,  roused  into  a 
rare  display  of  his  powers,  he  shone  for  the  last  time  above 
the  horizon.  In  the  debate  referred  to,  Lord  Beacons- 
field  declared  that  the  bill  which  he  opposed  was  a  prelude 
to  the  introduction  of  similar  measures  with  reference  to 
English  land,  and  urged  its  rejection  as  an  act  "  for 
which  the  country  would  be  grateful,  and  posterity  would 
be  proud."  Some  time  after  the  death  of  the  Earl  of 
Beaconsfield,  Mr.  Gladstone,  on  moving  an  address  to  the 
Crown  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  him,  described 
him  as  "  one  who  has  sustained  a  great  historic  part,  and 
done  great  deeds  written  on  the  page  of  parliamentary 
and  national  history."  He  paid  a  glowing  tribute  to  Dis- 
raeli, distinguished  for  his  power  of  self-government,  his 
great  parliamentary  courage,  and  other  great  qualities  ; 
and  expressed  the  conviction  that  in  all  the  judgments 
delivered  by  the  late  statesman  upon  himself,  his  antag- 
onist was  never  actuated  by  sentiments  of  personal 
antipathy. 

In  the  course  of  a  day  or  two  I  left  for  Paris.  I  took 
apartments  at  the  Hotel  Meurice,  and  passed  some  days 
in  the  city,  which  I  at  all  times  visit  with  pleasure. 

General  Grant  was  passing  some  days  there,  arranging 
for  his  extensive  travels.  He  had  a  suite  of  apartments 
in  the  Hotel  Bristol,  Place  Vendome,  and  Mrs.  Grant  and 
other  members  of  his  family  were  with  him.  I  called  on 
General  Grant,  and  was  cordially  welcomed.  I  had  not 
met  him  since  I  had  an  interview  with  him  in  the  White 
House.  I  was  much  interested  in  a  conversation  with 
General  Grant,  who  referred  to  the  past  of  our  country's 
history  in  terms  which  exhibited  the  manliness  of  his 
nature,  and  the  magnanimity  of  the  great  soldier  who  had 
conducted  the  armies  of  the  United  States  to  victory. 
He  spoke  to  me  with  entire  unreserve.  In  our  interview 
at  Washington,  while  he  was  President,  he  had  spoken 


390  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

with  frankness,  and  now  he  was  as  clear  and  elevated  in 
his  tone  as  before.  While  President  he  had  spoken  to 
me  in  an  evening's  conversation  with  the  frankness  of  a 
statesman  who  felt  that  past  events  belonged  to  history  ; 
and  in  this  interview  his  remarks  were  in  the  same  tone. 

Soon  after  his  first  inauguration,  I  called  in  the  evening 
with  a  gentleman  of  Georgia,  at  his  invitation,  to  bring 
to  his  attention  the  state  of  public  affairs  in  the  South. 
There  was  on  my  part  no  grievance  to  present,  no  protest 
to  offer  against  the  action  of  the  government,  but  an 
assurance  that  our  people  were  in  good  faith  adjusting 
themselves  to  the  new  conditions  under  which  they  lived  ; 
and  I  expressed  the  hope  that  no  measures  would  be 
adopted  to  alter  the  status  of  the  South.  The  statement 
of  his  views  at  that  time  was  most  satisfactory.  He  spoke 
of  Mr.  Lincoln's  emancipation  proclamation  in  terms  of 
perfect  candor,  saying  that  when  it  was  issued  he  regarded 
it  as  a  war  measure  only — brutem  fulmen — to  strengthen 
the  Union  cause. 

At  our  interview  in  Paris  he  said  that  he  had  intervened 
during  President  Johnson's  administration  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  men  in  Virginia  who  had  been  in  the 
Confederate  service  against  judicial  proceedings,  which  he 
regarded  as  a  violation  of  the  terms  made  at  the  time  of 
General  Lee's  surrender. 

I  had  heretofore  felt  great  respect  for  General  Grant, 
and  this  sentiment  was  heightened  by  his  remarks  made 
to  me  in  this  interview. 

The  estimate  of  General  Grant  as  a  general  leading 
great  armies  to  final  triumph,  as  a  statesman  administer- 
ing the  government  at  a  critical  period,  and  as  a  man  of 
large  capacity  and  noble  nature,  rises  with  every  advan- 
cing year.  His  place  in  history  is  secure ;  his  heroic 
stature  will  be  seen  in  still  larger  proportions  when 
viewed  through  the  telescope  of  time. 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  was  in  session,  and  I  decided 


GAMBETTA.  39 1 

to  visit  it.  Presenting  my  card  at  the  entrance  I  was  ad- 
mitted. The  coup  cVceil was  interesting:  the  construction 
of  the  Chamber,  the  arrangement  of  the  seats,  the  bril- 
liant coloring,  the  chair  for  the  President,  the  tribune, — 
everything  was  new  to  me.  The  animation  of  the  mem- 
bers, the  style  of  debate,  and  the  whole  aspect  of  the 
body  interested  me. 

Gambetta  presided  ;  I  saw  him  for  the  first  time,  and 
studied  his  appearance  with  deep  interest.  He  was  an 
impressive  figure  ;  his  face  was  very  fine,  even  in  repose  ; 
the  brow  finely  arched,  the  nose  large  and  well  formed, 
the  chin  prominent,  and  the  whole  expression  was  one  of 
dominant  intellect.  The  eyes  were  fine,  and  the  blemish 
in  one  could  not  be  observed  from  my  seat ;  the  form  was 
well  proportioned,  somewhat  full,  and  wearing  an  air  of 
dignity.  The  man  seated  in  the  chair  of  authority  seemed 
self-possessed  ;  yet  there  was  a  look  of  sadness  in  his 
aspect,  and  the  gentleness  in  his  bearing  did  not  express 
the  tremendous  energy  of  his  nature.  He  was  the  lion 
in  repose.  The  history  of  the  man  rose  before  me  :  the 
early  struggle  for  recognition ;  the  first  flush  of  fame 
upon  his  brow  ;  his  splendid  triumphs  on  the  hustings 
and  in  the  tribune  ;  his  impassioned  oratory ;  his  coura- 
geous assaults  upon  men  of  state  intrenched  in  high  places  ; 
his  vehement  denunciation  of  Louis  Napoleon  while  yet 
an  emperor  ;  his  rousing  the  people  to  the  overthrow  of  a 
dynasty  associated  with  past  glories ;  his  defiance  of  the 
army  of  powerful  invaders  in  the  very  moment  of  their 
assured  victory;  his  rallying  the  dispersed  armies  of 
France  to  avenge  defeat  and  retrieve  disaster  ;  his  conse- 
cration of  himself  to  France  when  the  darkest  hour  of  her 
destiny  deepened  upon  her ; — all  these  came  up  as  I  saw 
Gambetta.  His  presence  recalled  the  memory  of  Rienzi, 
the  last  of  the  Roman  tribunes. 

At  Bordeaux  I  was  much  pleased  to  meet  Count 
Koskul,  who  was  returning  from  a  visit  to  Russia;    his 


392 


POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 


presence  enlivened  the  voyage.  Nothing  occurred  to 
hinder  the  course  of  our  noble  ship  as  it  bore  us  over  the 
placid  waters  from  Europe  to  South  America. 

Upon  our  arrival  at  Rio  we  congratulated  each  other 
at  having  been  passengers  in  the  same  ship,  and  resumed 
our  places  once  more  in  the  diplomatic  circle. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

Aspect  of  Political  Affairs — Slavery  Agitation — Mr.  Nabuco,  President  of 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society — His  Appeal  to  me  to  State  the  Result  of 
Emancipation  in  the  United  States — Correspondence  on  the  Subject — 
Excitement  Produced  by  it — Interview  with  the  Emperor. 

The  imperial  government  of  Brazil  was  one  of  limited 
powers ;  the  constitution  defined  its  authority.  The 
reign  of  the  Emperor,  Dom  Pedro  II.,  was  enlightened 
and  liberal,  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  law  throughout 
the  vast  empire. 

Upon  my  return  to  Rio  from  my  visit  to  the  United 
States,  I  observed  the  aspect  of  political  affairs  with 
interest.  While  there  was  a  strong  growing  sentiment  in 
favor  of  bringing  the  administration  of  the  government 
under  the  influence  of  liberal  ideas,  there  was  no  sign  of 
hostility  to  the  Emperor's  authority ;  everywhere  there 
was  seen  a  picture  of  national  contentment.  Specula- 
tions were  sometimes  indulged  in  political  circles  as  to 
the  future ;  but  it  seemed  to  be  understood  that  the 
Emperor's  reign  would  continue  to  be  upheld  and  re- 
spected. After  the  Emperor,  no  one  could  read  the  horo- 
scope of  the  nation. 

There  was  one  subject  which  was  warmly  discussed — 
slavery.  The  law  of  September  28,  1 871,  passed  under 
the  lead  of  that  great  statesman,  Visconde  do  Rio  Branco, 
provided  that  the  children  of  women  slaves  born  in  the 
empire  from  that  date  shall  be  considered  to  be  free. 
But  the  million  and  a  half  of  slaves  born  prior  to  Septem- 

393 


394  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

ber  2&,  1 87 1,  were  left  still  in  hopeless  bondage.  Benefi- 
cent as  the  measure  adopted  was,  still  some  forty  or  fifty 
years  must  elapse  before  slavery  would  cease  to  exist  in 
the  empire.  Leading  statesmen  of  the  empire  who 
desired  to  effect  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  imme- 
diately, organized  a  society  for  the  accomplishment  of 
that  object,  under  the  name  of  the  Brazilian  Anti-Slavery 
Society.  Senhor  Joaquim  Nabuco  was  elected  president 
of  the  new  organization.  He  entered  upon  the  task 
assigned  him  with  ardor,  and  he  soon  won  numerous 
friends  and  powerful  supporters  for  the  cause.  The 
society  encountered  from  the  outset  determined  opposi- 
tion ;  the  large  coffee  and  sugar  planters,  strongly  repre- 
sented in  the  Senate  and  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  were 
roused  into  resistance  to  the  proposed  measure. 

Mr.  Nabuco  was  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
from  Pernambuco.  He  came  to  me  and  requested  me  to 
give  my  views  as  to  the  effect  of  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  United  States.  I  was  in  sympathy  with  his 
opposition  to  slavery  in  Brazil,  but  I  could  not  take  part 
in  the  conflicts  of  parties  in  regard  to  a  question  which 
so  deeply  affected  the  fortunes  of  the  empire.  Still, 
while  I  declined  to  intervene  in  a  great  contest,  officially 
I  felt  at  liberty  to  reply  to  Mr.  Nabuco's  appeal,  by 
giving  a  statement  of  the  result  of  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  the  United  States.  It  seemed  eminently  proper  for 
me  to  do  so,  being  a  Southern  man,  and  having  had 
ample  opportunity  to  observe  the  effect  of  emancipation 
in  the  slave-holding  States,  as  it  affected  the  planters  of 
the  South  and  the  race  that  had  been  recently  set  free. 
In  this  interview  with  Mr.  Nabuco,  I  said  to  him  at  its 
close  :  "  If  you  think  proper,  Mr.  Nabuco,  to  address  me 
a  letter  upon  that  subject  I  will  undertake  to  reply  to  it." 

Soon  after,  Mr.  Nabuco  wrote  me  a  letter  alluding  to 
my  connection  with  slavery  in  the  United  States,  I  being 
a  Southern  man,  and  having  been  a  member  of  the  Whig 


ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  IN  BRAZIL.  395 

party,  to  which  he  referred  in  his  letter,  associating  me 
with  Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Clay,  of  whom  he  wrote  in 
terms  of  admiration. 

Upon  receiving  his  letter  I  replied  at  length,  treating 
the  question  of  slavery  historically,  and  as  I  had  observed 
it  actually  in  my  own  country.  When  I  had  completed 
my  letter  I  called  on  Mr.  Nabuco,  and  told  him  I  had 
prepared  it,  at  the  same  time  handing  him  the  manu- 
script. He  seemed  delighted  that  I  had  treated  the 
question  so  largely.  I  then  took  the  letter  back  to 
revise  it. 

In  the  first  draft  of  my  letter  I  had  said  nothing  as  to 
the  time  within  which  emancipation  could  be  accom- 
plished, but  upon  receiving  it  from  Mr.  Nabuco,  I  said  to 
a  friend  who  was  with  me :  "  I  propose  now  to  fix  the 
date  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Brazilian  Empire  "; 
and  going  to  a  neighboring  office  I  inserted  this  para- 
graph : 

"The  French  government,  under  Louis  Philippe,  fixed 
ten  years  as  the  term  for  the  freeing  of  slaves  and  added 
compensation,  but  the  revolution  came,  and  Lamartine  at  once 
signed  the  paper  that  set  free  the  slaves  in  the  colonial 
possessions  of  France.  Seven  years  might  be  fixed  as 
the  term  in  Brazil  for  holding  the  African  race  still  in  bondage. 
It  would  seem  to  be  especially  appropriate,  in  selecting  the 
period  for  the  termination  of  slavery  in  the  empire,  to  fix 
upon  the  28th  of  September,  1887,  the  anniversary  of  the 
great  measure  which  provided  that  after  its  promulgation  no 
child  born  in  Brazil  should  be  a  slave." 

Handing  my  letter  to  Mr.  Nabuco,  to  be  disposed  of 
as  he  thought  proper,  it  was  immediately  published  in 
the  Portuguese  language  in  the  journals  of  Rio,  and 
translated  into  other  languages  for  publication  elsewhere. 
It  created  a  great  sensation  in  political  circles.  The 
Brazilian  Parliament  was  in  session,  and  in  both  the  Sen- 


396  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ate  and  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  there  were  a  number  of 
gentlemen  holding  slaves,  cultivating  coffee,  cotton,  and 
sugar,  who  regarded  the  success  of  the  industry  as  de- 
pendent upon  the  perpetuation  of  slavery. 

Within  a  day  or  two  after  the  publication  of  my  letter, 
a  gentleman,  who  had  been  for  some  time  in  the  American 
consulate,  Mr.  Cordeiro,  a  native  of  Portugal,  and  a  per- 
sonal friend,  said  to  me :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  the  Emperor 
asked  a  member  of  the  council,  '  Have  you  read  Mr. 
Hilliard's  letter  ?  '  He  replied,  '  I  have  not ';  and  the 
Emperor  said,  '  You  must  read  it.'  "  Of  course  I  did  not 
know  what  the  sentiments  of  the  Emperor  might  be  in 
regard  to  the  measure  of  immediate  emancipation,  or  how 
he  might  regard  my  intervention  in  the  matter. 

The  custom  at  Rio  is,  that  foreign  ministers  drive  to 
the  palace  of  San  Cristovao  on  the  evening  of  the  first 
Saturday  in  each  month  to  be  received  by  the  Emperor, 
and  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  make  the  call  within  a  few 
days  after  the  appearance  of  my  letter.  Taking  my  place 
with  the  other  ministers  in  the  great  reception  room,  I 
awaited  the  Emperor's  coming  to  me  to  speak,  as  was 
his  habit,  in  some  anxiety  as  to  what  might  be  the 
result  of  the  interview.  Standing  by  my  side  was  Baron 
Schreiner,  the  Austrian  Minister,  who  spoke  the  English 
language  perfectly,  and  who  would  of  course  comprehend 
every  word  that  the  Emperor  said  to  me.  The  Emperor 
conversed  for  some  time  with  Baron  Schreiner.  His 
Majesty  then  came  to  me,  bowed,  and  said  : 

"  I  hope  you  have  received  good  accounts  from  your 
country." 

To  which  I  replied  : 

"  Yes,  I  am  happy  to  inform  your  Majesty  that  I  have." 

After  a  few  general  remarks  he  drew  near  to  me  and 
said  : 

"  I  have  read  your  letter  with  great  sympathy." 

I  replied  : 


INTERVIEW    WITH   THE   EMPEROR.  397 

"  I  am  a  thousand  times  obliged  to  your  Majesty  for 
saying  so." 

"Yes,"  said  he,  "  and  I  wish  to  say  something  on  the 
subject  myself." 

I  said  to  him :  "  I  shall  be  very  happy  to  read  what 
your  Majesty  may  say."     He  replied  : 

"  I  cannot  do  it  here  in  Rio,  but  we  shall  soon  go  to 
Petropolis" — the  summer  residence  of  the  Emperor  and 
the  Diplomatic  Corps. 

Returning  from  the  palace  to  my  office  at  the  Legation, 
I  wrote  to  both  the  President  and  Mr.  Evarts,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  full  accounts  of  the  interview,  and  forwarded 
my  mail  by  a  steamer  which  sailed  the  next  morning  for 
New  York. 

The  discussion  of  the  subject,  pro  and  con,  continued  in 
the  journals  of  the  country,  and  one  point  made  against 
me  was  that  I  had  taken  the  liberty  of  suggesting  that  so 
great  a  change  in  the  industrial  system  of  Brazil  should 
be  made  within  seven  years. 

At  this  time  it  was  estimated  that  a  slave  paid  for  him- 
self with  the  labor  of  three  years,  and  the  prospect  of 
losing  this  source  of  wealth  was  not  agreeable  to  the 
Brazilian  planters.  The  discussions  were  warm,  and  popu- 
lar sentiment  ran  high.  On  account  of  my  letter  I  became 
the  central  figure  of  the  agitation,  and  I  was  observed  in 
every  circle. 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  advocates  of  slavery  were 
quick  to  object  to  what  they  regarded  as  the  intervention 
of  a  foreign  minister  in  a  question  so  important  to  their 
interests. 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

Banquet  Given  to  me  by  the  Anti-Slavery  Society — Discussion  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies — Interpellation  to  the  Premier,  Mr.  Sariava — 
Public  Interest  as  to  the  Result — Reply  of  Mr.  Sariava  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies — The  Scene — Public  Sentiment  in  the  Empire — Mr.  Ford, 
English  Minister — Lord  Granville,  of  the  Gladstone  Cabinet — "  Blue 
Book  "  of  the  British  Parliament — Petropolis. 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the  climax  came  when 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society  tendered  me  a  banquet.  I  saw 
the  danger,  that  in  accepting  it  I  would  risk  my  official 
position ;  and  the  danger,  on  the  other  hand,  that  to  de- 
cline it  at  this  critical  time  would  diminish  the  effect  of 
my  former  utterance. 

The  political  interest  still  grew,  and  the  popular  excite- 
ment was  aroused.  I  felt  that  my  position  was  critical, 
and  I  did  not  know  what  might  happen  to  me  personally 
under  the  excitement  of  the  moment.  I  had  studied  the 
issue  in  advance,  however,  and  I  decided  to  stand  upon 
the  ground  which  I  had  taken.  I  saw  the  danger.  I  knew 
that  my  political  life  might  close  under  some  expression 
of  disapproval  by  the  imperial  government,  or  by  some 
remark  from  my  own  government  in  regard  to  what  was 
styled  my  official  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Brazil ;  but 
I  could  not  be  indifferent  to  the  appeal  made  to  me  in 
behalf  of  these  slaves,  who  are  ground  between  the  upper 
and  the  nether  mill-stone — a  million  and  a  half  of  people 
without  hope,  and  I  said  to  myself :  "  If  I  cannot  speak  a 
word  in  their  behalf  I  ought  not  to  call  myself  a  man." 

398 


A    CRITICAL   POSITION.  399 

Many  of  my  friends  thought  I  incurred  great  danger  of 
political  overthrow,  and  advised  me  strongly  against  ac- 
cepting the  banquet.  I  replied  :  "  I  see  the  surroundings, 
and  I  am  prepared  to  meet  the  result."  I  decided  to 
accept  the  banquet,  that  I  might  manifest  my  unswerv- 
ing interest  in  the  support  of  the  great  cause  which  had 
awakened  my  sympathy,  and  in  the  support  of  the 
opinions  that  I  had  advanced. 

In  one  of  the  hotels  of  the  city  a  splendid  banquet  was 
given  me,  to  which  about  forty  gentlemen  of  distinction 
were  invited,  and  the  decorations  were  such  as  to  give 
great  splendor  to  the  occasion.  A  portrait  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  hung  on  the  wall,  with  the  portraits  of  other  eminent 
men  who  opposed  slavery.  And  the  dishes  were  named 
for  Wilberforce  and  other  distinguished  statesmen  who 
were  enlisted  in  the  cause.  Everything  was  done  to 
evince  the  sentiment  of  the  society  in  support  of  the 
measures  which  they  were  conducting.  The  great  banquet 
hall  was  on  the  first  floor,  and  in  that  fine  climate  the 
windows  were  thrown  open  and  some  of  the  first  people 
of  the  city,  including  ladies,  stood  outside  to  witness  the 
scene. 

The  banquet  became  the  subject  of  discussion  in  the 
journals  of  the  city,  and  an  illustrated  paper  presented  it 
in  a  way  to  attract  attention. 

Then  came  the  crisis.  A  discussion  took  place  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  in  regard  to  what  was  called  the  in- 
tervention of  a  foreign  minister  in  the  affairs  of  the  em- 
pire. In  some  of  the  speeches  it  was  said  that  a  foreign 
representative  infringes  his  official  character  and  oversteps 
his  privileges  when  he  assumes  to  take  a  prominent  part 
in  the  discussion  of  questions  which  are  of  purely  domes- 
tic policy  in  the  country  to  which  he  is  accredited.  M. 
Belfort  Duarte,  the  Deputy  from  Maranhao,  a  sugar 
planter,  offered  a  resolution  proposing  that  the  Chamber 
should  call  the  attention  of  the  Premier,  Mr.  Sariava,  to 


400  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

the  subject,  and  that  he  should  be  requested  to  give  the 
views  of  the  government  in  regard  to  it.  The  resolution 
passed,  and  the  questions  submitted  to  the  Premier,  in  the 
form  of  an  interpellation,  were  as  follows : 

"  First.  Does  the  imperial  government  approve  in  general 
of  the  anti-slavery  propaganda,  and  especially  that  which  has 
been  held  in  public  meetings  by  means  of  political  banquets, 
and  a  manifesto  issued  by  a  foreign  representative  ? 

"  Second.  The  United  States  Minister — did  he  appear  at 
the  anti-slavery  political  banquet,  held  on  the  20th  inst.,  in 
his  official  or  semi-official  character,  directly  or  indirectly  with 
the  acquiescence  of  the  imperial  government  ? 

"  Third.  In  case  of  disapproval  on  the  part  of  the  imperial 
government  of  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  representative, 
what  steps  do  they  propose  taking,  and,  moreover,  what  line 
do  the  government  propose  to  pursue  in  view  of  the  illegal 
meetings  on  the  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  ?  " 

Mr.  Sariava  answered  the  resolution  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  promising  to  appear  before  them  and  give  his 
reply  to  the  questions  submitted  to  him.  It  was  an  occa- 
sion of  very  great  political  interest,  and  even  of  popular 
excitement.  The  Minister  of  the  Argentine  Republic 
met  me  and  said  :  "  Mr.  Hilliard,  you  are  the  man  of  the 
day."  I  replied :  "  Yes,  and  I  should  like  to  have  other 
gentlemen  like  yourself  standing  by  my  side." 

On  the  day  appointed  by  Mr.  Sariava  for  his  appear- 
ance in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  he,  in  company  with 
other  ministers  of  state,  drove  to  the  Chamber.  The 
galleries  were  thronged  by  foreign  ministers,  by  eminent 
statesmen,  by  ladies  in  their  gallery,  and  the  great  gallery 
for  the  people  was  filled  to  overflow.  Standing  room 
could  scarcely  be  found  ;  the  very  corridors  were  crowded. 
I  of  course  did  not  attend,  but  remained  at  my  Legation  to 
await  the  result. 

Mr.  Sariava  arose  and  said  : 


SCENE   IN    THE   CHAMBER   OF  DEPUTIES.  401 

"  Before  replying  to  the  first  question  it  is  necessary  to  rec- 
tify a  point.  There  has  been  no  manifesto  issued  by  a  foreign 
representative  relative  to  the  anti-slavery  propaganda,  but  only 
the  expression  of  the  personal  opinion  of  Mr.  Hilliard  on  the 
question  of  slavery,  addressed  to  a  Brazilian  Deputy.  Having 
made  this  correction,  I  reply  to  the  first  question  by  saying 
that  the  Ministry  of  the  28th  of  March  has  already  explained 
pretty  clearly,  in  this  august  assembly,  its  entire  views  on  the 
question.  Resuming  all  I  have  said,  I  will  again  make  the 
following  declaration  :  The  members  of  the  Ministry,  over 
whom  I  have  the  honor  of  presiding,  are  of  opinion  that  the 
law  of  the  28th  of  September,  1871,  can  effect  a  complete  so- 
lution of  the  question,  because  it  can  follow  the  gradual  and 
progressive  development  of  free  labor,  and  the  extinction  of 
slavery  in  a  greater  or  less  number  of  years,  without  disturb- 
ance of,  and  without  interruption  to,  the  great  progress  of  the 
nation.  In  spite,  however,  of  what  I  have  now  said,  the  Min- 
istry of  the  28th  of  March  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  their  duty 
to  respect,  as  they  have  respected,  all  the  opinions  which  are 
contrary  to  theirs,  so  long  as  they  are  confined  to  legal  grounds. 
To  the  second  question  I  reply,  No.  Mr.  Hilliard  appeared  at 
the  banquet  in  his  private  capacity.  What  he  said  in  his  let- 
ter and  at  the  banquet  can  only  be  regarded  as  the  expression 
of  his  private  opinion  without  any  official  character,  and,  being 
subjected  to  public  appreciation,  has  nothing  to  do  with  either 
the  approval  or  disapproval  of  the  imperial  government.  The 
third  question  is  answered  by  my  replies  to  numbers  one  and 
two.  Now  that  I  have  rendered  satisfaction  to  the  member 
from  Maranhao,  I  will  only  consider  one  topic  of  his  speech. 
He  need  be  under  no  apprehension  lest  the  representatives  of 
foreign  powers  should  meddle  in  our  affairs.  Should  such  a 
contingency  arise,  the  government  feels  assured  that  they  would 
meet  with  the  support  of  every  Brazilian,  without  even  except- 
ing those  who  entertain  contrary  opinions  to  it  as  to  the  mode 
of  solving  the  question  of  slavery." 

The  scene  in  the  Chamber  is  represented  to  have  been 
a  most  impressive  one.    The  friends  of  emancipation  were 

radiant. 

26 


402  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

I  knew  nothing  of  the  result  of  the  meeting  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  until  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
when  my  friend  Mr.  Cordeiro  came  to  me  and  reported 
what  had  taken  place  ;  and  he  was  exultant  at  the  splen- 
did triumph  I  had  won,  against  great  odds.  The  Diplo- 
matic Corps  stood  by  me  to  a  man. 

Public  sentiment  throughout  the  empire  was  awakened 
in  behalf  of  the  emancipation  cause. 

Mr.  Ford,  the  English  Minister,  sent  a  full  account  of 
the  proceedings  to  the  Earl  of  Granville,  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  in  London,  under  Mr.  Gladstone.  He 
had  felt  some  concern  in  regard  to  the  result,  so  far  as  it 
affected  me  as  a  Minister  of  the  United  States,  but  now 
in  forwarding  his  despatch  to  Lord  Granville  he  says :  "  It 
is  my  impression  that  this  diplomatic  incident  may  now 
be  considered  as  terminated,  and  that  no  more  will  be 
heard  of  the  matter."  Lord  Granville  attached  so  much 
importance  to  the  affair  that  he  ordered  an  account  of  the 
proceedings,  as  given  by  Mr.  Ford,  including  the  letter  of 
Mr.  Nabuco  to  me,  my  reply,  my  speech  at  the  banquet, 
the  interpellations  to  the  Premier,  Mr.  Sariava,  and  his 
reply,  to  be  published  in  the  "  Blue  Book  "  of  the  govern- 
ment, where  it  may  be  found  under  date  of  December 
6,  1880.  A  copy  of  the  publication  is  given  in  an  appen- 
dix to  this  volume. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  the  Emperor  and  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  took  up  their  summer  residence  at 
Petropolis.  I  had  an  agreeable  interview  with  the  Em- 
peror, in  which  he  expressed  himself  freely  in  regard  to 
the  great  question  of  emancipation.  I  enjoyed  an  un- 
usually agreeable  intercourse  with  such  members  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  as  were  residing  there. 

My  friend  Mr.  Nabuco,  too,  was  at  Petropolis,  and  we 
enjoyed  walks  and  drives  from  time  to  time.  He  steadily 
grew  in  my  esteem,  and  I  saw  that  a  great  future  opened 
before  the  young  statesman. 


CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

Close  of  President  Hayes'  Administration — Accession  of  General  Garfield 
to  the  Presidency — Resignation  Forwarded — Mr.  Blaine,  Secretary  of 
State — Interview  with  the  Emperor  and  Empress — Departure  from 
Rio — Voyage — Beautiful  Views — Teneriffe — Madeira — Arrival  at  Bor- 
deaux— Paris — Anniversary  of  the  Republic — London — Dean  Stanley — 
Westminster  Abbey — Canon  Farrar — Voyage  to  New  York — Washing- 
ton— Mr.  Blaine. 

The  administration  of  President  Hayes  was  drawing 
towards  its  close.  Without  solicitation  I  had  been  offered 
the  mission  to  Brazil,  and  I  had  accepted  it. 

I  had  found  opportunities  to  render  services  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  on  more  than  one  occa- 
sion, and  my  official  career  had  been  uniformly  approved 
by  the  President,  for  whom  I  entertained  the  highest 
respect ;  and  by  Mr.  Evarts,  the  Secretary  of  State,  whose 
reputation  as  a  statesman  had  been  heightened  by  his 
able  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  while  he  was  chief  of  that 
department. 

Upon  the  accession  of  General  Garfield  to  the  presi- 
dency I  forwarded  my  resignation,  and  requested  leave 
of  absence  to  return  home.  Some  time  elapsed  before  I 
received  a  reply  from  Mr.  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State. 

The  imperial  family  and  the  Diplomatic  Corps  had  re- 
turned to  Rio.  My  intercourse  with  them  continued  to 
be  agreeable.  Expressions  of  regret  were  made  when  it 
was  understood  that  it  was  my  intention  to  return  home ; 
and  I   continued  to  receive  attentions  and  marks  of  con- 

403 


404  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

sideration  which  were  highly  appreciated  by  me.  The 
season  was  pleasant  and  the  health  of  the  city  was  ex- 
cellent. 

Early  in  June  I  received  a  despatch  from  Mr.  Blaine 
granting  me  leave  of  absence,  and  I  made  preparations 
for  my  departure. 

My  interview  with  the  Emperor  at  the  Palace  of  San 
Cristovao  was  most  satisfactory.  He  gave  me  a  morn- 
ing, and  our  conversation  had  nothing  of  official  restraint. 
His  Majesty  spoke  freely  of  Brazil  and  of  my  own  coun- 
try ;  he  named  several  gentlemen  of  the  United  States, 
statesmen  and  scholars,  speaking  of  them  in  terms  of  high 
appreciation.  At  the  close  of  the  interview  he  gave  me 
his  hand  with  sincere  feeling,  and  thanked  me  for  the  good 
wishes  I  had  expressed  for  him. 

I  was  conducted  to  the  Empress,  and  received  by  her 
with  the  kindness  which  gave  such  a  charm  to  her  man- 
ners. In  the  course  of  a  few  minutes  the  Emperor  came 
in,  and  as  I  was  about  to  leave,  his  Majesty  gave  me  a 
picture  of  himself  with  his  autograph,  and  the  Empress 
gave  me  hers  with  her  autograph.  I  still  possess  and 
prize  these  pictures. 

On  the  morning  of  June  15,  188 1,  I  embarked  on 
board  the  Iberia  of  the  Liverpool  and  Pacific  Steam- 
ship Line,  for  Europe.  The  day  was  brilliant,  and  as  our 
ship  steamed  out  from  Rio  I  stood  on  the  deck  and  took 
my  last  view  of  the  city  and  its  surroundings.  There 
stood  the  Sugar  Loaf,  the  Corcovado,  the  Gavia,  lifting 
their  heads  in  the  clear  light,  their  sides  touched  with 
tints  of  exquisite  beauty.  Never  had  I  seen  the  city,  the 
bay,  the  mountains,  look  so  beautiful.  A  fresh  breeze 
met  the  steamer  and  a  swell  from  the  ocean  rolled  in 
grandly.  Just  as  we  were  going  out  an  American  steamer 
entered,  and  I  greeted  the  flag  of  my  country. 

The  voyage  was  delightful, — the  summer  sea,  the  great 
ship  moving  with  speed,  the  coast  views,  the  city  of  Bahia, 


FROM  RIO    TO   BORDEAUX.  405 

and  after  a  short  run  Pernambuco,  when  losing  sight  of 
Brazil  we  took  our  course  over  the  ocean  for  Europe. 

Our  ship  was  to  call  at  Teneriffe,  and  as  we  approached 
it  from  afar  we  saw  great  peaks  towering  some  thirteen 
thousand  feet  above  the  sea.  When  we  reached  the 
island  the  sun  had  gone  down,  but  the  picture  which  met 
our  view  was  beautiful.  The  evening  was  clear  and  the 
heavens  were  starlit ;  south  of  the  lofty  peak  a  young 
moon  hung  in  the  sky  ;  on  the  north  a  comet  was  rushing 
upon  its  fiery  course ;  at  the  base  the  lights  were  kindled 
in  the  houses  of  the  town. 

The  captain  of  the  Iberia  had  instructions  to  call  at 
Madeira  for  a  number  of  English  people  who  had  passed 
the  winter  and  spring  in  that  delightful  climate  and 
wished  now  to  return  home.  The  morning  was  fine  when 
we  reached  Madeira,  and  we  stopped  there  several  hours. 
The  island  was  a  place  of  much  interest  to  me,  and  I  saw 
its  vine-clad  slopes  in  their  full  summer  verdure.  We  took 
on  board  a  considerable  number  of  passengers,  who  gave 
new  animation  to  the  ship,  and  resumed  our  voyage. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days  we  saw  Lisbon,  and  passed 
some  hours  there.  It  presented  a  pleasing  picture,  and 
the  scene  of  people  in  small  boats,  vendors  of  willow-ware 
and  fruits,  interested  us.  I  could  not  resist  the  appeals 
of  these  animated  merchants,  and  bought  several  articles 
to  take  home. 

After  a  voyage  along  the  picturesque  coast  of  Spain 
we  reached  the  point  of  departure  for  Bordeaux,  and  I 
took  leave  of  the  good  ship  and  its  courteous  captain. 

Here  I  learned  that  President  Garfield  had  been  assas- 
sinated. The  startling  announcement  had  just  been  made 
in  Europe.  I  did  not  learn  the  details  until  I  reached 
Paris. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  Paris  I  took  apartments  at  the 
Hotel  Meurice,  and  passed  several  days  there. 

The  city  was  the  scene  of  a  grand  display — the  celebra- 


406  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

tion  of  the  anniversary  of  the  first  republic.  The  parade 
of  troops  by  day  and  the  illumination  of  the  city  at  night, 
with  varied  scenes  in  the  Champs  Elys£es,  presented  a 
splendid  spectacle. 

In  the  afternoon  I  walked  through  the  Place  de  la  Con- 
corde to  witness  the  scene.  That  place — the  most  beau- 
tiful in  Europe — never  fails  to  interest  a  visitor;  the 
great  statues  representing  the  cities  of  France,  seated  in 
the  midst  of  fountains,  were  never  more  impressive.  I 
stood  in  front  of  the  statue  of  Strasbourg,  and  saw  that  it 
was  draped  in  mourning.  Unconscious  of  observation  I 
lifted  my  hat  in  salutation,  and  stood  for  several  minutes 
in  the  presence  of  this  dramatic  representation  of  a  city 
torn  from  France  by  conquest,  yet  still  dear  to  her  people. 
In  the  evening  I  met  a  party  of  American  friends  at  din- 
ner, and  one  of  them,  a  lady,  said  to  me  that  she  had  seen 
me  salute  the  statue  of  Strasbourg  in  the  Place  de  la 
Concorde ;  she  had  been  walking  in  the  Gardens  of  the 
Tuileries  overlooking  the  spot,  and  recognized  me. 

I  never  fail  when  on  a  visit  to  Paris  to  see  the  tomb 
of  Napoleon  in  the  Hotel  des  Invalides.  My  estimate  of 
Napoleon  has  never  changed.  This  modern  Caesar  was 
the  peer  of  Julius  in  the  splendor  of  his  career;  like  the 
great  Roman  he  was  a  friend  of  the  people,  whose  cause 
he  espoused  ;  he  overturned  thrones  and  expelled  dynas- 
ties ;  and  while  he  crowned  himself  Emperor,  his  heart 
was  with  the  people  of  every  country  dominated  by  men 
who  claimed  to  rule  by  divine  right.  Of  our  day,  he 
already  takes  his  place  in  history  with  the  world's  heroes 
of  all  times. 

Leaving  Paris  I  travelled  to  London  by  the  way  of 
Calais,  and  from  midway  of  the  channel  I  stood  and 
looked  a  farewell  to  France  ;  then  over  the  rough  waves 
of  the  channel  I  caught  a  view  of  the  cliffs  of  England. 

Once  more  in  London  I  felt  a  new  sympathy  for  the 
people  of  my  own  language  and  blood. 


LONDON  PAST  AND  PRESENT.  407 

An  eminent  man  had  just  died — Dean  Stanley  ;  all 
England  was  in  mourning,  and  as  an  American  I  was 
in  full  sympathy  with  the  national  sentiment.  Three 
memorial  sermons  were  preached  in  Westminster  Abbey 
on  the  Sunday  after  his  death  ;  I  heard  two  of  them,  one 
by  Canon  Farrar  ;  it  was  a  discourse  of  unusual  power, 
and  revealed  some  of  the  qualities  of  this  extraordinary 
man.  Walking  through  the  Abbey  I  saw  a  wreath  of 
evergreens,  sent  by  her  Majesty,  Victoria,  to  be  placed  on 
the  bier  of  the  late  Dean  Stanley,  a  man  whom  she 
deeply  revered. 

I  passed  some  days  in  the  great  metropolis.  In  the 
presence  of  the  power  and  splendor  and  wealth  of  mod- 
ern London,  its  sovereigns,  its  statesmen,  its  scholars,  its 
imposing  military  display,  its  great  merchant  princes,  I 
could  not  repress  my  interest  in  the  past,  the  great  forms 
that  figured  in  the  earlier  periods  of  English  history,  the 
heroic  men  who  led  her  armies  and  her  fleets  to  victory, 
the  noble  body  of  Christian  preachers  and  martyrs,  the 
great  statesmen  who  spoke  and  wrote  in  defence  of  the 
liberties  of  the  people,  her  scholars — Shakespeare,  Milton, 
and  others — whose  pages  are  still  read  with  living  in- 
terest. The  present  is  imposing,  but  in  the  sky  of  the 
past  the  most  splendid  constellations  glow. 

Bidding  adieu  to  London  I  hastened  to  Liverpool,  and 
embarked  on  board  the  Gallia,  of  the  Cunard  Line,  for 
New  York.  This  great  ship  was  crowded  with  Ameri- 
cans, returning,  like  myself,  to  our  country.  We  had  a 
prosperous  voyage,  and  I  enjoyed  the  sea. 

After  a  brief  stay  in  New  York  I  proceeded  to  Wash- 
ington. President  Garfield's  lingering  illness  was  deeply 
felt  ;  there  was  a  shadow  on  the  city. 

I  called  on  Mr.  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State,  officially, 
and  was  received  by  him  with  expressions  of  regard 
which  gratified  me.  He  assured  me  of  the  appreciation 
by  the  government  of  my  course  as  the  Minister  Plenipo- 


408 


POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 


tentiary  of  the  United  States  in  Brazil,  and  said  that  the 
influence  of  my  services  there  would  bind  the  two  sections 
more  closely.  After  a  conversation  with  this  eminent 
statesman  in  regard  to  the  affairs  of  the  country,  I  took 
leave. 

My  official  relations  with  the  government  had  ter- 
minated satisfactorily,  and  I  turned  my  face  towards  my 
home  in  the  South. 


CONCLUSION. 

FROUDE,  in  reviewing  the  state  of  affairs  in  Rome  after 
the  great  civil  war  that  followed  the  assassination  of 
Csesar,  says  :  "  The  Roman  nation  had  grown  as  the  oak 
grows,  self-developed  in  severe  morality,  each  citizen  a 
law  to  himself,  and  therefore  capable  of  political  freedom 
in  an  unexampled  degree." 

Of  the  people  of  the  United  States  this  may  be  said 
to-day.  The  stability  of  the  republic  is  not  dependent  on 
any  man.  Our  American  system  is  capable  of  unlimited 
expansion.  The  Constitution  is  the  stronghold  of  the 
government  and  the  bulwark  of  personal  liberty.  Our 
federal  government  has  survived  the  greatest  civil  war  the 
world  ever  saw. 

After  an  extended  observation  of  political  affairs  at 
home  and  abroad,  my  confidence  in  our  government,  its 
living,  free  spirit,  its  ever-springing  vigor,  its  power  to 
protect  the  rights  of  its  people  at  home  and  to  repel  in- 
vasion from  foreign  enemies,  and  in  its  destiny  as  the 
greatest  republic  upon  which  the  sun  ever  shone,  is 
greater  than  it  ever  was. 

Our  language,  our  religion,  our  laws,  our  civilization 
will  be  carried  by  our  people  over  the  whole  continent. 

The  Union  is  secure  ;  the  Constitution  is  supreme. 

Our  country  exhibits  to-day  the  happiest  picture  of 
wide  national  tranquillity  and  prosperity  to  be  seen  under 
the  whole  heavens. 

409 


4io 


POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 


The  strong  men  of  the  nation  who  some  years  since 
stood  in  the  serried  ranks  of  war,  confronting  each  other 
and  contending  for  the  mastery,  are  now  co-operating  for 
the  advancement  of  the  prosperity  of  the  whole  country* 
and  the  glory  of  the  republic. 

A  living,  patriotic  sentiment  animates  the  people  of 
every  section.  We  feel  that  this  country  is  our  country  ; 
that  the  government  is  our  government ;  that  its  flag  is 
our  flag,  wherever  it  floats  in  all  the  world  ;  that  we  are 
Americans. 


APPENDIX. 


MR.  FORD  TO  EARL  GRANVILLE  (RECEIVED  DECEMBER  6th): 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  November  8,  1880. 
My  Lord  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  to  your  Lordship 
translations  of  a  correspondence  which  has  lately  taken  place 
between  Senor  Nabuco,  Deputy  from  Pernambuco,  and  Mr. 
Hilliard,  the  United  States  Minister  at  this  court. 

Senor  Nabuco  is  a  thorough-going  abolitionist,  and  is  anx- 
ious if  possible,  to  hasten  the  advent  of  the  day  when  slavery 
in  Brazil  will  be  finally  put  an  end  to. 

According  to  the  law  of  the  28th  September,  187 1,  it  was 
decreed  that  the  children  of  women  slaves  that  may  be  born 
in  the  empire  from  the  above  date  shall  be  considered  to  be 
free. 

Thus  forty  or  fifty  years  must  necessarily  elapse  before  sla- 
very can,  by  the  gradual  death  of  slaves  born  prior  to  the 
28th  September,  187 1,  and  by  the  number  of  those  annually 
emancipated,  be  said  to  be  extinguished  in  the  Empire  of 
Brazil. 

Senor  Nabuco  is  not  contented  with  this  state  of  affairs,  and 
is  desirous  of  seeing  a  more  immediate  term  fixed  for  the  total 
abolition  of  slavery  in  this  country. 

However  praiseworthy  are  Senor  Nabuco's  efforts  in  the 
anti-slavery  cause,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  any  legis- 
lative action  he  may  take  in  the  matter  will  prove  successful, 
as  the  large  coffee  and  sugar  planters,  who  are  strongly  repre- 
sented in  the  Brazilian  Chambers,  would  use  their  best  endeav- 
ors to  thwart  his  schemes. 

411 


412  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

The  publicity  given  in  the  local  newspapers  to  Mr.  Hilliard's 
letter,  which  has  been  translated  into  Portuguese,  has  called 
forth  some  hostile  criticism,  and  Mr.  Hilliard  is  accused  by 
some  of  having  overstepped  the  bounds  of  diplomatic  decorum 
in  thus  publicly  mixing  himself  up  in  a  question  which,  it  is 
asserted,  can  only  be  considered  as  one  of  purely  local  im- 
portance. I  have,  etc. 

(Signed)  Francis  Clare  Ford. 

P.  S. — I  inclose  copy  of  the  manifesto  of  the  Brazilian  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  referred  to  in  Sefior  Nabuco's  letter. 

F.  C.  F. 


EXTRACT  FROM  THE  Rio  NeWS  OF  NOVEMBER  5,   1880. 

Emancipation. — The  following  is  the  full  text  of  the  cor- 
respondence between  Deputy  Joaquim  Nabuco,  President  of 
the  Brazilian  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  Honorable  Henry  W. 
Hilliard,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  this  court,  relative  to  the  results  of  emancipation  in  the 
United  States  : 

MR.    NABUCO    TO    MR.   HILLIARD. 

(Translation.)  Sociedade  Brazileira  contra  a  Escravidao, 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  October  19,  1880. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Hilliard  : 

I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  to  your  Excellency  some  copies 
of  the  English  translation  of  the  manifesto  of  this  society, 
and  asking  your  enlightened  opinion  upon  the  results  which 
the  immediate  and  total  substitution  of  slave  labor  by  free 
labor  has  produced,  and  still  promises  to  produce,  in  the 
Southern  States  of  the  Union. 

No  one  is  better  qualified  than  your  Excellency  to  speak — 
possessing  as  you  do,  not  only  the  experience  of  a  statesman 
who  has  played  an  important  part  in  the  events  which  resulted 
in  emancipation  in  those  States,  but  also  a  thorough  acquaint- 
ance with  their  social  and  economic  conditions — no  one,  I 
repeat,  is  better  qualified  than  your  Excellency  to  speak  of  the 


APPENDIX.  413 

great  revolution  wrought  in  agricultural  labor  by  the  instan- 
taneous liberation  of  the  negro  race. 

The  relations  of  the  freedmen  with  their  former  masters,  their 
aptitude  for  free  labor,the  condition  of  agriculture  under  the  reg- 
imen of  hired  labor,  the  general  progress  of  the  country  since 
that  inevitable  crisis,  are  highly  interesting  subjects  of  study 
for  us  who  will,  like  the  planters  of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi,  be 
obliged  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  very  same  elements  inherited 
from  slavery,  and  of  the  voluntary  labor  of  the  same  race  con- 
demned by  it  to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  after  the  late  harvests,  regarding 
the  wisdom  of  emancipation  as  an  economic  measure  for  the 
reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States.  Even  Mr.  Jefferson 
Davis  has  just  acknowledged  that  the  heritage  of  slave-holders 
has  considerably  augmented  in  the  hands  of  free  laborers,  and 
that  from  this  standpoint,  abolition  has  been  a  great  benefit  to 
that  section  of  territory  where  it  threatened  to  become  a  catas- 
trophe and  permanent  ruin.  Unfortunately,  however,  it  is 
impossible  to  convince  the  planters  that  their  true  friends  are 
those  who  desire  to  give  them  a  permanent,  firm,  and  pro- 
gressive base  instead  of  this  provisional  one  called  slavery. 
The  truth,  when  it  appears,  may  come  too  late  to  prevent 
the  ruin  of  the  parties  interested,  and,  as  the  sun,  it  may  come 
only  to  illumine  the  wreck  after  the  tempest.  It  is  our  duty, 
however,  to  enlighten  the  opinion  of  the  agriculturists  them- 
selves, by  the  experience  of  free  labor  in  other  countries,  and 
to  demonstrate  to  the  country  that  only  with  emancipation 
can  it  trust  its  future  to  agriculture. 

Your  Excellency  had  a  place  in  Congress  by  the  side  of  Daniel 
Webster  and  Henry  Clay  ;  you  belonged  to  the  Whig  party  from 
which  sprung  the  Republican  party  with  its  free-soil  pro- 
gramme. Your  experience  covers  a  long  period,  and  your  word 
is  above  suspicion.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I  ask  your  full 
judgment  upon  the  effect  which  the  transformation  of  labor 
has  had  and  will  have  on  the  wealth,  well-being,  and  the  fu- 
ture of  the  social  community  to  which  your  Excellency  be- 
longs. Certain  as  I  am  that  your  opinion  will  have  weight 
with  all  minds  who   see  in  emancipation  the   only  problem 


414  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

worthy  of  arresting  the  attention  of  statesmen  in  countries 
which  in  this  century  are  still  under  the  opprobrium  of  pos- 
sessing slaves,  I  thank  you  in  anticipation  for  your  reply  as  a 
service  rendered  to  a  million  and  a  half  of  human  beings 
whose  liberty  is  solely  dependent  upon  their  masters  becoming 
convinced  that  free  labor  is  infinitely  superior  in  every  respect 
to  forced  and  unremunerated  labor. 

With  the  assurance,  my  dear  Mr.  Hilliard,  of  my  high 
esteem,  I  have,  etc. 

(Signed)  Joaquim  Nabuco. 

Hon.  Henry  W.  Hilliard. 

MR.    HILLIARD    TO    MR.    NABUCO. 

Legation  of  the  United  States,  Rio  de  Janeiro, 
October  25,  1880. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Nabuco  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter 
calling  my  attention  to  the  manifesto  of  the  Brazilian  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  a  copy  of  which  you  have  been  good  enough 
to  forward  to  me,  and  requesting  me  to  give  my  views  of  the 
results  of  the  emancipation  of  the  colored  race  in  the  Southern 
States  of  the  Union. 

While  I  am  not  disposed  to  obtrude  my  opinions  of  any  of 
the  institutions  of  Brazil,  I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  withhold 
the  information  that  you  desire,  the  request  for  the  expression 
of  my  views  coming  from  a  source  entitled  to  high  considera- 
tion, and  the  question  involved  being  so  large  as  to  transcend 
the  boundaries  of  any  country,  appealing,  as  it  does  to  the 
civilization  of  our  century,  and  touching  the  widest  circle  of 
humanity.  I  recall  the  sentiment  of  a  classical  poet,  expressed 
in  one  of  his  plays  : 

"  I  am  a  man, 
And  I  cannot  be  indifferent  to  anything 
That  affects  humanity." 

When  that  line  was  uttered  in  a  Roman  theatre,  filled  with 
people  accustomed  to  witness  the  fierce  sports  of  the  Coliseum, 


APPENDIX.  415 

it  was  received  with  thunders  of  applause.  Such  a  sentiment 
can  never  lose  its  force  with  the  advanced  civilization  of  the 
world. 

Slavery  in  the  United  States  is  to  be  distinguished  from 
that  which  existed  in  other  countries  growing  out  of  the  patri- 
archal authority,  or  resulting  from  capture  in  war,  or  punish- 
ment for  crime.  It  was  part  of  a  commercial  system  that  did 
not  content  itself  with  ordinary  objects  of  trade,  but  took  hold 
of  the  African  race  as  offering  a  tempting  reward  for  enter- 
prise, and  promising  a  speedy  return  for  the  outlay  of  capital 
— at  once  atrocious,  reckless,  and  selfish.  For  two  centuries 
this  inhuman  trade  was  carried  on,  without  remonstrance  or 
even  criticism.  The  American  continent  offered  the  best 
market  in  the  world  for  the  sale  of  slaves.  Slavery  was 
planted  on  the  soil  of  the  English  colonies,  stretching  from 
New  England  to  Georgia.  When  the  colonies  threw  off  their 
allegiance  to  England  they  were  independent  of  each  other, 
but  they  made  common  cause,  and  at  the  close  of  the  war 
they  became  free  and  independent  States.  When  it  became 
necessary  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  the  several  States 
met  in  convention,  General  Washington  presiding,  and  they 
established  a  national  government.  The  Constitution  con- 
ferred upon  this  government  great  powers,  powers  supreme 
and  sovereign.  But  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States, 
were  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  or  to  the  people.  The 
national  government  had  no  jurisdiction  over  the  domestic 
institutions  of  the  States.  Slavery  was  left  under  the  absolute 
control  of  each  State  where  it  existed.  It  was  the  object  of 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  to  leave  slavery  in  the  States 
where  it  existed,  without  adding  any  sanction  to  it,  to  be  dis- 
posed of  by  each  State  without  reference  to  the  others. 

In  the  course  of  time  a  strong  hostility  to  slavery  began  to 
exhibit  itself  in  some  of  the  communities  of  the  North.  At- 
tempts were  made  to  determine  the  territorial  bounds  to  which 
slavery  should  be  confined  within  the  United  States,  and  into 
this  discussion  the  distribution  of  power  and  sectional  aggran- 
dizement largely  entered.     Upon  the  application  of  Missouri 


416  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

— a  new  State  in  which  slavery  existed,  organized  out  of  a  ter- 
ritory belonging  to  the  United  States — for  admission  to  the 
Union,  a  fierce  contest  ensued  which  was  happily  compro- 
mised by  the  fixing  of  the  line  of  360  30',  and  the  territory 
north  as  free  territory.  The  tranquillity  of  the  Union  was  un- 
disturbed for  some  years,  but  upon  the  acquisition  of  new 
territory  at  the  close  of  the  war  with  Mexico  the  formidable 
question  of  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  it  was  revived.  A 
powerful  free-soil  party  was  organized — a  party  that  disclaimed 
any  purpose  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  but  which 
demanded  its  exclusion  from  all  the  territory  lying  outside  the 
limits  of  any  particular  State.  This  party  attracted  to  its 
ranks  some  of  the  ablest  statesmen,  who  had,  up  to  this  crisis, 
ranged  themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  Whig  and  Demo- 
cratic parties.  In  i860  the  last  great  political  battle  was 
fought  in  which  the  old  parties  appeared  in  the  field.  The 
free-soil  party  triumphed.  It  bore  its  chosen  leader,  Mr. 
Lincoln,  into  the  presidency. 

Many  of  the  leading  men  of  the  South  insisted  that  the 
institutions  of  that  section  had  been  brought  under  the  ban  of 
the  national  government,  that  the  Southern  States  could  no 
longer  look  to  it  for  protection,  that  the  objects  for  which  the 
Union  was  formed  were  disregarded,  and  that  the  time  had 
come  for  seceding  from  it  as  a  peaceful  solution  of  a  contest 
hopeless  of  adjustment.  A  large  body  of  Southern  statesmen 
dissented  from  that  view.  I  was  one  of  the  number  who 
believed  that  all  the  great  interests  of  the  South  were  far 
safer  within  the  Union  than  they  could  be  outside  of  it.  I 
had  some  time  before  said  in  my  place  in  Congress  that  the 
whole  civilized  world  was  against  slavery,  that  it  was  protected 
only  by  the  bulwark  of  the  Union,  and  that  we  could  already 
feel  the  spray  of  the  billows  that  dashed  against  that  barrier. 
But  the  hour  had  struck  ;  the  crisis  had  arrived  ;  revolution 
was  inevitable. 

The  great  civil  war  that  ensued  shook  the  Union  to  its 
foundations  ;  but  it  stood,  for  it  was  founded  upon  a  rock.  It 
is  too  early  to  write  the  history  of  that  great  struggle,  a  drama 
in  which  many  who  bore  a  part  are  still  living.     The  national 


APPENDIX.  417 

government  triumphed,  and  slavery  was  immediately  abolished 
throughout  the  United  States.  But  it  should  be  distinctly 
understood  that  war  was  not  made  on  the  part  of  the  North  to 
abolish  slavery,  nor  on  the  part  of  the  South  to  perpetuate  it. 
It  is  impossible  to  comprehend  the  real  significance  of  the 
question  as  to  the  results  of  emancipation,  and  the  condition 
of  the  colored  people  in  the  South,  without  glancing  at  this 
historical  review  of  the  causes  that  produced  a  change  unpar- 
alleled in  the  annals  of  the  world,  in  the  domestic  and 
economic  condition  of  a  great  section  of  the  Union.  These 
causes  did  not  immediately  cease  to  act  after  the  convulsion 
had  ended.  Long  after  the  storm  has  swept  the  ocean,  its 
billows  dash  against  the  shore,  and  the  ships  that  spread  their 
sails  upon  its  heaving  bosom  are  driven  far  out  of  their  course. 
Unhappily,  the  great  quarrel  originated  in  the  relations  of  the 
Southern  States  to  the  Union,  became  a  sectional  issue,  and  it 
continued  to  influence  the  status  of  the  colored  race  after 
emancipation  had  been  accomplished.  Political  considera- 
tions continued  to  influence  the  settlement  of  a  great  social 
and  economic  question.  In  the  language  of  Lord  Bacon, 
"  it  was  impossible  to  look  at  it  in  a  dry  light." 

It  was  supposed,  when  the  war  was  ended,  that  the  freed- 
men  of  the  South  could  not  be  entrusted  to  the  control  of 
their  late  masters.  Measures  were  adopted  for  their  protec- 
tion. Not  only  were  they  admitted  to  equality  under  the  laws, 
but  political  privileges  were  immediately  conferred  upon  them. 
At  the  same  time,  the  leading  statesmen  of  the  South  were 
placed  under  disabilities.  The  anomalous  spectacle  was  pre- 
sented of  colored  freedmen  suddenly  elevated  to  office,  while 
white  men,  long  accustomed  to  rule,  were  excluded  from 
posts  of  honor  and  trust.  Not  merely  were  the  slaves  eman- 
cipated, but  they  were  permitted  to  dominate. 

Numbers  of  adventurers  from  other  States  found  their 
way  to  the  South  who  sought  for  their  own  advantage  to 
control  the  freedmen,  and,  utterly  without  principle,  they 
encouraged  distrust  and  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  colored 
people  toward  their  former  masters.  Of  course,  under  these 
influences,  it  was  some  time  before  the  freedmen  adjusted 


41 8  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

themselves  to  their  new  conditions.  Many  wandered  from 
the  plantations  where  they  had  been  accustomed  to  work,  and 
sought  employment  in  the  cities,  leading  a  migratory  and 
unprofitable  life. 

But  it  must  be  said,  in  justice  to  the  colored  people,  that 
never  in  the  history  of  the  world  has  a  class,  held  in  bondage 
and  suddenly  delivered  from  it,  behaved  so  well.  During  the 
war  the  slaves  were  exemplary  in  their  subordinate  position  ; 
no  attempt  at  revolt  was  made,  and  in  many  instances  they 
protected  the  families  of  their  masters,  who  were  in  the  army, 
to  repel  an  invasion  which  it  was  declared  would  liberate 
them.  So,  too,  since  the  war  there  has  been  less  insubordina- 
tion, less  violation  of  law,  less  disregard  of  the  proprieties  of 
life  on  the  part  of  the  colored  people  of  the  South  than  was 
ever  known  in  the  history  of  any  emancipated  race.  And 
this  people  were  not  a  feeble,  degenerate,  scattered  tribe,  but 
actually  number  5,000,000,  contributing  to-day  an  element  of 
strength  in  the  Southern  States. 

Never  in  the  progress  of  human  society  have  the  two 
systems  of  labor — slave  and  free — had  so  fair  a  trial  of  their 
respective  advantages  as  in  the  Southern  States  of  the  Union. 
I  have  observed  the  results  of  both  systems.  A  native  of  the 
South,  brought  up  and  educated  there,  a  slave-holder,  repre- 
senting for  a  number  of  years  in  Congress  one  of  the  largest 
and  wealthiest  planting  districts  and  a  section  where  slave 
labor  was  exclusively  employed,  I  observed  the  working  of 
that  system,  conducted  as  it  was  with  every  advantage  of  soil, 
climate,  humane  and  intelligent  oversight ;  and  I  am  acquainted 
with  the  condition  of  that  splendid  extensive  agricultural 
region  to-day. 

"  It  was  really  believed  throughout  the  South  that  emanci- 
pation would  result  in  the  utter  ruin  of  the  planting  States  ;  it 
was  insisted  that  slave  labor  was  essential  to  the  production 
of  crops  ;  that  the  cultivation  of  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice 
required  regular,  constant,  reliable  labor  ;  that  if  neglected 
at  certain  seasons  all  the  results  of  previous  toil  would  be 
lost ;  that  the  planter  must  have  such  absolute  control  over 
the  laborers  as  to  be  able  to  compel  them  to  perform  their 


APPENDIX.  419 

tasks  ;  that  it  was  impracticable  to  secure  the  industry  requi- 
site for  success  with  free  labor — contracts  would  be  disre- 
garded, disputes  would  spring  up,  and  at  critical  times  work 
would  be  abandoned,  bringing  irreparable  disaster.  It  was 
said  that  white  men  could  not  endure  steady  labor  in  climates 
where  these  profitable  crops  were  made,  and  that  the  African 
race  could  alone  be  relied  on  to  perform  the  agricultural 
work  in  the  great  fields  of  the  South.  The  negro,  if  freed, 
would  not  work.  He  was  naturally  indolent,  thriftless,  im- 
provident, and  utterly  unreliable,  unless  driven  by  the  lash  of 
a  taskmaster. 

Some  persons,  too,  who  seemed  to  be  deeply  concerned 
for  the  well-being  of  society  and  the  interests  of  civilization, 
professed  to  fear  that  the  setting  free  of  such  a  class  would 
disturb  the  order  of  communities,  sensitive  to  any  extension  of 
privileges  to  the  African  race. 

But,  in  the  order  of  Providence,  all  these  clouds  that  threw 
their  portentous  shadows  across  the  heaven  of  the  future  have 
disappeared.  Galileo  was  right  when  he  said,  "  The  world 
moves."  Never  were  the  States  of  the  South  so  prosperous  as 
they  are  to-day.  Never  were  the  relations  between  the  white 
and  colored  races  so  good  as  they  are  under  the  new  con- 
ditions of  life  in  the  South. 

President  Hayes,  whose  administration  has  contributed  so 
largely  to  the  advancement  of  the  prosperity  of  the  country 
in  all  its  varied  interests,  said,  in  a  recent  speech  in  describing 
the  condition  of  public  feeling  in  the  Southern  States  :  "  Ma- 
terial prosperity  is  increasing  there ;  race  prejudices  and 
antagonisms  have  diminished  ;  the  passions  and  the  animosi- 
ties of  the  war  are  subsiding,  and  the  ancient  harmony,  and 
concord,  and  patriotic  national  sentiments  are  returning." 

The  negroes  labor  well,  patiently,  and  faithfully,  not  only 
in  the  cities  but  on  the  plantations.  They  are  more  intelligent 
and  trustworthy  than  before  emancipation,  and  whether  en- 
gaged by  contract,  or  working  for  shares  of  the  crop,  the 
results  are  far  more  satisfactory  than  under  the  old  system  of 
compulsory  labor.  They  are  cheerful  and  thrifty,  and  sup- 
ply the  best  labor   for   the  wide  agricultural  region  of  the 


420  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

Southern  States  that  could  be  secured.  The  largest  cotton 
crop  ever  made  in  the  South,  estimated  at  6,000,000  bales, 
has  been  produced  this  year  chiefly  by  the  labor  of  freedmen. 

The  freedmen  lay  up  something  for  themselves,  and  con- 
stitute an  important  element  in  the  increasing  wealth  of  the 
South.  In  one  single  Southern  State  this  property  is  estimated 
to  be  worth  several  millions  of  dollars.  They  have  advanced 
in  intelligence,  and  are  regarded  as  valuable  citizens  of  the 
commonwealths  where  they  formerly  labored  as  slaves.  In 
Atlanta,  the  capital  of  the  great  State  of  Georgia,  there  is  a 
prosperous  university  for  colored  students.  Some  of  the  most 
efficient  and  conservative  teachers  in  the  State  were  educated 
there.  Its  students  number  240,  representing  ten  different 
States,  and  forty-seven  counties  in  Georgia.  The  trustees 
hold  sixty  acres  of  valuable  land  adjoining  the  college  edi- 
fices, a  splendid  endowment,  and  besides  other  revenues,  re- 
ceive 8,000  dollars  per  annum  from  the  State.  The  library 
already  comprises  4,000  volumes.  The  spectacle  presented 
by  the  Southern  States  to-day  is  one  of  peaceful,  cheerful, 
prosperous  labor  ;  the  slave-driver  has  disappeared,  the 
sounds  that  break  the  stillness  of  plantation  life  are  the  voices 
of  a  willing  people  engaged  in  work,  which,  while  it  enriches 
the  planter,  adds  to  the  well-being  of  the  sons  of  toil. 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  the  system  of  slave  labor  in  the 
Southern  States  of  the  Union  was  the  most  humane  ever  con- 
ducted in  any  part  of  the  world.  The  planters,  as  a  class, 
were  men  of  a  superior  order,  and  they  gave  personal  attention 
to  the  plantations.  There  were  certainly  occasional  abuses 
even  under  that  generally  mild  administration.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  provide  against  abuses  under  a  system  of  absolute 
slavery.  Where  one  human  being  has  the  power  to  control  the 
labor  of  another,  to  assign  his  tasks,  to  order  what  his  food 
and  clothing  shall  be,  to  consign  him  to  hard  work  in  the  most 
insalubrious  spots,  to  take  the  products  of  his  hands,  to  lay 
the  lash  on  his  back,  to  sell  him  away  from  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, to  whip  wife  and  child  before  his  eyes,  to  become  destiny 
for  him,  shutting  out  from  him  capriciously  the  light  of  heaven 
and  the  sweet  pure  air,  it  must  be  expected  that  the  better  qual- 


APPENDIX.  421 

ities  of  human  nature  will  at  times  be  less  powerful  in  dealing 
with  the  victims  of  such  a  code  than  the  coarser  and  meaner 
lusts  which  have  wrought  so  much  wretchedness  in  the  world. 
If  Dante  could  have  witnessed  some  of  the  scenes  in  these  abject 
abodes  of  human  misery,  he  might  have  deepened  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  horrors  in  the  "  Inferno." 

Fortunately  for  us  in  the  United  States,  even  the  humane 
system  of  slavery  which  prevailed  there  has  passed  away  for 
ever.  The  shadow  upon  the  dial  of  human  conscience  must 
go  back  many  degrees  before  any  considerable  number  of  men 
in  the  Southern  States  of  the  Union  would  consent  to  see 
slavery  restored.  To-day,  not  a  slave  treads  the  soil  of  free- 
dom, from  the  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Mexican  sea, 
from  the  shore  of  the  Atlantic,  where  the  rising  sun  greets  the 
flag  of  the  Republic,  to  the  distant  coast  of  the  Pacific,  where 
his  setting  beams  kindle  upon  its  folds. 

It  is  now  clearly  understood  that  slave  labor  is  the  dear- 
est in  the  world.  The  money  invested  in  the  purchase  of 
slaves,  the  expenses  incurred  in  maintaining  them,  the  charges 
incident  to  keeping  them  in  health  and  comfort,  the  duty  of 
providing  for  the  infirm  and  the  aged,  require  a  large  amount 
of  capital,  from  which  free  labor  is  exempt. 

But  there  are  higher  considerations  than  these  :  the  re- 
sponsibility, the  deep  abiding  sense  of  conscientious  duty,  the 
obligation  to  acquit  one's  self  well  of  the  great  task  of  compel- 
ling labor  and  of  grasping  all  its  fruits,  the  accountability  for 
the  well-being  of  dependent  creatures — all  this,  viewed  in  the 
light  that  reveals  all  human  affairs,  must  throw  an  ominous 
shadow  over  the  places  where  the  slave  abides,  and  sighs,  and 
toils  in  hopeless  captivity. 

Since  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States  of  the 
Union,  a  movement  in  favor  of  immigration  from  other  States, 
and  from  abroad,  has  been  developed  in  the  most  satisfactory 
way.  Heretofore,  while  the  fertile  lands  and  fine  climate  of 
those  States  invited  settlers,  they  did  not  come,  but  made  their 
homes  in  the  West,  contributing  to  build  up  great  States,  and 
covering  the  country  to  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
with  abounding  crops,  adding,  above  all,  to  the  material  wealth 


422  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

of  those  commonwealths,  the  priceless  treasure  of  an  abiding, 
growing,  prosperous,  and  happy  people. 

Now  I  observe  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  that  an  Eng- 
lish colony  of  the  best  class  is  about  to  be  planted  in  East 
Tennessee,  one  of  the  most  inviting  parts  of  the  Southern 
country.  It  is  under  the  guidance  of  Mr.  Thomas  Hughes, 
M.  P.,  an  eminent  scholar  and  statesman,  who  has  displayed 
admirable  judgment  in  selecting  lands  for  the  new  colony.  It 
is  the  first  token  of  a  happy  future  for  the  States  so  long  want- 
ing such  settlers.  Such  a  colony  would  not  have  been  founded 
in  Tennessee  if  slavery  still  existed  there. 

Emancipation  in  the  Southern  States  was  tried  by  every 
disadvantage  to  which  it  could  be  subjected  ;  it  was  sudden, 
violent,  and  universal.  The  passage  of  the  Red  Sea  seemed  to 
be  full  of  peril,  but  the  enfranchised  hosts  passed  over  dry- 
shod,  and  the  captivity  was  ended.  It  seemed  to  be  better 
that  this  great  transformation  should  be  gradual,  that  both  the 
white  and  colored  races  might  prepare  for  the  structural  change 
in  their  relations  to  each  other.  I  thought  that  this  would  re- 
quire several  years.  Emancipation  was  not  only  immediate  and 
universal,  accomplished  between  the  rising  and  the  going  down 
of  the  sun,  but  it  was  without  compensation.  Such  a  revolution 
in  human  society  had  never  before  occurred  since  men  first 
began  to  gather  into  communities  on  the  plains  of  the  East. 

Many  Southern  families  were  utterly  impoverished.  A 
new  and  terrible  appeal  was  made  to  the  noble  qualities  of 
Southern  men,  but  they  bore  it  well,  heroically,  grandly.  And 
now  that  it  is  all  over  we  would  not  recall  the  past.  We  do 
not  speak  of  destiny  ;  we  submit  to  Providence.  The  mighty 
change  that  has  taken  place  in  our  fortunes  awakens  in  us 
neither  regrets  nor  reproaches.  We  have  turned  our  backs  on 
the  past ;  we  look  with  courage  to  the  future.  The  effect 
upon  the  white  race  at  the  South  is  infinitely  better.  Our 
young  men  respond  to  the  appeal  to  their  manhood  ;  they 
address  themselves  to  the  tasks  of  life  with  energy  and  pur- 
pose. They  have  caught  the  spirit  of  our  great  poet  Longfel- 
low's line — 

44  Life  is  real,  life  is  earnest." 


APPENDIX.  423 

So,  too,  this  deliverance  from  bondage  is  better  for  the 
colored  race  ;  they  enjoy  at  once,  without  a  lingering  captivity, 
the  priceless  treasure  of  freedom. 

I  have  read  the  manifesto  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  with 
profound  interest.  The  cause  is  set  forth  with  great  ability,  and 
the  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  enslaved  race  is  most  impressive. 

It  seems  that  slavery  in  Brazil  is  already  under  the  ban  of 
the  imperial  government.  The  law  of  the  28th  September, 
1 87 1,  adopted  under  the  lead  of  your  great  and  honored  states- 
man, Visconde  do  Rio  Branco,  providing  that  after  its  pro- 
mulgation no  child  should  be  born  a  slave  in  Brazil,  announced 
that  this  great  empire  had  ranged  itself  with  all  the  civilized 
world  in  condemnation  of  human  servitude.  The  only  question 
now  is  whether  the  million  and  a  half  of  slaves  in  the  country 
shall  be  still  held  in  bondage,  or  be  brought  within  the  sweep 
of  the  beneficent  spirit  which  prompted  the  grand  act  of  the 
imperial  government  in  behalf  of  human  freedom. 

Brazil  is  a  great  country,  vast  in  extent,  with  a  mild  climate 
and  fertile  soil,  yielding  freely  coffee,  sugar,  tobacco,  and  cot- 
ton, besides  other  agricultural  products,  rich  with  tropical 
fruits,  abounding  in  valuable  metals  and  precious  stones,  with 
the  sea-coast  4,000  miles  in  extent.  Such  a  country  invites 
agricultural  colonization.  It  need  not  distrust  i^s  future.  It 
need  not  hesitate  to  commit  itself  to  the  policy  adopted  in  the 
United  States.  With  the  extinction  of  slavery  free  labor  will 
develop  its  immeasurable  resources.  The  freedmen,  already 
accustomed  to  its  climate  and  its  methods  of  industry,  will 
supply  the  immediate  demands  for  labor  on  the  plantation. 
Gradually  relieved  from  bondage,  they  will  perform  their  tasks 
cheerfully,  and  ceasing  to  be  a  dependent  class,  not  assimilat- 
ing with  the  other  inhabitants,  but  lingering  in  hopeless  cap- 
tivity, they  will  at  once  contribute  to  the  wealth  and  strength  of 
the  country.  Guided,  trained,  enlightened  by  the  civilization 
that  surrounds  them,  they  will  take  part  cheerfully  in  the 
industrial  pursuits  of  the  country — a  country  destined  to  be 
one  of  the  greatest  and  happiest  on  the  globe. 

As  to  the  time  to  be  fixed  for  the  full  enfranchisement  of 
the  enslaved  race,  it  is  well  to  consult  the  experience  of  other 


424  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

countries  in  dealing  with  this  important  question.  The  minis- 
try in  England  took  up  the  subject  as  early  as  1832  ;  they 
proposed  to  inquire  : 

First.  Whether  the  slaves,  if  emancipated,  would  maintain 
themselves,  be  industrious,  and  disposed  to  acquire  property  by 
labor  ? 

Second.  Whether  the  dangers  of  convulsions  would  be 
greater  from  freedom  withheld  than  from  freedom  granted  ? 

But  before  the  report  was  made  Parliament  adopted  an 
emancipation  plan,  and  fixed  upon  a  measure  of  apprentice- 
ship of  the  slaves  of  four  and  six  years,  and  voted  moderate 
compensation. 

The  French  government  under  Louis  Philippe  fixed  ten 
years  as  the  term,  and  added  compensation  ;  but  the  revolu- 
tion came,  and  Lamartine  at  once  signed  a  paper  that  set  free 
the  slaves  in  the  colonial  possessions  of  France. 

Seven  years  might  be  fixed  as  the  term  in  Brazil  for  holding 
the  African  race  still  in  bondage.  It  would  seem  to  be  espe- 
cially appropriate,  in  selecting  the  period  for  the  termination  of 
slavery  in  the  empire,  to  fix  upon  the  28th  of  September,  1887, 
the  anniversary  of  the  great  measure  which  provided  that  after 
its  promulgation  no  child  born  in  Brazil  should  be  a  slave. 

But  the  imperial  government  will  treat  this  question  under 
the  lights  that  surround  it  and  in  reference  to  considerations 
which  affect  its  own  welfare.  It  is  well  constituted  to  guide 
the  fortunes  of  this  great  country.  Its  history  inspires  confi- 
dence throughout  the  world, — its  stability  in  the  midst  of  con- 
vulsions that  shook  other  states,  its  ruler  displaying  the  great 
qualities  of  a  man  and  a  statesman,  its  Senate  composed  of 
wise,  able,  and  experienced  statesmen,  profoundly  versed  in 
political  science,  its  Chamber  of  Deputies  constituted  of  enlight- 
ened gentlemen  representing  all  parts  of  the  empire  with 
dignity  and  ability. 

When  the  great  measure  of  enfranchisement  shall  be 
matured  and  promulgated  it  will  be  hailed  with  the  benedic- 
tions of  mankind.  May  the  day  soon  dawn.  It  will  not  only 
illumine  the  empire  but  will  cheer  with  its  light  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  civilized  world. 


APPENDIX.  425 

In  the  letter  which  you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  address 
to  me,  you  refer  to  Mr.  Webster  and  to  Mr.  Clay  as  leaders  of 
the  Whig  party  in  the  United  States,  and  to  my  association 
with  them  in  Congress.  I  knew  them  well,  and,  though  a  much 
younger  man,  I  enjoyed  an  intimate  friendship  with  Mr.  Webster. 

Mr.  Clay  was  a  splendid  impersonation  of  an  American 
statesman — bold,  frank,  and  ardent.  He  was  distinguished  for 
his  oratory,  powerful  in  the  Senate,  resistless  on  the  hustings. 
He  was  a  Southern  man,  a  native  of  Virginia,  and  a  citizen  of 
Kentucky,  to  which  State  he  removed  in  his  youth,  and  was 
its  representative  in  Congress  for  many  years.  He  favored 
emancipation  in  his  own  State,  but  did  not  identify  himself 
with  the  abolitionists  of  his  day,  feeling  bound  to  respect  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution  which  gave  Congress  no  jurisdic- 
tion, leaving  it  to  be  disposed  of  in  the  States  where  it  existed. 

Mr.  Webster  was  a  native  of  New  Hampshire,  but  in  his 
early  manhood  fixed  his  residence  in  Massachusetts.  He  did 
not  commit  himself  to  the  measures  of  the  anti-slavery  party, 
being  restrained  by  his  respect  for  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  He  won  for  himself  the  proud  distinction  of 
being  called  "  Defender  of  the  Constitution."  No  man  sur- 
passed Mr.  Webster  in  the  qualities  that  constitute  a  states- 
man ;  his  imperial  intellect,  his  large  attainments,  the  tone  of 
his  character,  the  Olympian  power  and  splendor  of  his  elo- 
quence, his  personal  appearance,  the  dignity  of  his  manner, — 
all  gave  him  an  unrivalled  grandeur  in  the  midst  of  his  peers. 
He  filled  so  great  a  place  in  the  country  that  his  death  was  like 
the  fall  of  a  castle  from  whose  battlements  banners  had  waved 
and  from  whose  embrasures  artillery  had  thundered. 

Both  these  great  statesmen  died  before  the  crisis  came 
that  tried  the  strength  of  American  institutions.  If  they  had 
lived  they  might  have  averted  civil  war. 

They  were  both  leaders  of  the  Whig  party — a  great,  power- 
ful, patriotic  party  embracing  the  whole  country,  and  disdain- 
ing to  bend  to  sectional  influences.  So  long  as  it  existed  it 
was  the  great  conservative  power  in  the  nation,  protecting  all 
its  interests  and  shedding  a  splendor  over  the  whole  country. 
I  shared  its  fortunes  throughout  the  whole  term  of  its  exist- 


426  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

ence.  It  gave  way  before  the  fierce  sectional  struggle  that 
produced  the  war,  but  its  surviving  members  still  cling  to  its 
traditions  and  glory  in  its  memories. 

I  need  not  assure  you  that  you  have  my  best  wishes  for 
your  success  as  a  statesman.  You  may  not  at  once  secure  the 
accomplishment  of  your  wishes,  but  you  may  live  to  witness 
the  complete  triumph  of  the  measures  which  you  believe  will 
promote  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  your  country.  Few  men 
are  so  fortunate  as  to  live  long  enough  to  reap  the  fruition  of 
their  labors — labors  faithfully  performed  for  the  advancement 
of  their  race.  Every  great  political  career  has  its  vicissitudes, 
its  lights  and  shade  ;  the  very  energy  that  impels  one  to  scale 
mountain  heights  may  occasion  a  fall,  but  a  true  man  will  rise 
again  to  take  part  in  the  noble  struggle  of  the  forum. 

Among  the  really  great  and  fortunate  men  of  our  time  Mr. 
Gladstone  seems  to  enjoy  the  felicitous  attainment  of  states- 
manship described  in  Gray's  fine  lines  : 

' '  The  applause  of  listening  Senates  to  command, 
The  threats  of  pain  and  ruin  to  despise, 
To  scatter  plenty  o'er  a  smiling  land, 
And  read  his  history  in  a  nation's  eyes." 

May  it  be  your  good  fortune  to  serve  your  country  well,  and 
to  be  appreciated  for  your  honorable  labors.  The  noble  cause 
to  which  you  have  consecrated  your  abilities,  the  courage  with 
which  you  have  advanced  upon  your  course,  and  the  manli- 
ness with  which  you  express  your  convictions,  entitle  you 
to  the  highest  respect  and  consideration.  The  true  object  of 
honorable  ambition  is  not  success,  but,  as  Lord  Mansfield 
expresses  it,  "the  pursuit  of  noble  ends  by  noble  means." 
We  must  put  forth  our  best  efforts  for  the  accomplishment  of 
honorable  and  great  tasks,  but,  after  all,  we  must  leave  the 
result  to  the  supreme  ordering  of  Divine  Providence. 

I  tender  you  assurances  of  my  high  regard,  and  I  beg  you  to 
believe  me, 

My  dear  Mr.  Nabuco,  Your's  etc., 
(Signed)  Henry  Washington  Hilliard. 

Hon.  Joaquim  Nabuco. 


APPENDIX.  427 

MR.   FORD  TO  EARL  GRANVILLE   (RECEIVED  DECEMBER  3IST). 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  December  i,  1880. 

My  Lord  : 

With  reference  to  my  despatch  transmitting  a  copy  of  a 
letter  which  had  been  addressed  by  Mr.  Hilliard,  the  United 
States  Minister  at  this  Court,  to  Senhor  Joaquim  Nabuco, 
Deputy  from  Pernambuco,  on  the  subject  of  a  speedier  solu- 
tion of  the  slavery  question  than  the  one  contemplated  by  the 
existing  law  of  the  28th  of  September,  187 1,  I  have  the  honor 
to  transmit  herewith  to  your  Lordship  copy  of  a  speech  deliv- 
ered by  the  United  States  Minister  at  a  banquet  which  was 
given  to  him  by  a  number  of  Brazilian  abolitionists  on  the 
20th  of  last  month. 

The  conduct  of  the  United  States  Minister,  as  I  have  men- 
tioned to  your  Lordship  in  my  former  despatch,  has  been 
subjected  to  considerable  criticism,  and  has  formed  of  late  the 
subject  of  debates  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where 
speeches  have  been  made  maintaining  that  a  foreign  Repre- 
sentative infringes  his  official  character  and  oversteps  his 
privileges  when  he  assumes  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  the 
discussion  of  questions  which  are  of  purely  domestic  policy  of 
the  country  to  which  he  is  accredited. 

One  member  in  particular,  M.  Belfort  Duarte,  the  Deputy 
from  Maranhao,  addressed  in  the  House  a  categorical  list  of 
questions  on  the  subject  to  M.  Sariava,  the  Brazilian  Prime 
Minister  and  President  of  the  Council. 

M.  Sariava  replied  to  him  in  as  categorical  a  manner,  as  your 
Lordship  will  perceive  from  the  enclosed  copy  and  translation 
of  the  minister's  speech. 

It  is  my  impression  that  this  diplomatic  incident  may  now 
be  considered  as  terminated,  and  that  no  more  will  be  heard 
of  the  matter. 

I  have,  etc., 

(Signed)  Francis  Clare  Ford. 


428  POLITICS  AND   PEN  PICTURES. 

NEWSPAPER    EXTRACT. 

Banquet  to  Mr.  Hilliard. — A  banquet  was  given  on  the 
evening  of  the  20th  instant  to  Honorable  Henry  W.  Hilliard, 
American  Minister  to  Brazil,  by  the  Brazilian  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  as  a  token  of  appreciation  for  the  service  rendered  to 
the  cause  of  human  freedom  in  his  late  resumk  of  the  results  of 
emancipation  in  the  United  States.  There  was  a  large  num- 
ber of  prominent  abolitionists  present,  among  whom  were 
Deputies  Nabnco,  Saldana  Marinho,  Serra,  Moura,  and  Sodre, 
Dr.  Adolpho  Debarros,  Dr.  Nicolao  Moreira,  Dr.  Ferreira  de 
Menezea,  of  the  Gazeta  da  Tarde,  and  many  others  whose 
names  our  space  will  not  permit  us  to  give.  The  banquet 
was  a  very  brilliant  affair  throughout,  and  among  the  large 
number  of  anti-slavery  speeches  made  were  many  which  were 
eloquent  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  abolition,  and  which  should 
find  a  permanent  place  in  the  records  of  this  movement.  Our 
time  and  space  will  not  permit  us  to  give  even  an  abstract  of 
these  speeches  ;  we  are  able  to  reproduce  no  more  than  Mr. 
Hilliard's  reply  to  an  eloquent  introduction  and  defence  of 
his  recent  letter  on  American  emancipation,  by  the  President 
of  the  Society,  Deputy  Joaquim  Nabuco. 

mr.  hilliard's  speech. 

Gentlemen  : 

In  rising  to  make  my  acknowledgments  for  the  very  kind 
words  which  we  have  just  heard  from  my  honorable  and  elo- 
quent friend,  M.  Nabuco,  I  must  at  the  same  time  beg  you  to 
accept  my  warmest  thanks  in  providing  this  splendid  banquet 
as  a  mark  of  your  appreciation  of  the  sentiments  expressed 
in  my  late  letter  in  regard  to  emancipation  in  the  United 
States. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  on  this  occasion  to  do  more  than  to 
speak  in  general  terms  of  the  immeasurable  advantages  of  free 
labor  over  a  system  of  compulsory  and  unremunerative  labor. 
It  is  a  great  social  and  economic  question  about  which  my  own 
judgment  is  made  up  and  settled.  The  experience  of  all  na- 
tions teaches  us  that  no  country  can  enjoy  the  highest  prosperity 


APPENDIX.  429 

and  happiness  attainable  where  slavery  exists.  But  I  shall  not 
enter  into  an  argument  in  support  of  that  proposition  on  an 
occasion  like  this. 

Allow  me  to  say  I  cannot  feel  that  I  am  a  stranger  in  Brazil. 
Long  before  I  stood  upon  its  soil  and  looked  out  upon  its 
beautiful  scenery  (far  the  most  beautiful  I  have  anywhere 
seen)  I  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the  country.  Coming  from  my 
own  country  to  this,  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  United  States  and 
Brazil  were  bound  to  each  other  by  strong  ties  ;  that  we  were 
merely  neighboring  nations  dividing  between  us  so  large  a  part 
of  the  American  continent,  and  having  great  interests  in  com- 
mon which  we  should  develop  for  ourselves  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  without  being  disturbed  by  the  struggles  of  the  states 
of  Europe.  Your  country,  like  mine,  had  thrown  off  its  alle- 
giance to  a  foreign  power,  and  asserted  and  maintained  its 
right  to  be  free  and  independent. 

More  than  this,  in  both  countries  a  great  system  of  constitu- 
tional government  had  been  established.  We  have  a  day 
which,  with  every  recurring  anniversary,  calls  forth  new  attesta- 
tions of  popular  rejoicing — the  4th  of  July  ;  and  you  have 
yours — the  7th  of  September. 

So,  too,  not  a  great  while  after  our  independence  was  accom- 
plished, we  framed  a  Constitution  and  established  a  national 
government,  under  which  we  have  advanced  to  the  highest 
prosperity.  You,  at  an  early  day,  adopted  your  constitution, 
under  which  you  have  made  steady  progress  as  a  nation.  One 
of  the  noblest  monuments  in  the  world  adorns  a  beautiful 
square  in  your  city  in  commemoration  of  the  date  of  your  con- 
stitution. In  both  countries  there  are  great  free  governments, 
and  both  are  advancing  side  by  side  to  a  prosperous,  happy, 
and  glorious  future. 

In  my  country  we  feel  the  highest  respect  and  warmest 
regard  for  the  Emperor  of  Brazil.  When  he  came  to  us  as  a 
visitor  he  was  everywhere  welcomed  ;  he  travelled  extensively  ; 
he  saw  our  great  cities,  our  broad  plains,  our  growing  States 
spreading  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  And  we  observed 
him  ;  we  were  impressed  with  his  unostentatious  greatness,  the 
real  majesty  of  the  man,  and  the  true  dignity  of  the  sovereign. 


430  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

When  he  took  leave  of  our  shores  he  left  behind  him  countless 
numbers  of  friends,  and  we  should  be  happy  to  welcome  him 
once  more. 

In  the  views  which  I  expressed  in  my  letter  as  to  the  results 
of  the  enfranchisement  of  the  colored  race  in  the  United 
States,  I  limited  myself  to  a  statement  of  the  happy  transforma- 
tion in  the  condition  of  the  people  in  the  great  agricultural 
region  where  slavery  formerly  existed,  tested  by  an  experience 
of  fifteen  years.  As  a  man  and  an  American  I  rejoice  that 
slavery  no  longer  exists  in  the  United  States.  I  confess  that  I 
should  be  glad  to  see  it  pass  away  from  the  whole  world. 

There  are,  gentlemen,  certain  great  underlying  principles 
which  it  seems  to  me  impossible  to  disregard.  You  might  as 
well  try  to  disregard  the  laws  of  nature.  And  in  applying 
these  great  principles  we  are  apt  to  be  misled  if  we  yield  too 
much  to  expediency. 

Really  there  are  some  questions  affecting  human  society  to 
which  you  cannot  apply  considerations  of  expediency.  The 
grand  power  of  right  asserts  itself  like  one  of  the  forces  of 
nature.  It  disdains  to  yield  to  policy,  and  sweeps  aside  the 
obstacles  that  would  impede  the  advance  of  civilization. 

The  mariner  who  would  guide  his  vessel  across  the  ocean 
does  not  lean  over  its  side  to  observe  the  drift  of  the  currents  ; 
they  would  bear  him  far  out  of  his  course.  Nor  can  he  always 
see  the  stars  in  the  heavens  ;  clouds  may  overcast  the  sky. 
But  in  the  midst  of  darkness  and  tempest  and  the  war  of  the 
waves,  he  fixes  his  eye  on  the  compass  that  tells  him  his  true 
course  ;  the  needle  that  trembles  on  its  pivot,  true  to  the  power 
that  attracts  it,  enables  him  to  find  his  way  in  the  pathless  sea 
and  reach  the  haven  of  safety.  So  in  great  questions  affecting 
the  destiny  of  the  human  race  :  to  refuse  to  act  because  some 
inconvenience  might  result  to  us  from  our  course,  to  look  at  the 
currents  that  drive  us  out  of  the  true  course,  to  refuse  to  look 
at  the  clear,  unswerving  line  of  principle,  is  to  commit  a  stu- 
pendous blunder  in  advance.  The  great  moral  laws  of  the 
universe  always  avenge  themselves  in  such  cases. 

I  would  not  be  understood  to  say  that  the  conditions  which 
affect  the  status  of  slavery  in  any  country  are  to  be  overlooked 


APPENDIX.  431 

or  disregarded.  Far  from  it.  They  are  to  be  carefully  con- 
sidered. To  accomplish  in  the  best  way  and  at  the  proper  time 
any  great  work,  we  must  study  the  proper  methods  to  effect 
our  purpose.  But  to  refuse  to  listen  to  the  teachings  of  history, 
to  decline  to  survey  the  situation,  to  sit  down  with  the  selfish 
purpose  to  take  no  step  for  the  advancement  of  the  happiness 
of  our  race  lest  we  should  suffer  by  the  change  in  the  social 
condition  of  those  about  us,  is  what  neither  the  philanthropist 
nor  the  statesman  can  approve. 

Such  a  course  makes  one  amenable  to  a  moral  law  too  power- 
ful to  be  resisted.  It  is  the  beautiful  expression  of  Hooker, 
that  "law  has  her  seat  in  the  bosom  of  God,  and  her  voice  is 
the  harmony  of  the  universe."  That  law  is  irresistible  in  its 
force  ;  there  can  be  no  harmony  in  the  universe  until  right 
prevails  everywhere. 

Look  to  history.  The  nations  in  their  march  have  shed  a 
broad  light  upon  the  track  of  human  progress.  The  mighty 
monarchies  of  the  East  have  perished.  The  proud  structures 
all  over  the  world,  that  dominated  over  human  right,  have  gone 
down.  Modern  nations  have  sprung  up  ;  the  principles  of 
liberty  have  asserted  their  force  ;  absolute  power  cannot  lift  its 
sceptre  in  the  light  of  the  closing  splendor  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  Public  opinion  to-day  governs  the  world  ;  it  is  im- 
possible to  resist  it ;  it  is  making  its  power  felt  in  all  nations  ; 
it  is  more  powerful  than  any  government  on  the  globe  :  its 
authority  surpasses  the  fabled  strength  of  Olympian  Jove.  It 
follows  the  sun  in  its  course,  and  visits  with  its  transforming 
power  all  places  under  the  whole  heavens.  It  will  accomplish 
the  enfranchisement  of  the  human  race. 

I  beg  that  it  may  be  understood  I  do  not  permit  myself  to 
speak  of  the  institutions  of  Brazil.  In  asserting  my  firm  belief 
in  great  principles,  I  limit  myself  to  a  general  statement.  The 
application  must  be  made  by  those  who  have  the  right  to 
control  the  destinies  of  this  great  country — a  country  full  of 
promise,  with  vast  resources,  and  which  will  yet  attain  the  high- 
est degree  of  national  prosperity  and  happiness.  The  time  for 
the  enfranchisement  of  the  million  and  a  half  of  slaves  in 
this  country  requires  much  and  careful  consideration.      The 


432  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

question  is  in  the  hands  of  wise  statesmen,  who  will  know  how 
to  treat  it  in  all  its  important  relations. 

As  I  have  said  already,  your  government  is  admirably  organ- 
ized to  dispose  of  all  questions  that  affect  the  well-being  of 
the  country.  The  Emperor  is  known  to  be  a  great  statesman, 
a  profound  student,  who  has  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  personal 
observation  of  a  large  part  of  the  world  ;  your  senators  are 
able  and  experienced  statesmen  ;  your  Chamber  of  Deputies  is 
composed  of  gentlemen  representing  all  parts  of  the  country 
with  dignity  and  ability,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  its  con- 
dition and  its  wants,  and  competent  to  dispose  of  all  the  ques- 
tions that  affect  its  interests.  You  have  a  free  and  enlightened 
press.  It  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  important  social  and 
economic  question,  to  which  I  have  referred,  will  be  disposed 
of  in  a  way  to  advance  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the 
country.  Such  a  cause  as  you  advocate,  gentlemen,  must 
always  encounter  opposition.  I  dare  say  your  great,  honored, 
and  lamented  statesman  Visconde  do  Rio  Branco,  who  has  just 
gone  down  to  a  grave  bedewed  with  the  tears  of  a  nation,  found 
it  no  easy  task  to  accomplish  a  statesman-like  plan,  providing 
by  law  that  after  its  promulgation  no  child  should  be  born  a 
slave  in  Brazil.     He  encountered  opposition,  but  he  triumphed. 

There  is  always  a  distrust  of  the  successful  working  of  any 
plan  which  proposes  to  effect  important  changes  in  the  economic 
and  social  affairs  of  any  country.  The  distrust  is  natural ;  it  is 
to  be  respected  ;  it  is  to  be  dealt  with  in  the  best  spirit.  But 
it  yields  to  the  irresistible  force  of  enlightened  public  sentiment. 

I  am  profoundly  grateful,  gentlemen,  for  this  mark  of  your 
appreciation  of  the  sentiments  expressed  in  my  recent  letter  ; 
the  opinions  given  with  frankness,  upon  a  great  question  affect- 
ing the  destiny  of  our  race  and  the  interests  of  civilization,  will 
stand  the  test  of  time  ;  and  I  feel  myself  honored  in  being 
able  to  contribute  anything  towards  the  advancement  of  a  cause 
which  proposes  to  accomplish  so  much  good  for  this  great  and 
interesting  country.  Of  course  I  could  not  intervene  in  the 
affairs  of  Brazil  if  I  desired  to  do  so  ;  I  entertain  no  such  pur- 
pose. I  state  the  results  of  my  observation  of  the  substitution 
of  free  for  slave  labor  in  my  own  country,  and  I  trust  to  a  gen- 


APPENDIX.  433 

erous  construction  of  the  spirit  in  which  I  have  treated  a  great 
question  which  enlists  the  sympathy  of  the  whole  civilized 
world.  I  shall  in  the  future  recur  to  this  occasion  with  an  in- 
terest which  time  cannot  chill,  and  cherish  a  pleasing  recollection 
of  one  of  the  brightest  evenings  of  my  life. 

Allow  me,  gentlemen,  to  propose  a  sentiment :  The  spirit  of 
liberty — it  cannot  be  subdued  ;  like  the  central  fires  of  the 
earth,  sooner  or  later,  it  will  upheave  everything  that  oppresses 
it  and  flame  up  to  heaven. 

EXTRACT    FROM    THE    Diario    Official   OF    NOVEMBER    27,    1880. 
[Translation.] 


SPEECH    DELIVERED   BY    M.    SARIAVA    ON    THE    25TH    NOVEMBER, 

1880. 

The  questions  refer  to  home  and  foreign  affairs.  I  will 
reply  to  all  those  which  concern  the  Chamber  of  Deputies. 

First  Question. 

Does  the  imperial  government  approve  in  general  of  the 
anti-slavery  propaganda,  and  especially  that  which  has  been 
held  in  public  meetings  by  means  of  political  banquets  and 
a  manifesto  issued  by  a  foreign  representative  ? 

Answer. 

Before  replying  to  that  question  it  is  necessary  to  rectify  a 
point.  There  has  been  no  manifesto  issued  by  a  foreign  repre- 
sentative relative  to  the  anti-slavery  propaganda,  but  only  the 
expression  of  the  personal  opinion  of  Mr.  Hilliard  on  the 
question  of  slavery  addressed  to  a  Brazilian  deputy.  Having 
made  this  correction,  I  reply  to  the  first  question  by  saying 
that  the  ministry  of  the  28th  March  has  already  explained 
pretty  clearly,  in  this  august  assembly,  its  entire  views  on  the 
question.  Resuming  all  I  have  said,  I  will  again  make  the 
following  declaration  :  The  members  of  the  ministry,  over 
whom  I  have  the  honor  of  presiding,  are  of  opinion  that  the 


434  POLITICS  AND  PEN  PICTURES. 

law  of  the  28th  September,  1871,  can  effect  a  complete  solu- 
tion of  the  question,  because  it  can  follow  the  gradual  and 
progressive  development  of  free  labor,  and  the  extinction  of 
slavery  in  a  greater  or  less  number  of  years,  without  disturb- 
ance of,  and  without  interruption  to,  the  great  progress  of  the 
nation.  In  spite,  however,  of  what  I  have  now  said,  the 
ministry  of  the  28th  March  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  their  duty 
to  respect,  as  they  have  respected,  all  the  opinions  which  are 
contrary  to  theirs  so  long  as  they  are  confined  to  legal  grounds. 

Second  Question. 

The  United  States  Minister — did  he  appear  at  the  anti-slav- 
ery political  banquet  held  on  the  20th  instant,  in  his  official 
or  semi-official  character,  directly  or  indirectly  with  the  acqui- 
escence of  the  imperial  government  ? 

Answer. 

I  reply,  No.  Mr.  Hilliard  appeared  at  the  banquet  in  his 
private  capacity.  What  he  said  in  his  letter  and  at  the 
banquet  can  only  be  regarded  as  the  expression  of  his  private 
opinion  without  any  official  character,  and,  being  subjected  to 
public  appreciation,  has  nothing  to  do  with  either  the  approval 
or  disapproval  of  the  imperial  government. 

Third  Question. 

In  case  of  disapproval  on  the  part  of  the  imperial  government 
of  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  representative,  what  steps  do 
they  propose  taking  ?  and,  moreover,  what  line  do  the  govern- 
ment propose  to  pursue  in  face  of  the  illegal  meetings  on  the 
question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  ? 

Answer. 

This  question  is  answered  by  my  reply  to  questions  Nos. 
one  and  two. 

Now  that  I  have  rendered  satisfaction  to  the  member  from 
Maranhao,  I  will  only  consider  one  topic  of  his  speech.  He 
need  be  under  no  apprehension  lest  the  representatives  of  for- 


APPENDIX. 


435 


eign  powers  should  meddle  in  our  affairs.  Should  such  a  con- 
tingency arise,  the  government  feels  assured  thai;  they  would 
meet  with  the  support  of  every  Brazilian  without  even  except- 
ing those  who  entertain  contrary  opinions  to  it  as  to  the  mode 
of  solving  the  question  of  slavery. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  Charles  Francis,  196,  197 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  127,  183  ;  cir- 
cumstance attending  the  death  of, 
183—5  ;  tributes  in  Congress  to, 
186-90 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  43 

Alabama,  State  Convention  at  Mont- 
gomery, 310  ;  secession  of,  311 

Albert  Edward  (Prince  Consort),  81 

American  Institute,  Mr.  Hilliard's 
speech  at  Castle  Garden,  New  York, 
in  behalf  of,  235-9 

American  Party,  the,  organization  of, 
268  ;  National  Convention  at  Phila- 
delphia, 269 

American  Review,  biographical  notice 
of  Mr.  Hilliard  in,  210,  211 

Ampudia,  Gen.,  162 

Amsterdam,  97 

Anderson,  Major  Robert,  308,  314,  320 

Anti-slavery   agitation  in   the   North, 
/285 
vAnti-slavery     movement     in     Brazil, 
393-402  ;  Report  concerning,  as  pub- 
lished in  the  British  Parliamentary 
Blue-Book,  411-35 

Anti-Slavery  party,  Convention  in  Buf- 
falo, 196  ;  platform  of,  196 

Antwerp,  40 

Appleton,  Nathan,  200 

Appleton,  Thomas  G.,  201 


Appomattox,  surrender  of  Gen.  Lee's 

army  at,  340,  341 
Arkansas,  secession  of,  333 
Ashburton,  Lord,  28 
Assassination    of    President    Lincoln, 

343,  344 
Attempted  assassination  of  Mr.  Sew- 
ard, 349,  350 


B 


Badger,  George  E.,  213 

Baltimore,  Democratic  Convention  at, 
in  1848,  193  ;  in  1852,  259  ;  Whig 
National  Convention  at,  259,  269  ; 
adjourned  Democratic  National 
Convention  at,  in  i860,  288  ;  ad- 
journed meeting  of  Southern  dele- 
gates at,  in  i860,  289 ;  National 
Convention  of  the  Constitutional 
Union  Party  at,  289 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  the,  13 

Banquet  given  to  Mr.  Hilliard,  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  in  Rio,  398,  399 

Barbour,  James,  5 

Barnwell,  Mr.,  316 

Barrow,  Senator,  178,  180 

Bartow,  Col.  Francis  S.,  336 

Bayley,  Gen.,  178 

Beaconsfield,  the  Earl  of,  388,  389 

Beauregard,   General  G.    T.,   318-22, 

334 
Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  345 


437 


438 


INDEX. 


Bee,  General  Bernard,  336 

Belgium,  Mr.  Hilliard  appointed  Min- 
ister to,  26  ;  government  of,  53 

Bell,  John,  289 

Belser,  James  E.,  121 

Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  316 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  176,  177,  213 

Berrien,  John  McP.,  200,  213 

Bissel,  Col.,  168 

Black,  Jeremiah,  276 

Blaine,  James  G.,  407,  408 

Bliss,  Col.,  169 

Booth,  John  Wilkes,  343 

Botanical  Garden  Railroad  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  375 

Boundary  between  Texas  and  New 
Mexico,  passage  of  a  measure  de- 
fining same,  232 

Bowden,  200 

Bragg,  Capt.  (afterwards  Brig.-Gen.) 
Braxton,  167  seq. 

Brazil,  Mr.  Hilliard  appointed  Minis- 
ter to,  358  ;  the  imperial  family  of, 
367-9  ;  trade-mark  treaty  with, 
373-5  5  slavery  in,  393-402 

Breckenridge,  John  C,  269,  270,  289 

Breda,  93 

Briey,  Count  de,  interview  with,  82  ; 
views  concerning  annexation  of 
Texas,  83 

Broek,  98 

Brougham,  Lord,  37 

Brown,  A.  V.,  276 

Brussels,  41  ;  visit  of  Queen  Victoria 
to,  80 

Buchanan,  James,  269,  270,  275-7, 
313  ;  Cabinet  of,  275,  276 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of,  166  seq.  ;  Jack- 
son's report,  172  seq. ;  number  of 
troops  engaged  in,  173 

Buffalo,  Convention  of  Anti-Slavery 
Party  in,  196 

Bulwer,  Lady,  246 

Bulwer-Lytton,  Sir  Edward  Robert, 
246 


Bulwer,  Sir  Henry  Lytton,  174,  246 
Bunker  Hill,  meeting  at,  20 
Butler,  Gen.  William  O.,  194,  197 


Calhoun,  John  C,  3,  17,  18,  ill, 
176,  198-200,  212,  220-6,  255 

California,  President  Taylor  recom- 
mends its  admission  as  a  State,  215 

Cass,  Gen.  Lewis,  194,  197,  213,  275, 
314 

Castle  Garden,  Mr.  Hilliard's  speech 
at,  in  behalf  of  the  American  Insti- 
tute, 235-9 

Cathedral  of  St.  Gudule,  78 

Chapman,  Gov.,  271 

Charleston,  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention at,  385-8  ;  adjourns  to 
meet  in  Baltimore,  287 

Charleston  harbor,  President  Bu- 
chanan refuses  to  withdraw  garrison 
from,  314 

Charlotte,  Princess,  47. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  213,  218,  352 

Chicago,  Republican  National  Con- 
vention at,  290 

Choate,  Rufus,  152 

Cincinnati,  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention at,  269. 

Clay,  Henry  3,  12,  no,  116,  120, 
195,  213,  216,  261 ;  Mr.  Hilliard's 
eulogy  of,  at  Montgomery,  261, 
262 

Clay,  Lieut. -Col.  Henry,  172 

Clayton,  John  M.,  206 

Clemens,  Senator,  272 

Cobb,  Howell,  129,  214,  276  314,  315 

Cochran,  John,  122-5,  25° 

Collamer,  Jacob,  130 

Cologne,  85 

Commercial  convention  at  Montgom- 
ery, 255-8 

Confederate  government,  organization 
of,  315 


INDEX. 


439 


/ 


Confederate  States,  342 
Congress,  sovereign  power  of,  over  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  270 

Constitutional  Union  Party,  the,  or- 
ganization of,  28g  ;  National  Con- 
vention of,  at  Baltimore,  289 
onstitution,  the,  Mr.  Hilliard's  argu- 
ment from,  in  support  of  slavery  in 
the  territories,  299 

Convention,  see  under  Baltimore,  Buf- 
falo, Charleston,  Chicago,  Cincin- 
nati, Georgia,  Harrisburg,  Mont- 
gomery, and  Philadelphia. 

Cooper  Union,  New  York,  mass-meet- 
ing at,  292-4  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's  speech 
at,  294-302 

Corcoran,  W.  W.,  247 

Currency  and  government,  13 

Cushing,  Caleb,  285 


D 


Dallas,  George  M.,  120,  126,  182 

Dangerfield,  Mr.,  Minister  of  the  Re- 
public of  Texas,  91  ;  seeks  recog- 
nition from  Belgium,  92 

Davis,  Garrett,  178 

Davis,  J.  C.  Bancroft,  357 

Davis,  Jefferson,  132,  148,  167,  171, 
174,  182,  315-9,  325-31,  340  ; 
Cabinet  of,  316  ;  first  message  of, 
33i,  332 

Davis,  Penelope,  2 

Dayton,  William  L.,  270 

Democratic  National  Convention  in 
Baltimore,  in  1848,  193  ;  in  1852, 
259;  at  Cincinnati,  269;  at  Charleston 
in  i860,  285-8;  secession  of  Southern 
delegates  from,  287;  adjourned  meet- 
ing of,  at  Baltimore,  288  ;  adjourned 
meeting  of  Southern  delegates  to, 
289 

Donelson,  Andrew  J.,  269 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  129,  182,  266, 
288 


Dromgoole,  George  C,  128 
Durand,  Mme.  Marie,  376,  377 


S 


Emancipation  of  slaves  in  Brazil, 
movement  in  behalf  of,  393-402  ; 
Mr.  Hilliard's  efforts  in  behalf  of, 
Report  concerning  as  published  in 
the  British  Parliamentary  Blue-Book, 
4Ji-35  J  394  seq. ;  extract  from 
newspaper  account  of  the  banquet 
to  Mr.  Hilliard,  428  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's 
speech  in  behalf  of,  428-33 

Emancipation  proclamation,  the,  336-  \ 
40  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's  views  upon,  i 
352-5 

Evarts,  William  M.,  357,  374 

Everett,  Edward,  33,  289,  302-4 

Ewing,  Thomas,  207 

Extradition  of  fugitive  slaves,  the,  dis- 
satisfaction in  the  North  at  the 
adoption  of  the  law  concerning, 
246  ;  Whig  Convention  at  Baltimore 
in  1852  affirms  acts  concerning,  260 


Farrar,  Cannon  Frederick  W.,  407 

Fillmore,  Millard,  195,  197,  206,  212, 
229,  230,  269,  270,  273,  275 

Fitzpatrick,  Benjamin,  200,  288 

Florida,  secession  of,  308 

Floyd,  John  B.,  276,  314 

"  Force-Bill,"  the,  18 

Ford,  Francis  H.,  380;  letter  of,  to 
Earl  Granville,  transmitting  corre-  / 
spondence  concerning  the  abolition  v 
of  slavery  in  Brazil,  41 1-7  ;  letter 
of,  to  Earl  Granville,  transmitting  a 
copy  of  Mr.  Hilliard's  speech  at  the 
banquet  given  to  him  by  the  Brazil- 
ian Anti-Slavery  Society,  427 

Fort  Pickens,  312 

Fort  Sumter,  308,  312,  320  ;  fleet  sent 
to  relief  of,  318  ;  surrender  of,  321 


440 


INDEX. 


Free-Soil  Party,  191,  192,  267 
Fremont,  Gen.  John  C,  270,  275 
Fugitive  slaves,  dissatisfaction  in  the 
North  concerning  the  law  for  the 
extradition  of,  244  ;  acts  relating  to 
affirmed  by  the  Whig  Convention  at 
Baltimore  in  1852,  260  ;  rescue  of, 
in  Boston,  245 


Gambetta,  Leon  M.,  391 
Garfield,  Gen.  James  A.,  403,  405 
Georgia,  State  Convention  at  Milledge- 

ville,  311  ;  secession  of,  312 
Gillett,  Francis,  370 
Government  and  currency,  13 
Graham,  William,  260 
Grant,  Gen.  U.  S.,  341,  389-90 
Greeley,  Horace,  1,  337 
Greenough,  C.  B.,  375,  376 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  peace  negotiated 

at,  176 
Guizot,  Francois  P.  G.,  70,  103 

H 

Haarlem,  96 

Hague,  The,  94 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  290 

Hardin,  Col.  John  J.,  170,  172,  174 

Harrisburg,  Pa. ,  National  Whig  Con- 
vention at,  i-ii 

Harris,  Hon.  Mr.,  of  Alabama,  200 

Harris,  Isham  G.,  326 

Harrison,  Gen.  William  Henry,  1,    7 
seq.,  15,  23,  24  ;  Cabinet  of,  23 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  356 

Heidelberg,  88 

Henry,  Joseph,  151 

Hill,  Benjamin  H.,  274,  311 

Hillard,  George  S.,  303 
»  Hilliard,  Camillus  B.,  334 

*  Hilliard,  Henry  W.,  appointed  dele- 
gate to  Whig  National  Convention 
at   Harrisburg,    1  ;    votes    for   Mr. 


Clay,  7  ;  votes  for  Mr.  Tyler,  8  ; 
pledges  support  of  Alabama  for  Gen. 
Harrison  and  Mr.  Tyler,  11  ;  de- 
clines the  mission  to  Portugal,  25  ; 
appointed  Minister  to  Belgium,  26  ; 
audience  with  King  Leopold,  73  ; 
successfully  opposes  the  increased 
duty  on  tobacco  proposed  by  Bel- 
gium, 109  ;  resigns  mission  to  Bel- 
gium and  returns  to  America,  114; 
enthusiastic  reception  at  Montgom- 
ery, Ala.,  118  ;  nominated  for  Con- 
gress, 121  ;  public  debate  with  Mr. 
Cochran,  12 1-4  ;  defeats  Mr.  Coch- 
ran, 125  ;  speech  on  the  Oregon 
question,  136-143 ;  re-elected  to 
Congress,  181  ;  tribute  to  Mr. 
Adams,  187-90  ;  speech  in  support 
of  Gen.  Taylor,  192-3  ;  appointed 
delegate  to  Whig  Convention  at 
Philadelphia,  195  ;  renominated  for 
Congress  207  ;  defeats  Mr.  Pugh, 
209  ;  biographical  notice  in  the 
American  Review,  210  ;  speech  at 
Castle  Garden,  New  York,  in  behalf 
of  the  American  Institute,  235-9  ; 
views  on  slavery,  247,  24S;  declines 
a  renomination  for  Congress,  249  ; 
debates  with  Mr.  Yancey  at  Union 
Springs,  Chattahoochee,  Montgom- 
ery, and  elsewhere,  251-8  ;  eulogy 
of  Mr.  Clay,  251,  252  ;  eulogy  of  Mr. 
Webster,  263-6  ;  debate  with  Gen. 
Walker,  273  ;  commencement  ad- 
dress at  the  University  of  Virginia, 
278-81  ;  speech  at  Cooper  Union, 
New  York,  304,  305;  speech  at  Mont- 
gomery against  hasty  action  in  regard 
to  secession  309,  310  ;  mission  to 
Tennessee  in  behalf  of  the  Confed- 
eracy, 325-9  ;  address  to  the  Ten- 
nessee legislature,  327,  328  ;  letter  of 
Mr.  Seward  to,  in  regard  to  recon- 
struction, 348;  letter  of  Chief-Justice 
Chase  to,  353-5  ;  appointed  Minister 


INDEX. 


441 


to  Brazil,  358  ;  address  to  the  Em- 
peror of  Brazil,  365-7  ;  negotiates 
trade-mark  treaty  with  Brazil, 
373-5  5  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  Brazil,  394-402  ; 
banquet  given  to,  by  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  in  Rio,  398,  399  ;  ex- 
tract from  a  newspaper  account  of 
banquet  to,  42S  ;  full  text  of  speech 
at  banquet,  428-33 

Hilliard,  Henry  W.,  Jr.,  227,  228 

Hilliard,  "William  Preston,  242 

Holland,  Breda,  93  ;  Rotterdam,  94  ; 
The  Hague,  94  ;  Scheveningen,  95  ; 
Leyden,  96  ;  Haarlem,  96  ;  Amster- 
dam, 97  ;  Broek,  98  ;  Utrecht,  99 

Holt,  Joseph,  314 

Hopkins,  Arthur  F.,  119 

Hotel  des  Invalides,  105 

Hotel  de  Ville,  55 

Houston,  Gen.   Sam.,  312 

Hughes,  Christopher,  Minister  to 
Holland,   95 

Humboldt,  Baron  von,  45 

Hunter,  Robert  M.  T.,  129,  182 

I 

Inauguration  of  President  Taylor,  206 
Ingersoll,   Charles  J.,    128,    153,  154, 

160,  161 
Ingersoll,  Joseph  R.,  130,  153 

J 

Jackson,  Gen.  Andrew,  16  seq. 
Jackson,  Gen.  "  Stonewall,"  336 
Johnson,  Andrew,  130,  346-52 
Johnson,  Herschel  V.,  288,  350 
Johnston,  Gen.  Albert  S.,  333 
Johnston,  Gen.  Joseph  E.,  334,  341, 
347 

K 

Kansas  and  Nebraska,  territories  of, 
passage  of  bill  permitting  slavery  in, 
267 


Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  the,  192 
King,  Horatio,  307 
King,  Thomas  B.,  128 
King,  William  R.,  213,  259 
Koskul,  Count,  369 


Lane,  Gen.  Joseph,  171,  289 

Lee,    Gen.     Robert    E.,     333,    340, 

341 
Legare,  Hugh  S.,  42,  203 
Leigh,  Benjamin  Watkins,  8 
Leopold,  King  of  Belgium,  47,  91 
Leyden,  96 

Lieutenant-General,  President  Polk 
recommends  appointment  of,  176  ; 
recommendation  defeated  in  Senate, 
176 
Lincoln,  Abraham,  182,  290,  305, 
316,  323,  324,  343-7  ;  effect  of  elec- 
tion of,  306  ;  inauguration  of,  316 
Lind,    Mile.    Jenny,     239-44  ;     Miss 

Frederika  Bremer's  tribute  to,  240 
"Log-Cabin"  campaign,   the,   14-22 
Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  201 
Louise,  Queen  of  Belgium,  48 
Louis  Philippe,  King  of  France,  68- 

70 
Luther's  speech  at  the  Diet  of  Worms, 

87 
Lyndhurst,  Lord,  35 


M 


McDowell,  General  Irvin,  334 
McKee,  Col.,  168,  170 
Madison,  Mrs.  James,  29 
Mallory,  Stephen  R.,  316 
Manassas,  battle  of,  334,  335 
Marshall,  Brig.-Gen.  Humphrey,  168, 

173 
Mason,  James  M.,  220 
Maxcy,  Virgil,  41 
Melodeon,  the,  (Mr.  Theodore  Parker's 

church)  service  at,  203,  204 


442 


INDEX, 


Memminger,  Charles  G.,  316 

Meredith,  William  M.,  206 

Mexico,    rupture    of    relations   with, 

145  ;  war  with,  146  seq.,  treaty  with, 

191  ;    cedes   Upper   California  and 

New  Mexico  to  the  United  States, 

191 
Militia,  the,  proclamation  calling  out, 

323 
Mississippi  Rifles  praised  for  gallantry 

at  Buena  Vista,  174 
Mississippi,  secession  of,  308 
Missouri  Compromise  Act,   192,  198, 

266,  267 
Missouri  compromise  line,  Pres.  Polk 

recommends    its    extension   to   the 

Pacific  Ocean,  198 
Monterey,  battle  of,  162 
Montgomery,  Alabama,    meeting  at, 

208  ;     commercial    convention    at, 

255-8  ;  State  convention  at,  310 
Moore,  Andrew  B.,  310  <7 

Moorehead,  Ex-Go  v.,  294 
Munroe,  Major,  174 


N 


^ 


Nabuco,  Joaquim,  381,  394,  395,  402  ; 

text  of  Mr.  Hilliard's  correspondence 

with,    relative    to    the     results    of 

emancipation  in  the  United  States, 

412-26 
Napoleon  I.,  406 
Nebraska  and  Kansas,  territories  of, 

passage  of  bill   permitting  slavery 

in,  267 
New  Mexico,  ceded  by  Mexico  to  the 

United    States,    191  ;    and   Texas, 

boundary  between,  defined,  232 
New  York,   mass-meeting  at  Cooper 

Union,  292-4  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's  speech 

at,  294-302 
Norris,  William,  93 
North  Carolina,  secession  of,  333 
Notre  Dame,  106 


O'Brien,  Capt.,  172 
Oregon,    dispute  with   Great   Britain 
concerning,  133  ;  debate  upon,  134 
Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  187 


Pacific  Ocean,  Pres.  Polk  recommends 
the  extension  of  the  Missouri  com- 
promise line  to,  198 
Palo  Alto,  battle  of,  147 
Paris,  66  seq.,  ioi>  359 
Parker,  Theodore,  203,  204 
Partridge,  Hon.  Mr.  (U.  S.  Minister 

to  Brazil),  360 
Payne  attempts    to    assassinate    Mr. 

Seward,  349,  350 
Pedro  I.,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  367,  368  ^ 
Pedro  II.,    Emperor  of  Brazil,    367, 

368,  393,  404 
Perkins,  Mrs.,  351 
Pernambuco,  361 
Perry,  Comm.  Matthew  C,  29 
"  Personal  liberty"  laws,  277 
Petropolis,  379,  380 
Philadelphia,    Whig    Convention    in, 
194 ;  National    Convention   of    the 
American  Party  at,  269  ;  Republi- 
can National  Convention  at,  270 
Pickens,  Francis  W.,  307,  308,  322 
Pierce,  Gen.  Franklin,  259,  266,  307 
Pillow,  Gen.  Gideon,  183 
Polk,  James  K.,   117,   132,   159,  182, 

198  ;  Cabinet  of,  126 
Polk,  Mrs.  James  K.,  328 
Prescott,  William  H.,  190,  201,  202 
Preston,   William    C,    2,    4,    12,   20, 

277,  282-4 
Pryor,  Gen.  Roger  A.,  255 
Pugh,  Senator,  of  Ohio,  285-7 


Randall,  Josiah,  195,  285 
Reagan,  John  H.,  316 


INDEX. 


443 


Reconstruction  measures,  347  ;  letter 
of  Mr.  Seward  to  Mr.  Hilliard  con- 
cerning, 348 

Republican  Party,  the,  organization 
of,  267  ;  National  Convention  of, 
at  Philadelphia,  270  ;  National 
Convention  of,  at  Chicago,  290 

Resaca  de  la  Palma,  148 

Resignation  of  President  Taylor's 
Cabinet,  230 

Rhine,  the,  85 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  362,  363  ;  freedom  of 
the  press  of,  382  ;  the  botanical 
Garden  Railroad,  375 

Rotterdam,  94 

Rumigny,  Marquis  de,  64 


St.  Gudule,  cathedral  of,  78 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  386 
San  Cristovao,  palace  of,  364 
Santa  Anna,  Gen.  Antonio  L.,  164 
Sariava,    President,   interpellation  of, 
399-401  ;  speech  of,  in  reply  to  in- 
terpellation, 433-5 
Scheveningen,  95 
Schreiner,  Baron,  381 
Scott,   Gen.    Winfield,    1,    7  seq,t  12, 
163,  175,  182,  183,  195,  233,  259-61, 
266 
Secession,  of  Southern  delegates  from 
Democratic  National  Convention  at 
Charleston,  287  ;  of  South  Carolina, 

307  ;  of  Mississippi,  308  ;  of  Florida, 

308  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's  speech  against 
hasty  action  in  regard  to  309,  310  ; 
of  Alabama,  311  ;  of  Georgia  312  ; 
of  North  Carolina,  323  ;  of  Virginia, 
323  ;  of  Tennessee,  329 

Seward,  William  H.,   214,    290,    318, 

347-50 
Seymour,  Sir  Hamilton,  65,  304 
Shannon,  Col.,  364,  377 
Sherman,  Capt.,  172,  174 


Sherman,  Gen.  William  T.,  341,  347 

Slave-holding  States,  meeting  of  Con- 
gressmen from,  198 

Slavery,  Gen.  Harrison  opposed  to, 
9  ;  Mr.  Calhoun's  resolution  deny- 
ing the  power  of  Congress  to  pro- 
hibit slavery  in  the  territories,  176  ; 
question  of  its  introduction  into 
California  and  New  Mexico,  191  ; 
interview  of  Mr.  Clay  with  Mr. 
Webster  in  regard  to,  218  ;  Mr. 
Clay's  plan  concerning,  219  ;  Mr. 
Calhoun's  speech  upon,  221  ;  Mr. 
Webster's  speech  upon,  224  ;  dis- 
cussion between  Messrs.  Webster  and 
Calhoun,  225,  226 ;  Mr.  Hilliard's 
views  upon,  248,  249  ;  action  of  the 
Democratic  National  Convention  at 
Charleston  in  regard  to,  287  ;  clause 
relating  to,  in  platform  adopted 
by  Southern  delegates  to  the  Charles- 
ton Democratic  Convention,  288  ; 
clause  relating  to,  in  platform  adopt- 
ed by  the  Republican  Party  in  i860, 
290,  291  ;  Mr.  Hilliard's  argument 
from  the  Constitution  in  support  of, 
299  ;  abolition  of,  336-40 ;  Mr. 
Hilliard's  views  upon  the  emancipa- 
tion proclamation  in  Brazil,  393-402 

Slaves,  fugitive,  dissatisfaction  in  the 
North  at  the  adoption  of  law  con- 
cerning extradition  of,  244  ;  rescue 
of,  in  Boston,  245 

Smithsonian  Institute,  organization  of, 
149 

Smithson,  James,  149 

Speed,  Joshua  F.,  339 

Speed,  Joshua  L.,  345,  349 

"Spirit  of  Liberty,"  the  (Mr.  Hil- 
liard's commencement  address  at 
the  University  of  Virginia),  278-82 

Spurgeon,  Rev.  Chas.  H.,  384-6 

Soule,  Senator,  214 

Soult,  Marshal  Nicholas  Jean  de  Dieu, 
104 


444 


INDEX. 


South  Carolina,  secession  of,  307 ; 
passage  of  bill  for  an  army  by,  307 

Southern  delegates,  withdrawal  of, 
from  Democratic  National  Conven- 
tion at  Charleston,  287  ;  slavery 
clause  in  platform  adopted  by,  288 

"  Southern-rights  men,"  258 

Southern  States,  measures  for  the  pro- 
tection of,  199  ;  Mr.  Hilliard  out- 
lines the  true  policy  of,  at  Mont- 
gomery, 256-8 

Sovereign  power  of  Congress  over  the 
territories  of  the  United  States,  270 

Stanley,  Dean  Arthur  P.,  407 

Star  of  the  West  (steamship)  fired 
upon  by  South  Carolina  troops,  314 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  118,  311, 
315,  323,  338,  349;  speech  of,  in 
opposition  to  secession,  311  ;  views 
of,  on  Confederate  constitution,  317 

Stuttgart,  360 


Tamagno,  M.,  377 

Tayloe,  Benjamin  O.,  247 

Taylor,  Gen.  Zachary,  146,  162  seq., 
182,  192,  195,  197,  205,  206,  215, 
229-31  ;  Cabinet  of,  206,  207  ; 
President  Fillmore's  message  to 
Congress  on  the  death  of,  230  ; 
funeral  of,  230 

Tennessee,  Mr.  Hilliard's  mission  to, 
on  behalf  of  the  Confederacy, 
325-9  ;  secession  of,  329 

Territories,  Calhoun's  resolution  de- 
nying the  power  of  Congress  to 
prohibit  slavery  in,  176  ;  Calhoun's 
speech  in  defence  of,  177 

Texas  and  New  Mexico,  boundary 
between,  defined,  232 

Texas,  Clay's  opposition  to  its  annexa- 
tion, 117 

Texas,  secession  of,  312 

Theresa,  Donna,  368 


Thomas,    Lieut,     (afterwards     Gen.) 

George  H.,  172 
Thompson,  Jacob,  276,  314 
Thompson,  Richard  W.,  357 
Thurman,  Allen  G.,  132 
Ticknor,  George,  202 
Toombs,  Robert,  131,  316 
Toucey,  Isaac,  276 
Trade-mark  treaty  with  Brazil,  373-5 
Trist,  Nicholas,  176 
Tuileries,  the,  66  ;  reception  at,  102 
Tuscaloosa,  Ala. ,  State  Convention  at, 

19 
Twiggs,  Gen.,  313 
Tyler,  John,  4,  17  seq.,  24,  115,  313 

U 

"  Union  men,"  258 

University  of  Virginia,  277  ;  Mr.  Hil- 
liard's commencement  address  at, 
278-82 

Upper  California  ceded  to  the  United 
States  by  Mexico,  191 

Utrecht,  99 


Van  Buren,  Martin,  13  seq.,  117,  196, 
197 

Vera  Cruz,  capture  of,  176 

Versailles,  106,  383,  384 

Victoria,  Queen,  visit  to  Brussels  of, 
80 

Virginia,  efforts  of  the  State  of,  to  re- 
store harmony  in  the  country,  313  ; 
secession  of,  323 

Virginia,  University  of,  Mr.  Hilliard's 
commencement  address  at,  278-82 


W 


Walker,  Gen.  L.  P.,  271,  272,  316,  319, 

322 
Washington,  Capt.,  168,   174 
Waterloo,  56  ;  battle  of,  57  seq. 


INDEX. 


445 


Watts,  Thomas  H.,  310 

Webster,  Daniel,  2,  14,  20  seq.,  no, 
194,  J95,  213,  217,  222,  226,  231- 
3,  262,  263  ;  debate  on  Charles  J. 
Ingersoll's  attack  on,  154  seq.;  Mr. 
Hilliard's  eulogy  of,  263-6 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  35 

Whig  National  Convention,  at  Harris- 
burg,  Pa.,  i-n  ;  at  Philadelphia, 
194  ;  at  Baltimore,  259,  260 

Wilmot,  David,  148,  9 


Winthrop,  Robert  C,   181,  214,   232, 

233 
Wood,  Fernando,  294 
Worms,    86  ;    diet   of,    86 ;    Luther's 

speech  at,  87 


Yancey,  William  U,  128,  194,   251-8, 

285,  286 
Yell,  Colonel,  168 


THE    END. 


MB^ ] 


YC  28058 


983956 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  UBRARY 


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